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April  31st. 

Uy  dear  Sir  : 

I  have  received  an  artist's 
proof  of  your  engraved  portrait  of  myself. 
I  consider  it  a  faithful  likeness  and  a  splen 
did  work  of  art; 

Yours  very  truly, 









JAMES  W.  BUEL,  PH.  D. 
JAMES  P.  BOYD,  A.  M.,  LL.  B. 






J.  W.  BUEL 

h  f5l 




HE  WORLD  SHOULD  KNOW  (Introduction) 29 


I.  As  WE  KNEW  HIM. — Mr.  McKinley  Was -One  of  Us — Love 
for  His  Wife  and  Mother— The  Old,  Old  Story— His 
Affection  for  Little  Children — Care  for  the  Old  Soldiers — 
His  High  Sense  of  Honor — Above  Envy — Making  Others' 
Wishes  His  Own — Cherished  No  111  Feelings — The  In 
carnation  of  Courtesy — A  High  Type  of  Courage — A 
Devout  Christian — Taking  His  Measure 81 

II.  A  GOOD  BEGINNING. — The  McKinleys— Well  Born— "A  Good 
Boy" — A  Playmate's  Testimony — Mother  McKinley — 
Humble  Circumstances — At  School 89 

III.  A  YOUTHFUL  SOLDIER. — How  He  Enlisted — A  Tribute  from 

His  Superior  Officer — A  Heroic  Deed — A  Fearful  Risk 
— A  Charmed  Life — Gallantry  and  Military  Skill — His 
Promotions  94 

IV.  CHOOSES  THE  LAW. — Studies  at  the  Albany  Law   School — 

Finds  a  Partner — A  Bow-Legged  Plaintiff — Elected 
Prosecuting  Attorney  99 

V.  CHOOSES  A  WIFE. — A   Real   Love   Story — Early   Sorrows — 

Death  of  Their  Children— Mrs.  McKinley 103 

VI.  CHOSEN  FOR  PUBLIC  SERVICE. — "A  Country  Politician" — 
One  of  His  Early  Efforts — "Introduced  into  Politics" — 
Elected  to  Congress — Elaine's  Impressions  of  the  Young 
Representative — At  the  Feet  of  "Pig-Iron"  Kelley — In 

Politics    to    Stay 106 




Parliamentary  Ability — True  to  His  Friends — Leadership 
in  the  Tariff  Debate — Scrupulous  Honor — A  Remarkable 
Speech — Waives  Aside  a  Presidential  Nomination  Which 
Might  Have  Been  His — A  National  Figure — The  Mc- 
Kinley  Tariff — His  Frankness — Defeated  for  Congress..  no 

VIII.  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO. — Nominated  by  Acclamation — A  Credit 
able  Record — His  Financial  Misfortune — Elected  to  a 
Second  Term 1 18 

IX.  As  A  CAMPAIGNER. — A  Remarkable  Campaign — Breaks  the 
Record — His  Powers  of  Endurance — Remembered  Faces 
Well — Always  Approachable — A  Man  of  the  People....  121 

X.  As  AX  ORATOR. — A  Happy  Faculty — Some  Noble  Sentiments 
— Not  a  Humorist  but  Fond  of  a  Joke — One  of  His  Own 
— A  Town  Without  a  Cuspidor — "Bossing  the  President" 
— His  Intense  Conviction 126 

XI.  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CAMPAIGN  OF  '96. — The  Logical  Candi 
date — The  Chicago  Convention — Mark  Hanna — Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley  at  Home  During  the  Convention — How  He  Re 
ceived  the  News  of  His  Nomination — William  J.  Bryan — 
A  Peculiar  Situation — Sixteen  to  One — Growth  of  Sound 
Money  Sentiment — A  Reluctant  Champion  of  Gold....  131 

XII.  PRESIDENT  OF  ALL  THE  PEOPLE. — In  Touch  with  the  Plain 
People — A  Faculty  for  Making  Friends — On  Good  Terms 
with  Both  Parties  in  Both  Houses — He  Loved  the 
Familiar  Greetings  of  the  Crowds — Enjoying  a  Mob — 
Selecting  His  Cabinet — In  the  Hands  of  the  Reporters — 
The  Dingley  Art— His  Methods  of  Work 137 

XIII.  THE    SPANISH    WAR    AND    AFTER. — Controversy    Over    the 

Treatment  of  Cuba  by  Spain — Disaster  to  the  "Maine"- 
Holding  out  Against  the  Inevitable — His  Message  on  the 
Cuban    Question — Grounds    of    Intervention — The    War 
and  Its  Results — Dewey's  Victory — The  Policy  of  Expan 
sion — Mr.  McKinley's  Review  of  the  War — The  Filipinos  144 

XIV.  A  SECOND  TERM. — Nominated  for  a  Second  Term  Without 

Opposition — Looking      Backward — Pledges      Kept — The 
Tariff — Our     Island     Possessions — Moving    in     Untried 



Paths — Foreign  Trade — Outlook  for  Reduction  of  Taxes 
— Extending  Foreign  Commerce — A  Maritime  Canal — 
Monopolies — Encouraging  Labor — Elected  by  the  Largest 
Popular  Vote  Ever  Given  to  a  Candidate 155 

XV.  His  GREATEST  SERVICE"  TO  THE  NATION. — His  Dearest  Wish 
—A  Union  in  Reality— The  Right  Man  at  the  Right  Mo 
ment — His  Commission  of  Peace — He  Knew  the  South — 
His  Recognition  of  Southern  Patriotism — The  Welding 
of  the  Nation  167 

XVI.  His  GUARDIAN  ANGEL. — The  Appeal  of  Frailty — His  Wife 
His  Inspiration — A  Beautiful  Tribute — Lovers  to  the  End 
— Mrs.  McKinley's  Most  Distinguishing  Traits — Her 
Love  for  Little  Children,  Flowers  and  Music — Feminine 
in  All  Her  Traits — Crocheting  Dainty  Little  Slippers  by 
the  Thousand — Her  Everyday  Life — A  New  Side  to  Her 
Character  173 

XVII.  MCKINLEY'S  HOME  LIFE. — The  Unpretentious  Cottage  in 
Canton — Humble  Beginning — He  Cherished  Her — Modest 
Social  Tastes — Mother  McKinley's  Faith  in  Her  Son 180 

XVIII.  His  LAST  SPEECH. — At  the  Buffalo  Exposition — Expositions 
Time-Keepers  of  Progress — A  Broad  and  Enlightened 
Policy — A  Mutual  Exchange  of  Commodities — The 
Pressing  Problem — Need  of  Direct  Commercial  Lines  to 
New  Fields — A  Tribute  to  Elaine — Immortal  Words...  185 

XIX.  THE  SHOT  THAT  SHOCKED  THE  WORLD. — Tour  Across  the 
Continent — Would  not  Accept  a  Nomination  for  a  Third 
Term  if  Tendered— President's  Day  at  the  Buffalo  Expo 
sition — The  Tragedy — A  Modern  Iscariot — A  Sublime 
Exhibition  of  Moral  Grandeur — A  Crazed  Multitude — 
The  Assassin— The  Wound— "Thy  Will  Be  Done"— A 
Terror-Stricken  People — How  the  News  Was  Received 
Throughout  the  World 189 

XX.  A  WORLD  IN  TEARS.— The  Rise  and  Fall  of  Hope— Apparent 
Improvement  Followed  by  Alarming  Signs — Growing 
Rapidly  Worse— "I  Want  to  See  the  Trees"— "Nearer, 
My  God,  to  Thee"— "It's  God's  Way;  His  Will  be  Done" 
— The  Nation  Mourns — England  Profoundly  Moved — 
Sorrow  on  the  Continent — Sorrow  Everywhere 197 



XXI.  THE  LAST  SAD  RITES. — Senator  Hanna's  Farewell — Lying 
in  State— The  Start  for  Washington— The  Last  Night 
in  the  White  House — The  State  Funeral — A  Touching 
Tribute — No  Stain  Upon  His  Escutcheon — A  Last  Look 
— The  Last  Journey — Sorrowing  Onlookers — Home 
Again — All  Canton  Grief-Stricken — Italian  Workmen 
Pray  for  the  Dead  President's  Soul — The  Last  Rest 201 

XXII.  A  MARVELOUS  TRIBUTE. — All  the  Great  Activities  of  Ameri 
can  Life  Cease  as  the  Casket  is  Placed  in  the  Vault — 
Services  in  Westminster  Abbey — Salutes  on  Distant  Seas  214 

XXIII.  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. — Mr.  Charles  M.  Pepper — Senator 

McLaurin — Congressman    Hall — A   Watchman's    Story — 

The  Boy  Reporter  of  the  New  York  World 219 

XXIV.  WHAT  THE  WORLD  THOUGHT  OF  HIM. — Estimates  by  Presi 

dent  Roosevelt,  President  Diaz,  Cardinal  Gibbons,  Grover 
Cleveland,  Andrew  Carnegie,  General  John  B.  Gordon, 
Attorney-General  Griggs;  Governors  Beckham,  Gcer, 
Candler,  Heard,  Toole,  Tyler,  Hunn,  Jordan,  Vorhees, 
Odell ;  D.  B.  Hill ;  Senators  Hoar,  Dolliver,  Clay,  Pettus, 
Cockrell,  Burrows,  Foraker,  Platt ;  Representatives 
Sulzer,  Sherry,  Champ  Clark;  Honorable  Hoke  Smith, 
John  Wanamaker,  Mayor  Mims,  Joseph  LI.  Manley, 
Judge  Emory  Spear,  H.  St.  George  Tucker,  Secretary 
John  D.  Long,  President  Venable 233 

XXV.  THE  NATIONAL  AFFLICTION,  by  Hon.  William  J.  Bryan. — An 
Attack  Upon  the  Whole  People— No  Man  Dicth  Unto 
Himself — Government  a  Necessity — Mr.  McKinley's 
Influence  as  a  Statesman — The  Best  Things  in  Life  Are 
Above  Politics  257 

XXVI.  THE      ASSASSIN.— Czolgosz's      Confession— The      Trial— A 

Memorable  Speech — Conviction — Sentenced  to  Death.  ..  .  261 

XXVII.  LESSONS  OF  THE  TRAGEDY,  by  David  Starr  Jordan,  President 

Leland  Stanford,  Jr.,  University 267 

XXVIII.  THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  LINCOLN. — Danger  Days  for  the  Re 

public — Effects  of  War  Upon  the  Public  Conscience — 
Thin  Line  of  Separation  Between  Civilization  and 
Savagery — Great  Sorrow  in  the  South — Expression  of 
Grief  by  Jefferson  Davis — Lincoln  is  Warned  of  His 
Fate  in  a  Dream— The  Deed  of  the  Assassin— Death  of 



Booth  and  Execution  of  His  Co-Conspirators — Secret 
Disposition  of  Booth's  Remains — Beecher's  Oration  on 
Lincoln  273 

XXIX.  THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  GARFIELD. — Use  of  the  Pistol  in  the 
Assassination  of  Presidents — Why  Is  the  Rifle  not  Pre 
ferred  ? — Certain  Capture  Awaits  the  Criminal — Every 
Man's  Hand  Against  Assassins — Murder  Personified — 
The  Shooting  of  Gar-field— His  Brave  Battle  with  Death 
— The  Trial  of  Guiteau — His  Execution  and  the  Disposi 
tion  of  His  Remains — Elaine's  Oration  on  Garfield 279 


XXX.  OUR  HERO  PRESIDENT. — Dauntless  Rulers  of  History — Great 
Events  Bring  Forth  Men  to  Meet  Them— The  Gloom 
and  Anguish  of  Our  Nation — The  Accession  of  Roosevelt 
Restores  Confidence — How  Greatness  Masks  Itself — 
Roosevelt's  Napoleonic  Traits — His  Important  Literary 
Productions — His  Political  Epigrams — His  Birth  and 
Ancestry — The  Allotment  Commission — Sterling  Char 
acter  of  the  Elder  Roosevelt — Theodore  as  a  Boy — His 
College  Life — Climbing  the  Peaks  of  Switzerland — His 
Career  as  an  Author  303 

Primary — Elected  to  the  New  York  Assembly — A 
Knock-Down  Fighter — How  He  Fought  Corruption — 
Great  Savings  Effected  to  the  State — Delegate  to  the 
National  Convention — Enters  the  Campaign — Life  on  the 
Frontier — His  Ranch  in  Dakota — He  Subdues  a  Des 
perado — Career  as  a  Civil  Service  Commissioner — Police 
Commissioner  of  New  York — Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy — Organizes  a  Regiment  of  Rough  Riders — Off  for 
the  War — Seizes  a  Train — The  Invasion  of  Cuba — In  the 
Thick  of  Action — In  the  Bloody  Angle  on  San  Juan  Hill 
— His  Magnanimity  and  Patriotism — How  He  Enter 
tained  His  Cowboy  Comrades — A  Hero  in  the  Eyes  of 
All  Men  313 

the  Nation's  Bereavement — Optimistic  and  Ever  Hopeful 
— How  He  Received  the  Tidings  of  the  President's  Death 
— His  Wild  Ride  Through  Stygian  Darkness  of  the 



Adirondack  Forest— He  Takes  the  Oath  of  Office  as 
President — Pledges  Himself  in  a  Memorable  Utterance 
— Retention  of  McKinley's  Cabinet — All  Fear  of  a 
Threatened  Panic  Averted — The  Domestic  Life  of 
Roosevelt — Fireside  Affection — Mrs.  Roosevelt  a  Noble 
Helpmate — Ladies  of  the  White  House 322 

ously  Active  Mind — Physical  Culture  That  Overcame 
His  Deficiencies  of  Body — Impulsiveness  Prompted  by 
Intuition — His  Resemblance  to  Andrew  Jackson — The 
Elements  That  Make  Him  Truly  Great — Love  of  Wife 
and  Home 327 

ROOSEVELT  AS  A  SOLDIER. — How  He  Earned  His  Title — 
— The  Blood  of  North  and  South  in  His  Veins — His 
Enlistment  in  the  Army — Composition  of  His  Regiment 
of  Rough  Riders — The  Fierce  Charge  up  San  Juan 
Hill — A  Mighty  Stimulation  to  American  Soldiers — 
Promotion  and  Subsequent  Services — Devotion  to  His 
Men  330 


BANNER  OF  THE  RED  T-  :IROR. — The  World  Savage,  and  the  World 
CivilizLU — jMobocracy  in  the  French  Revolution — History 
Show?  Us  the  Effects  of  Anarchy — What  the  Abrogation  of 
All  Laws  Signifies — What  Is  Anarchy? — Theory  of  Hegel  and 
Proudhon — Schools  of  Anarchy — Contentions  of  Socialists — 
Differences  Between  Socialism  and  Anarchism — Picture 
Drawn  by  Ideal  Socialism — The  License  to  Prey  and  to  Slay 
— Why  Anarchy  Cannot  Prevail — Instructive  Examples — 
A  Popular  Fallacy — Tyranny  and  Limited  Monarchy — The 
Uselessness  of  Assassination — Torture  Does  not  Change 
Men's  Convictions — Assassination  Is  Purposeless  Vengeance 
— Murder  of  Rulers  the  Past  Twenty  Years — Good  Men 
Made  Victims,  While  Tyrants  Escape — The  Very  Cap-Sheaf 
of  Crime — Human  Freedom  Wounded  by  Madness — The 
Awe  That  a  King  Inspires — The  Superstition  of  Divine  Right 
of  Kings — Some  Very  Striking  Examples — Familiarity 
Breeds  Contempt — Wherein  Lies  a  Ruler's  Influence — 
Dangers  That  Follow  Familiarity — American  Politics  Hurtful 
to  Self-Respect — Can  We  Wonder  That  Presidents  are  Assas 
sinated? — How  We  May  Protect  Our  Presidents — Swift 
Enforcement  of  Law  337 




"America  for  Americans" — Necessity  of  Acquisitions  of 
Territory — Story  of  Our  Annexations — The  Louisiana  and 
Florida  Purchases — The  Retrocession  of  Louisiana — Jefferson 
Condemned  by  Federalists — War  with  the  Seminoles — The 
Acquisition  of  Texas — War  with  Mexico — The  Gadsden 
Treaty — Purchase  of  Alaska — Our  Pacific  Ocean  Colonies 
— Opposition  of  the  Anti-Imperialists — Government  of  Our 
Island  Possessions — Constitutional  Questions  Involved — 
Dangers  of  Free  Trade  Being  Forced  Upon  the  Country — 
A  Question  as  to  Hawaiian  Rights — Two  Horns  of  a 
Dilemma  350 


ciprocity  a  Vital  Issue — Free  Trade  a  Natural  Sequence  of 
Reciprocity — How  Shall  Revenue  Be  Raised? — The  Income 
Tax  as  a  War  Measure — The  Law  Sustained  by  Supreme 
Court  Decision — The  Wilson  Bill  Income  Tax  Law — The  Su 
preme  Court  Reverses  Itself — Popular  Dissatisfaction 357 


FORMATION  OF  THE  QUADRUPLE  ALLIANCE — Threatened  Interference  of 
Foreign  Powers  with  South  American  Governments — Eng 
land  Is  First  to  Sound  a  Note  of  Warning — Urges  the  United 
States  to  Resist — Enunciation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine — 
What  It  Signifies — How  the  Doctrine  Has  Been  Maintained — 
Enforced  Twice  Against  England — The  Doctrine  Affected 
by  Our  Colonial  Policy — An  Issue  Threatens 360 


A  HISTORY  OF  RECIPROCITY  LEGISLATION — Elaine's  Efforts  for  a  Free 
Exchange  of  Trade  Between  the  Americas — Reciprocity 
Treaties  Now  in  Force — The  Opposition  of  Protectionists — 
McKinley's  Recommendations — Roosevelt's  Policy — A  Change 
in  Our  Laws  Respecting  Foreign  Trade  Is  Now  Demanded 
— American  Goods  Competing  Successfully  in  All  the  Marts 
of  the  World.  . 




tutes  a  Trust — The  Principle  and  How  It  Works — How  Shall 
We  Repress  the  Trust— A  Difficulty  Which  Is  Beyond  Easy 
Amendment — Some  Examples  in  Point — The  Pursuit  of 
Riches  Ruinous  to  Our  Social  and  National  Well-Being — 
Who  Shall  Conceive  a  Remedy  ? .  .' 367 


and  Work  Done — Conviction  of  De  Lesseps  on  Charges  of 
Fraud — The  Columbian  Concession — The  Proposed  Nica- 
raguan  Canal — The  Work  Well  Begun — A  Government  Guar 
antee  Asked  For — Appointment  of  and  Reports  of  Commission 
— the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  Proves  to  Be  an  Obstacle — 
How  the  Proposition  of  a  Canal  Originated — Great  Britain's 
Claims  to  the  Mosquito  Coast  of  Nicaragua — Request  for  a 
Joint  Protectorate  Leads  to  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty — 
The  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty — Amendment  of  the  Treaty  as 
Drawn  Displeasing  to  England — Denial  of  Our  Right  to 
Fortify  or  Defend  the  Canal — The  Treaty  Expires  by 
Limitation  370 


THE  NATIONAL  EMERGENCY,  by  President  McKinley 377 

THE  OPEN  DOOR  TO  TRADE  IN  CHINA,  by  Honorable  John 

Hay  381 

TRUSTS  AND  MONOPOLIES,  by  Honorable  William  J.  Bryan.  .  385 
OUR  CURRENCY  AND  BUSINESS  NEEDS,  by  Honorable  Lyman 

J.  Gage  402 

OUR  NEED  OF  A  MERCHANT  MARINE,  by  Honorable  George  F. 

Edmunds  411 

AN  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL,  by  Honorable  William  P.  Hepburn  418 




GRESS  .  460-544 



House  at  Niles,  Ohio,  in  Which  the  Late  President  McKinley  Was 

Born     33 

McKinley  at  Different  Ages    34 

President    McKinley's    Favorite    Portrait,    specially    authorized    for 

"McKinley  and  Men  of  Our  Times." 35 

Interior  View  of  Hiram  Lodge  A.  F.  and  A.  M.,  Winchester,  Va 36 

Interior  View  of  Hiram  Lodge  A.  F.  and  A.  M 37 

Late  Portrait  of  Mrs.  McKinley 38 

McKinley  at  the  Polls,  Canton 39 

Scene  at  McKinley's  Home  the  Day  of  Election 40 

Crowds  Before  the  Presidential  Election  Bulletins _. 41 

President  McKinley  Delivering  His  Eloquent  Response  to  the  Com 
mittee   of   Notification   on   the    Porch   of   His   Residence   at 

Canton,  Ohio  42 

President  McKinley  and  His  Second  Cabinet 43 

President  McKinley  in  the  War  Room,  Washington 44 

The  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley 45 

The  Last  Photograph  Taken  at  the  Request  of  President  McKinley.  .  46 
The  Last  Photograph  Taken  of  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  During 

the  Buffalo  Visit  47 

President  McKinley  Reviewing  45,000  School  Children  in  San  Fran 
cisco   48 

The  Last  Public  Utterance  of  the  President  Before  the  Shooting,  at 

the  Pan- American  Exposition 49 

Shooting  of  McKinley 50 

The  Temple  of  Music  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  Where  Presi 
dent  McKinley  Was  Shot   51 

Exact  Spot  Where  the  President  Was  Shot   52 

Ambulance  in  Which  the  Wounded  President  Was  Taken  from  the 

Temple  of   Music    53 

Soldiers    and    Correspondent    Tent    Opposite    the    Milburn    House, 

Buffalo 54 

The  Dying  President's  Parting  Words  to  His  Wife— "Good-bye  All ! 

It  is  God's  Way !     His  Will  Be  Done" 55 

Removal  of  the  Body  from  Milburn  House 56 

Carrying  the  Casket  from  the  Milburn  House  to  the  Hearse 57 

Centenary  Methodist  Church,  Richmond,  Va 58 

Funeral  Procession  Leaving  Milburn  House,  Buffalo 59 

Transferring    the    Flower-Covered    Casket    to    the    Hearse    for    the 

Journey  to  the  City  Hall 60 

A  Quarter  of  a  Million  Men,  Women  and  Children  Waiting  to  Enter 

the   City   Hall,    Buffalo 61 

View  of  the  Former  Capitol  of  the  Confederate  States,  Draped   ....  62 

The  Trained  Nurses  Who  Attended  the  President   63 




President  Roosevelt  with  Senator  Hanna,  Leaving  Milburn  House.. 

The  Funeral  Train  Drawing  into  the  Station  at  Harrisburg 

Removing  the  Body  from  the  City  Hall,  Buffalo 

Carrying  the  President's  Body  into  the  Capitol 

Scene  about  the  Capitol,  Washington,  While  the  Body  Lay  in  State.  66 
The   Remains   of   President   McKinley   Being  Borne  Down   Pennsyl 
vania  Avenue,   in   Washington    •  •  •  w 

Crowds  in  Front  of  the  Capitol  in  Washington  Honoring  the  Remains 

of    President    McKinley _•  68 

The  Interior  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  Where  the  Body  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley  Lay  in   State   

Gu-rying  the  liody  into  the  Court  House  at  Canton  

The  "  President's    Casket 

Procession  Passing  into  the  Court  House,  Canton,  to  View  the  Re 

President  Roosevelt's  Last  Look  at  the  Dead  President  McKinley..  72 

Funeral    Party   Leaving   the    Train,    Canton,    President    Roosevelt   in 

Front    73 

Removing  the  Body  from  the  Train,  Canton   

The   Bier,   in   the   Capitol,   at   Washington 74 

Placing  the  Casket  in  the  Hearse,   Canton 75 

Scene  about  the  Court  House,  Canton,  While  the  Body  Was  Lying 

in  State   : •  •  •  76 

The  Church  at  Canton,  Where  the  Final  Funeral  Ceremonies  Wrere 


McKinley   and  Roosevelt,   Just   Before   the   Election  of    1900 

Placing  the  Body  in  the  Vault,  Canton 

McKinley  Home  at  Canton 

The  Shooting  of  President  Lincoln   

Shooting  of  J.  Wilkes  Booth  

The  Shooting  of  President  Garfield  

The  Closing  of  the  Career  of  Tames  G.  Elaine 

Last  View  of  the  Remains  of  President  Garfield 289 

Important  Incidents  in  the  Life  of  James  G.  Blaine 290 

President    Theodore    Roosevelt     291 

President  Roosevelt  and  Family 292 

Roosevelt  Issuing  a  Field  Order.  Cuba 292 

Colonel  Roosevelt  in  the  Field.  Cuba 293 

The  Charge  Up  San  Juan  Hill    295 

The  \Vilcox  Home  in  Which  President  Roosevelt  Was  Sworn  In...  299 

Transports   Conveying  the  Army  of  Invasion  to   Cuba    294 

The   Fight   on   San   Juan   Hill    ." 206 

The   Blowing  Up  of  the   "Merrimac" 297 

The   Capitol   Building.   Albany,   N.    Y 298 

White    House,    Washington.    D.    C 300- 


In  the  memorable  words  of  Garfield,  that  soothed  the 
wild  passions  of  a  vengeful  gathering  in  New  York  the 
night  after  Lincoln's  assassination,  u  God  reigns  and  the 
government  at  Washington  still  lives."  And  his  words 
may  again  be  as  fitly  spoken  when  we  contemplate  the 
hellish  deed  of  the  disguised  hand  of  anarchy  that 
destroyed  a  life  so  noble,  so  useful,  so  kindly  and  so  char 
itable;  that  murdered  without  provocation,  that  killed  with 
out  cause,  that  slaughtered  without  gain  to  even  any 
odious  principle,  our  country's  President,  the  universal!}^ 
beloved  McKinley.  In  this  hour  of  bitter  anguish  let  us 
remember  and  take  to  our  hearts  with  all  possible  con- 
solement  the  anodyne  of  scriptural  promise  which  Gar- 
field  quoted  with  such  effectiveness  :  "  Clouds  and  dark 
ness  are  around  Him  ;  His  Pavilion  is  dark  waters  and 
thick  clouds ;  Justice  and  Judgment  are  the  establish 
ment  of  His  Throne ;  Mercy  and  Truth  shall  go  before 
His  face." 

Our  sorrow  breathes  of  a  national  calamity,  and  we 
shall  not  forget  the  virtues,  the  capacity,  the  talents,  the 
acts  of  our  fallen  magistrate  ;  but  our  grief  shall  not  make 
us  mindless  of  the  mighty  tasks  of  government  which  lie 
immediately  before  the  administration,  nor  the  loyalty 
which  we  owe  the  new  President.  The  questions  of  the 
hour  are  serious,  and  the}^  are  many.  Confidence  is 
begotten  by  the  pledge  of  President  Roosevelt  that  the 
policies  proclaimed  and  pursued  by  the  lamented  McKinley 



shall  be  his  policies;  that  his  purpose  will  be  not  to  pervert, 
but  to  perfect ;  and  may  these  exalted  aims,  as  they  appear 
consistent  with  our  individual  sense  of  right  and  justice, 
be  promoted  by  the  patriotic  aid,  the  loyal  devotion,  the 
unfaltering  service  of  every  American.  This  book  I 
believe  will  have  an  influence  for  infinite  good  in  its 
teachings  for  better  citzenship,  in  its  exposition  of  the 
crimes  of  anarchy,  in  its  elucidation,  by  graphic  statement 
and  elaborate  comment,  of  the  weighty  questions  that 
press  hard  upon  the  nation  for  prompt  settlement  accord 
ing  to  the  principles  of  strict  equity  and  the  highest  good. 
In  the  day  of  our  lamentation  we  cannot  fail  to  feel 
that,  however  great,  and  good,  and  worthy  to  be  apotheo 
sized  any  man  may  be,  his  death  cannot  imperil  the  life 
nor  stay  the  lofty  destiny  of  this  Republic  ;  that  the  God  of 
our  fathers  who  established  it  is  the  God  of  the  children 
who  will  sustain  and  strengthen  it.  Therefore,  let  us  take 
courage  to  continue  in  our  national  well-doing ;  let  us 
cover  with  monument  enwreathed  with  palm  and  immor 
telles  the  grave  of  our  stricken  President,  but  push  on 
with  prayer  and  resolution,  confounding  the  enemies  of 
good  government  by  patriotic  attachment  to  our  institu 
tions  and  its  lawfully  chosen  representatives. 



"  Washington  lives  in  the  hearts  and 
lives  o!  his  countrymen.  Lincoln,  with 
his  infinite  humor  and  his  sorrow,  lives  to 
touch  us  and  lead  us  on,  and  William 
McKinley  shall  summon  all  the  statesmen 
and  all  his  countrymen  to  purer  living, 
nobler  aims,  a  sweeter  fame  and  eternal 




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AS   WE    KNEW    HIM. 

A  week  has  passed  since  he  was  taken  from  us  and  it  is  still 
difficult — even  to  those  who  never  saw  him — to  speak  of  him  with 
out  tears.  I  am  not  sure  but  that  in  this  simple  fact  one  may  find 
the  secret  of  his  strength.  Certainly  no  other  man  of  our  times 
and  no  other  ^President  of  any  time,  .-gn^oyftd .:  fin  rmrftleielji-  tb«  • 
affections  of  the  peopla-^JThere  was  a  charm  about  him  which  those 
who  opposed  him  most  bitterly  could  not  resist.  You  did  not  have 
to  agree  with  him  to  like  him,  you  liked  him  whether  or  no.  So  sure 
was  he  to  win  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact  that  his  political 
enemies  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  his  amiability.  He  always 
had  an  abundant  supply  of  the  milk  of  human  kindness  and  it 
never  soured.  With  all  the  iron  that  was  in  his  will,  there  was  no 
trace  of  sternness  in  his  nature.  He  made  men  feel  his  love  for  them, 
and  they  could  not  but  respond  to  his  affection.  He  made  us  under 
stand  that  he  trusted  us  and  we  could  not  but  trust  him.  My  heart 
is  chilled  anew  as  I  write  these  words  and  remember  that  he  whose 
ambition  was  to  be  written  down  as  one  who  trusted  his  fellowmen 
is  dead  to-day  because  he  trusted  us — because  he  stretched  out  his 
hand  to  one  whom  he  mistook  for  one  of  us. 

William  McKinley  Was  One  of  Us. — He  felt  it  and  he  made  us 
feel  it.  In  few  men  that  I  have  ever  known  has  the  sense  of  human 
brotherhood  been  BO  clearly  developed.  He  was  our  brother — not 
only  our  President,  but  one  of  our  own  flesh  and  blood — one  who 


loved  to  honor  us,  one  who  even  looked  up  to  us  and  loved  to  boast  of 
us  as  a  boy  would  boast  of  his  bigger  brother. 

Whatever  else  maj  be  said  of  him,  it  is  because  of  his  love  for 
us  that  he  will  live  in  our  hearts,  not  as  our  leader  merely,  but  as  the 
brother  of  the  people.  For  in  his  love  for  us  he  was  greater,  far 
greater  as  William  McKinley  the  man,  than  he  could  have  been  as 
William;  Mcl&jile^.'tji^  President. 

Sjiirjely  lher,Q  is^nq  greater  thing  to  be  said  of  a  man  than  that  he 
was  a  brother  of  «hi£  •fellojv'men. 

Love  for  Wife  and  Mother. — What  he  was  in  the  greatness  of 
his  love  to  his  countrymen,  he  was  in  a  larger  degree  to  that  narrow 
circle  of  those  to  whom  he  was  personally  attached,  and  in  a  still 
larger  degree  to  that  narrowest  and  most  sacred  circle  which  embraced 
his  wife  and  mother.  There  are  men  who  lavish  such  a  wealth  of 
affection  upon  the  world  at  large  that  they  have  none  left  for  their 
own  hearthstones.  William  McKinley's  love  began  at  home.  There 
is  not  a  more  beautiful  idyl  in  all  of  our  American  history  than 
the  story  of  the  love  which  he  cherished  for  his  invalid  wife  and  his 
aged  mother.  Certainly  the  social  life  of  our  country  never  had  a 
more  inspiring  example  of  domestic  life  than  that  which  has  been 
exhibited  by  him  since  he  came  into  the  public  eye.  As  one  has  said, 
"Anyone  who  has  met  him  at  the  White  House  or  on  his  tours  through 
the  country  in  which  he  was  always  accompanied  by  his  wife,  must 
have  been  impressed  by  the  fact  that  no  plaudits  accorded  him,  nor 
honors  paid  him,  no  eloquent  toasts  proposed  to  him  ever  brought  the 
same  joyous  smile  to  his  face  as  did  the  appearance  of  his  little  wife 
in  any  assembly  when  he  got  sight  of  her  pale,  sweet  face.  N~o  affairs 
of  state,  no  public  functions,  no  incident  however  grave  the  import 
has  kept  him  from  her  when  her  gentle  voice  called  for  him/'  No  other 
man  of  our  day  has  so  beautifully  exemplified  in  his  daily  life  his 
belief  in  those  principles  which  make  the  relations  of  man  and  wife 
so  sacred.  The  world  will  not  soon  forget  the  picture  of  this  man 


who  could  lay  down  the  heaviest,  the  most  taxing  burdens  of  the  day, 
however  urgent  the  business,  to  spend  an  hour  of  sacred  communion 
with  his  aged  mother. 

The  Old,  Old  Story. — The  affection  of  Mr.  McKinley  for  his  wife 
was  something  which  the  world  will  never  be  able  to  fully  appreciate. 
It  has  been  said  that  there  were  times  when  she  was  kept  alive  largely 
by  the  influence  which  he  had  over  her.  If  he  said  she  would  recover 
she  would  hold  on  to  life  and  recover.  "There  is  something  here  that 
is  as  old  as  the  hills,  but  that  never  fails  to  seem  new  and  fine  because 
it  shows  a  little  of  the  beautiful  and  the  true  side  of  humanity." 

His  Affection  for  Little  Children. — Naturally  this  man  who  had 
no  children  of  his  own  outside  of  heaven  had  a  very  tender  place  in 
his  heart  for  the  little  ones,  and  very  naturally  the  little  ones  knew  it. 
Everywhere  he  went  they  crowded  around  him.  An  Alabama  editor 
tells  a  story  of  a  visit  of  his  Press  Association  to  the  White  House  in 
the  early  summer  of  1898.  The  secretary  of  the  association  acted  as 
master  of  ceremonies  and  announced  each  name.  In  the  party  were 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Grubbs,  of  Decatur,  and  two  little  girls.  "When  Mari 
anne,  the  older  of  the  children,  advanced  toward  the  President  she 
became  suddenly  shy  and  did  not  at  once  take  the  proffered  hand  of 
His  Excellency.  Some  one  said,  'Shake  hands  with  the  President/ 
and  as  she  did  so  the  nation's  chief  caught  her  in  his  arms,  at  the 
same  time  saying,  fl  have  something  for  you,  Marianne/  The  Presi 
dent  then  took  the  boutonniere  from  the  lapel  of  his  coat  and  gave  it 
to  the  child  with  his  compliments."  The  act  was  as  graceful  as  it 
was  unexpected  and  gave  to  the  assembly  a  beautiful  glimpse  of  the 
tender  side  of  the  great  man's  heart. 

I  am  reminded  of  a  remark  which  Dr.  Hill,  the  Assistant  Secre 
tary  of  State,  once  made  to  a  friend  when  Mr.  McKinley's  personality 
was  under  discussion: 

"If  the  Lord  ever  breathed  the  breath  of  life  into  a  more  gracious 
and  amiable  man  than  Mr.  McKinley,"  he  said,  "I  have  yet  to  find 
it  out." 


Care  for  the  Old  Soldiers. — In  speaking  of  the  affection  of  the 
President  for  the  old  soldiers,  Mr.  Al.  G.  Field,  the  actor,  who  knew 
him  intimately,  said: 

"We  had  an  old  soldier  named  W.  C.  Bedford,  in  Columbus,  who 
was  a  superintendent  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  for  forty  years. 
When  the  road  was  reorganized  he  was  let  out  of  his  position.  He 
tried  hard  to  get  work  but  always  failed.  He  had  friends  among  the 
Elks  who  did  everything  they  could  for  him,  but  they  couldn't  get  him 
a  place.  It  was  suggested  they  should  apply  directly  to  the  President. 
Some  said  it  would  be  no  use,  as  the  letter  would  never  get  past  the 
secretary's  pigeon-hole.  We  wrote  to  McKinley,  and  in  a  few  days  we 
received  a  reply  and  an  appointment  for  the  old  soldier  in  the  Quarter 
master's  Department  in  Porto  Bico,  with  an  assignment  to  San  Juan. 
After  some  time  the  old  fellow  was  superannuated  by  the  Civil  Service, 
and  was  out  of  a  position  for  two  months.  The  same  people  went  to 
work  for  him  again  in  the  same  way,  and  only  last  Saturday  in  Ashe- 
ville  I  received  a  notification  from  the  President  that  it  would  take 
a  month  or  so  to  straighten  matters  out  with  the  department  at  San 
Juan,  but  that  when  he  returned  to  Washington,  he  would  see  that  the 
old  man  got  an  appointment  as  Quartermaster  at  San  Antonio,  Tex. 

"If  he  never  gets  back,"  added  Mr.  Field,  "poor  old  Bill  will  be 
left  out  in  the  cold." 

His  High  Sense  of  Honor. — His  spirit  was  as  remarkable 
for  its  nobility  as  for  its  amiability.  He  was  the  soul  of  honor. 
Twice  he  put  away  from  him  the  nomination  for  the  presidency 
because  he  could  not  sit  still  and  allow  himself  to  be  voted  for  while 
he  was  pledged  to  another.  The  story  of  the  beginning  of  the 
intimacy  between  him  and  Mark  Hanna  furnishes  a  striking  illus 
tration  of  this  virtue. 

A  Case  in  Point. — In  the  National  Bepublican  Convention 
held  in  Chicago  in  1884  the  party  was  divided  in  its  allegiance  to 
several  different  candidates.  In  consequence  when  the  Convention 


opened  everybody  was  in  the  dark  and  there  was  nothing  but  uncer 
tainty  and  confusion.  Even  the  Ohio  delegation  which  might  have 
been  expected  to  work  together  had  been  split  and  the  members  of 
the  several  factions  were  almost  continually  in  secret  conferences. 
In  one  of  these  factions  was  Hanna,  then  unknown.  In  another  was 
William  McKinley.  It  was  Hanna's  first  experience  in  national 
politics  and  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  his  candi 
date.  On  the  night  before  the  Convention  opened,  he  went  to  the 
hotel  where  the  Ohio  delegation  was  quartered.  The  place  was 
crowded  and  many  of  the  guests  were  sleeping  on  cots,  four  or 
more  in  a  room.  Hanna  wanted  to  see  a  certain  friend,  and  learn 
ing  the  number  of  his  room  went  directly  to  it.  In  the  dim  light 
he  approached  what  he  thought  was  his  friend's  cot  and  began 
unfolding  his  plan  of  action  for  the  following  day.  The  man 
listened  quietly  for  a  few  moments,  and  then  suddenly  put  out  his 
hand.  "Excuse  me,"  he  said,  "but  I  think  you  are  mistaken  in 
your  man.  I  am  William  McKinley  of  Stark  County/'  Hanna 
was  overwhelmed  with  confusion  and  beat  a  quick  retreat.  He  had 
exposed  his  plans  to  a  man  whom  he  knew  to  belong  to  an  opposing 
faction.  As  may  well  be  imagined,  he  went  into  the  Convention  the 
next  day  with  many  misgivings.  But  he  did  not  know  his  man.  The 
secrets  he  had  unfolded  became  at  once  a  sealed  book  and  McKinley 
never  once  mentioned  the  matter  even  to  his  friends.  Hanna  was  so 
touched  by  this  exhibition  of  scrupulous  honor  that  he  at  once  began 
to  cultivate  McKinle/s  friendship  and  they  soon  became  bound 
together  as  with  hooks  of  steel.  It  will  be  remembered  that  it  was 
Hanna  who  pressed  McKinley  for  the  presidency. 

Above  Envy. — This  high  virtue  enabled  Mr.  McKinley  to  rise 
above  those  petty  exhibitions  of  envy  and  revenge  which  have  obscured 
so  many  otherwise  eminent  lives.  He  could  always  hold  a  tight  rein 
upon  himself,  whatever  the  provocation  might  be.  As  has  been  often 
said,  if  he  ever  had  any  feelings  of  injured  dignity  or  ill-temper  no  one 


ever  discovered  it.  He  seems  never  to  have  been  offended  even  at 
those  who  most  bitterly  criticised  him.  If  we  may  believe  the  news 
papers,  Senator  Tilhnan,  who  declared  one  day  that  the  President 
was  gradually  becoming  a  dictator  to  the  subversion  of  the  old 
republic,  the  very  next  day  went  to  the  White  House  to  ask  for  a 
small  Consulship  for  one  of  his  constituents — and  got  it.  He  would 
abuse  the  President  as  a  politician,  but  he  did  not  hesitate  to  say 
that  in  his  opinion  no  finer  gentleman  from  George  Washington's 
time  ever  occupied  the  presidential  chair. 

Making  Others'  V7ishes  His  Own. — It  was  remarkable  how  readily 
the  President  could  enter  into  the  wishes  of  those  who  came  to  him 
for  help,  utterly  regardless  of  their  feelings  toward  him  or  toward  his 
policies.  In  the  organization  of  the  first  Philippine  commission,  one 
of  the  men  who  had  been  provisionally  selected  hastened  to  the  White 
House  and  told  Mr.  McKinley  that  he  was  not  in  favor  of  the  expansion 
policy  and  that  lie  felt  that  Mr.  McKinley  ought  to  know  it  and  have 
an  opportunity  to  appoint  someone  else.  "Quite  the  contrary/' 
said  the  President;  "we  need  just  the  element  of  your  opinion  on  that 
commission  which  you  represent.  I  am  glad  that  you  feel  as  you  do 
about  it."  Another  man  whom  Mr.  McKinley  was  about  to  appoint 
to  an  important  office  went  to  express  to  the  President  his  regret 
that  he  could  not  favor  his  policy  of  protection.  Mr.  McKinley 
replied  simply  that  the  view  of  the  case  which  he  held  was  the  very 
one  which  he  desired  to  have  represented,  and  insisted  on  making  the 

Cherished  No  Ill-Feelings. — A  gentleman  who  was  a  Congres 
sional  Committee  clerk  some  years  ago  relates  that  when  Mr.  McKinley 
was  an  obscure  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  partisan 
"Democratic  majority  made  him  no  member  at  all  by  turning  him 
out  in  a  contest.  After  the  declaration  of  votes  was  announced  Mr. 
McKinley  at  once  took  his  papers  from  his  desk  and  left  the  House. 
Although  I  was  a  Democrat  and  a  youngster  I  was  extremely  sorry 


that  the  House  took  such  action,  believing  it  to  be  unfair,  and  having 
a  personal  liking  for  Mr.  McKinley,  and  when  he  came  out  into  the 
western  lobby  of  the  House  I  approached  him  and  said : 

"  'I  am  very  sorry,  sir/ 

"  'Never  mind,  my  boy,  it  will  come  out  right  in  the  end/  he 
said  in  simple  faith." 

Incarnation  of  Courtesy.— ^The  ex-clerk  said  that  what  impressed 
him  most  about  Mr.  McKinley,  in  those  days,  was  his  simple,  boyish 
directness  and  good  nature.  In  his  relations  with  committee  clerks 
and  other  obscure  men  he  was  the  incarnation  of  courtesy,  "which"  he 
added  "was  in  powerful  contrast  to  the  rudeness  so  prevalent  in  Wash 

True  Courage. — People  whose  only  idea  of  strength  was  noisy 
self-assertion  insisted  that  Mr.  McKinley  was  timid,  yet  those  who 
knew  him  best  believe  that  there  was  no  man  more  truly  courageous, 
for  he  could  face  danger  when  he  knew  the  greatness  of  the  peril,  and 
he  could  wait  and  suffer  long  in  order  to  be  sure  that  he  was  right, 
when  all  the  world  was  howling  at  him  to  go  on. 

A  Devout  Christian. — It  seems  very  natural,  after  what  has 
been  said,  to  add  that  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  Christian  of  the  bravest 
and  most  devoted  type.  His  pastor  recalls  that  when  he  settled  in 
Canton,  one  of  the  first  things  he  did  was  to  call  on  the  minister  of  his 
church,  present  his  church  credentials  and  ask  to  be  assigned  to  duty. 
He  did  not  want  to  be  a  nominal  church  member.  He  was  given  a 
Bible  class  and  later  was  elected  Sunday  School  superintendent.  One 
could  be  sure  that  he  would  be  found  in  his  pew,  if  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  be  there.  He  was  a  Christian  of  the  stalwart  type. 
He  believed  in  the  old-fashioned  doctrines  and  the  old-fashioned  way. 
"What  he  was  to  his  country  and  her  institutions,  believing  in  them 
and  giving  his  best  power  to  them,  so  he  was  to  his  church  and  her 
institutions,  giving  her  his  unhesitating  and  unqualified  adherence 
The  expression  of  his  religious  experience  was  of  a  very  modest  kind. 


It  was  seen  in  the  purity  of  his  life,  in  his  freedom  from  fault-finding, 
in  the  cheerfulness  which  remained  with  him  under  all  circumstances, 
in  his  love  which  took  in  all  the  world  and  in  his  devotion  to  the 
teachings  of  his  Lord.  Surely  the  acts  and  words  of  this  man  in  his 
last  hours — in  those  hours  in  which  a  man  does  not  play  for  the 
applause  of  the  galleries — will  live  as  the  greatest  monument  to  the 
truth  of  Christianity  which  this  new  century  has  yet  produced. 

The  Measure  of  a  Great  Man.— It  is  too  soon  to  attempt  to  get 
at  the  depth  or  breadth  of  William  McKinley's  influence,  or  to  form 
an  adequate  conception  of  his  character.  As  I  have  said  elsewhere, 
a  small  man  may  be  measured  in  a  day,  a  great  man  may  not  be 
measured  for  a  generation.  We  cannot  attempt  to  get  a  full-length 
portrait  of  a  man  whose  life  is  bound  up  with  the  life  of  an  epoch, 
as  McKinley's  was,  until  sufficient  time  has  elapsed  to  get  a  full- 
length  view  of  the  epoch  itself.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that  when  the 
mourning  over  our  loss  has  subsided  and  the  world  shall  come  to 
pass  an  estimate  upon  his  life  without  emotion  it  will  be  pronounced 
the  life  of  OTIC  who  was  truly  great  because  he  was  truly  good.  For 
the  present  it  is  enough  for  us  to  contemplate  the  example  of  this 
beautiful  and  kindly  life,  which  by  the  grace  of  God  was  enabled,  as 
we  have  all  been  saying,  to  face  even  so  sudden  a  fate  as  his  with  a 
noble  fortitude  in  those  memorable  words  in  his  last  agony,  "Good-bye, 
all  good-bye ;  it  is  God's  way.  His  will,  not  ours  be  done." 



William  McKinley  came  of  a  long  line  of  brawny  ancestors,  who 
were  remarkable  for  industry,  frugality,  strength  of  intellect,  and  a 
sturdy  religious  faith. 

The  McKinleys. — James  McKinley,  the  founder  of  the  northern 
branch  of  the  McKinley  family  in  America,  came  to  this  country  from 
the  north  of  Ireland  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  He 
was  a  fine,  promising  Scotch-Irish  lad  of  about  twelve  years.  His 
son,  David  McKinley,  served  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  enlisting 
at  twenty-one.  David's  second  son,  James,  married  Mary  Eose,  who 
was  of  English  stock.  The  second  son  of  James  was  William,  the 
father  of  the  subject  of  this  biography.  On  his  father's  side  his  people 
were  Covenanters — the  race  that  feared  neither  man  nor  devil.  On 
his  mother's  side  his  people  were  Puritans,  who  loved  liberty  next  to 
their  God.  William  McKinley  moved  to  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  where  he 
was  married  to  Nancy  Campbell  Allison.  The  Allisons  were  excellent 
Scotch-English  people,  who  came  from  England  to  Virginia,  and 
then  emigrated  to  Pennsylvania,  finally  settling  in  Ohio.  Nine  chil 
dren  resulted  from  this  union,  the  seventh  of  whom  was  William 
McKinley,  Jr.,  who  was  born  in  Niles,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843. 

Well  Born. — No  boy  was  ever  better  born,  though  he  was  not 
born  with  a  silver  spoon  in  his  mouth.  While  his  family  belonged  to 
the  highest  aristocracy  of  character,  they  possessed  little  of  this  world's 
goods,  and  ranked  in  their  neighborhood  as  plain,  ordinary  livers. 
The  McKinleys  had  never  pursued  the  callings  which  attract  the 
dollars.  William  McKinley,  Sr.,  was  an  iron  puddler,  while  his  father 
and  grandfather  were  carpenters.  The  village  around  the  McKinleys 


was  largely  built  by  members  of  the  family,  while  many  houses  through 
the  country  are  their  handiwork. 

If  young  William  did  not  early  feel  the  pinch  of  poverty  very 
seriously,  he  yet  grew  up  under  very  narrow  circumstances.  The  story 
of  his  boyhood  is  much  like  the  story  of  the  average  boy  of  stout  heart 
and  with  an  inheritance  of  an  abundance  of  good  blood. 

"A  Good  Boy." — Mrs.  Mclvinley  used  to  say  that  while  William 
was  not  a  very  good  baby,  because  he  cried  a  great  deal,  he  steadily 
improved  with  time,  and  as  a  boy  was  all  that  a  mother  could  desire. 
He  was  a  genuine  boy,  too,  with  all  the  animal  spirits  that  a  boy  could 
take  care  of;  but  his  exuberance  gave  his  mother  no  trouble  for  the 
reason  that  it  was  never  so  great  as  the  love  he  lavished  upon  her. 
He  was  fond  of  every  youthful  sport,  and  excelled  in  them  all.  There 
was  not  a  boy  in  the  neighborhood  who  could  beat  him  at  marbles, 
none  who  could  approach  him  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and  arrow,  and 
he  was  an  excellent  swimmer.  His  favorite  diversion  was  kite-flying. 
"It  seems  to  me,"  said  his  mother,  "I  never  went  into  the  kitchen 
without  seeing  a  paste-pot  or  a  ball  of  string  waiting  to  be  made  into 
a  kite.'7  As  fond  as  he  was  of  sports,  however,  he  would  often  spend 
whole  days  in  the  house  when  other  boys  were  at  play,  simply  because 
he  preferred  the  companionship  of  his  mother  and  sisters.  His  affec 
tionate  nature  made  him  popular  with  his  playmates  and  won  for  him 
many  a  word  of  high  praise  from  his  teacher.  It  smoothed  the  way 
for  him  then  as  it  so  often  did  in  his  public  life.  Another  of  the  saving 
graces  which  exhibited  itself  in  early  boyhood  was  his  wonderful 

A  Playmate's  Testimony. — "I  declare,"  said  Joe  Fisher,  the 
village  constable  of  Niles,  the  other  day,  "I  never  thought  Bill  would 
be  President.  Little  did  I  suppose  as  I  sat  fishing  with  him  on  Mos 
quito  Creek,  with  our  legs  dangling  from  the  edge  of  the  bridge,  or 
as  we  caught  angle-worms  to  bait  our  hooks,  that  I  was  with  a  coming 
President.  I  well  remember  his  patience  with  the  hook  and  line.  The 


rest  of  the  boys  would  get  disgusted  at  not  getting  a  bite  and  go  in 
bathing,  but  Bill  would  keep  on  fishing.  When  it  came  time  to  go 
home  he  would  carry  a  string  of  fish  while  the  rest  had  to  be  content 
with  their  baths.  Sometimes  we  would  all  have  good  luck,  and  the 
strings  of  fish  we  would  carry  home  suspended  from  a  pole  across 
our  shoulders  would  make  the  eyes  of  every  one  that  passed  stick 
away  out." 

Niles  is  now  a  thriving  little  city  of  nine  or  ten  thousand  inhabi 
tants.  The  house  in  which  McKinley  was  born  has  recently  been 
cut  in  halves  and  the  part  which  included  the  room  of  his  birth  has 
been  moved  to  Eiverside  Park,  a  pretty  spot  a  mile  away.  It  has  in 
recent  years  become  the  victim  of  relic  hunters,  and  bears  the  marks  of 
penknives  on  all  sides. 

"There,"  said  Joe  Fisher  to  the  reporter  to  whom  he  had  just 
spoken  of  Bill's  fishing  qualities,  "there  is  the  old  school  in  which  Bill 
and  I  learned  our  a  b  c's,"  pointing  to  a  red  colored  building  across 
the  street.  "Bill  is  President  now  but  he  has  not  forgotten  Joe  Fisher. 
I  never  asked  him  for  an  office,  for  I  don't  believe  in  that  sort  of 
thing,  but  if  I  ever  happen  to  be  where  McKinley  is  he  throws  his 
arms  around  me  and  gives  me  such  a  handshake  as  brings  back 
the  days  when  three  of  us  boys,  Bill  and  Mr.  Allison  and  I,  were 

One  of  the  blacksmiths  of  the  town  made  the  pair  of  skates  on 
which  young  McKinley  learned  to  skate.  Skates  were  a  great  luxury  in 
those  days  and  the  three  chums  had  to  use  the  same  pair.  After  they 
had  all  learned  the  first  boy  who  got  to  the  place  where  the  skates  were 
kept  had  the  right  to  use  them  first. 

William's  playmates  remember  him  as  being  of  a  very  quiet  dis 
position.  The  boys  who  were  bent  on  mischief  were  never  able  to 
interest  him.  He  would  neither  help  nor  sanction  them  in  anything 
they  wanted  to  do.  He  had  no  use  for  "deviltry,"  as  Joe  Fisher 
put  it, 


"Us  three  boys,"  said  Joe,  "would  go  down  to  the  saw-mill  yard 
and  play  with  chips  of  wood.  Bill  and  Allison  rather  sided  with 
each  other  and  picked  up  all  the  large  chips  and  left  me  the  small 
ones.  At  last  I  got  disgusted  and  pitched  in  and  licked  them  both. 
Bill  was  about  eight  years  old  then." 

Mother  McKinley. — Mrs.  McKinley,  burdened  with  the  cares 
of  a  great  family  and  hedged  in  by  poverty,  was  yet  able  to  give  her 
children  as  much  of  the  old-fashioned  type  of  training  as  was  good 
for  them.  She  saw  to  it  that  her  boys  got  to  school  on  time,  and  was 
careful  to  find  out  what  they  did  when  they  got  there.  She  gave  them 
line  upon  line,  and  precept  upon  precept,  and  the  elementary  virtues 
were  strongly  implanted  in  them.  They  grew  up  to  remember  that  all 
liars  have  their  part  in  the  lake  of  fire  and  brimstone  and  to  dearly 
love  the  truth,  which  should  make  them  free.  The  mother  had  a 
horror  of  tattling,  and  the  child  who  yielded  to  the  temptation  to  tell 
tales  was  soundly  punished.  William,  especially,  imbibed  much  of 
his  mother's  spirit,  and  it  has  been  said  by  many  who  knew  her  that 
all  the  great  virtues  for  which  he  was  distinguished  had  already 
shown  resplendent  in  her  life.  She  was  a  woman  of  unusual  strength 
of  mind,  and  like  all  her  people  possessed  the  loftiest  principles  and 
a  strong  sense  of  devotion  to  duty. 

Humble  Circumstances. — Speaking  of  those  early  days,  the 
mother  once  said: 

"Ours  was  a  hard,  earnest  life.  My  husband  was  always  an  early 
riser,  and  off  to  his  work,  while  we  were  at  Niles.  At  Poland  he  was 
away  from  home  most  of  the  time  and  the  whole  burden  of  the  family 
cares  fell  on  me." 

The  family  moved  to  Poland  when  William  was  eleven  years  old. 
The  mother  was  full  of  ambition  for  her  children,  and  she  wanted 
them  to  have  the  advantages  of  the  excellent  schools  which  were 
there.  The  father  shared  her  ambition  and  was  content  to  spend  most 
of  his  time  in  the  foundry  at  Niles  to  keep  meal  in  the  barrel. 


At  School. — Those  who  remember  his  school  days  say  that  young 
McKinley  excelled  in  the  study  of  languages,  but  was  only  fairly  good 
at  figures.  He  was  a  constant  reader,  and  was  especially  fond  of 
poetry.  He  was  a  good  debater,  and  his  mother  has  told  how,  when  a 
mere  boy,  he  used  to  go  to  a  tannery  kept  by  Joseph  Smith,  and  engage 
in  warm  controversies  over  the  slavery  question.  These  early  debates 
developed  a  remarkable  controversial  power  which  stood  him  in  good 
stead  all  through  his  life. 




In  his  eighteenth  year  he  was  sent  to  Allegheny  College  at  Mead- 
ville,  Pa.,  where  he  stood  an  excellent  examination,  entering  the  junior 
class.  It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  his  neglect  of  recreation  during 
his  early  school  days  had  told  too  severely  upon  his  constitution,  and 
in  a  few  months  he  was  compelled  to  leave  college  and  return  home. 
Unwilling  to  remain  idle,  he  obtained  a  public  school  two  or  three  miles 
from  home,  and  the  brisk  walks  to  and  from  the  school  soon  restored 
him  to  his  normal  condition,  and  he  began  to  look  forward  to  returning 
to  college  and  completing  his  course.  At  that  moment,  however, 
another  thought  came  into  his  mind  and  his  heart,  and  mastered  it. 
There  was  no  longer  time  for  study;  there  was  only  time  for  fighting. 
His  cousin,  General  William  McKinley  Osborne,  now  consul-general 
in  London,  has  told  the  story  of  his  enlistment  in  the  army : 

How  He  Enlisted. — "There  was  a  great  excitement  at  that  time," 
he  says,  "and  hundreds  of  people  followed  the  soldiers.  Will  and  I 
were  among  them.  We  drove  in  a  buggy  over  to  Youngstown,  and 
there  saw  the  company  leave  for  Columbus.  On  our  way  back  to 
Poland  that  night  we  discussed  the  matter  together  and  decided  it 
was  our  duty  to  volunteer,  and  we  thought  that  the  men  who  sta}red 
would  be  despised  by  the  community. 

"When  we  reached  home  Will  told  his  mother  what  he  had  con 
cluded  to  do,  and  she  at  once  replied : 

"  'Well,  boys,  if  you  think  it  is  your  duty  to  fight  for  your  country 
I  think  you  ought  to  go.' 

"A  few  days  after  this  I  left  Poland  for  home  and  told  father  I 
wanted  to  go  to  the  army.  I  knew  he  would  allow  me  to  go,  as  Aunt 
Xancy  advised.  I  was  not  disappointed.  My  father  was  a  Democrat, 


but  he  was  a  liberal  man.  He  told  me  I  could  do  as  I  wished,  and  he 
gave  me  some  money  (it  was  gold,  I  remember)  to  fit  me  out.  Will 
McKinley  left  Poland,  and  we  went  to  Cleveland  together.  From 
there  we  went  to  Columbus  and  enlisted  at  Camp  Chase.  General 
Fremont  swore  us  in.  Our  enlistment  was  in  cold  blood,  and  not 
through  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment.  It  was  done  as  McKinley 
has  done  most  of  the  things  of  his  life — as  the  logical  offspring  of 
careful  consideration." 

This  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  The  following  spring 
young  McKinley  won  his  first  promotion,  that  of  commissary-sergeant. 
Speaking  of  this  promotion,  General  Hayes,  who  was  the  young  man's 
superior  officer,  said: 

A  Tribute  from  His  Superior  Officer. — "Young  as  McKinley  was, 
we  soon  found  that  in  business,  in  executive  ability,  he  was  a  man  of 
rare  capacity,  especially  for  a  boy  of  his  age.  When  battles  were 
fought,  or  a  service  was  to  be  performed  in  warlike  things,  he  always 
took  his  place.  The  night  was  never  too  dark,  the  weather  was  never 
too  cold,  there  was  no  sleet  or  storm,  or  hail  or  snow,  that  was  in  the 
way  of  his  prompt  and  efficient  performance  of  every  duty.  When  I 
became  commander  of  the  regiment  he  soon  came  to  be  upon  my  staff, 
and  he  remained  upon  my  staff  for  one  or  two  years,  so  that  I  did 
literally  and  in  fact  know  him  like  a  book  and  love  him  like  a  brother." 

General  Eussell  Hastings,  who  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  same  regi 
ment,  said  of  the  young  soldier : 

"He  was  always  keen,  quick  and  alert,  and  so  was  naturally 
fitted  for  staff  service,  a  fact  his  superiors  soon  realized  and  took 
advantage  of,  so  that  during  the  greater  part  of  the  war  he  served 
on  the  staff  of  the  general  officers,  one  of  the  most  dangerous  posi 
tions  in  the  army,  one  which  required  the  utmost  readiness  of  resource 
and  bravery  of  the  highest  order." 

At  Antietam. — Soon  after  he  had  received  his  promotion  his 
regiment,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Hayes,  broke  camp  and  led 


the  advance  against  the  enemy,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  year  was 
spent  in  almost  continuous  fighting.  At  the  Battle  of  Antietam,  which 
was  one  of  the  fiercest  engagements  of  the  whole  war,  there  was 
hardly  a  cessation  of  fighting  during  the  whole  day  and  there  was 
extraordinary  suffering  from  hunger  and  thirst,  it  being  impossible 
to  spare  anyone  to  go  to  the  rear  for  refreshments.  Sergeant  McKin- 
ley,  who  was  then  in  charge  of  the  commissary  department  of  the 
brigade,  took  in  the  situation  and  gathering  up  the  stragglers  placed 
them  in  charge  of  food  and  hot  coffee  and  led  them  back  to  the 
exhausted  soldiers.  It  was  near  sunset,  and  when  the  exhausted  sol 
diers  saw  McKinley  and  his  men  hurrying  up  with  wagons  of  supplies 
they  cheered  to  the  echo.  The  mules  were  lashed  into  a  run  and  the 
bullets  were  flying  so  thick  that  the  sergeant  was  ordered  back,  but 
he  pushed  on ;  and  though  one  team  was  disabled  he  managed  to  get  to 
the  hungry  men  with  the  other,  who,  hastily  swallowing  the  refresh 
ments,  took  heart  again  and  returned  to  the  fray  with  strength  to 
beat  back  the  furious  onslaught  which  marked  the  close  of  the  day. 

A  Heroic  Deed  at  Kernstown. — At  the  Battle  of  Kernstown  it  was 
suddenly  discovered  that  a  large  portion  of  the  Union  troops  were 
surrounded  by  Early's  army,  which  was  supposed  to  have  gone  toward 
Richmond.  The  discovery  was  so  terrifying  that  there  was  danger 
of  a  general  stampede,  and  it  was  soon  realized  that  nothing  but  the 
most  perfect  skill  and  heroism  could  save  it  from  destruction.  In  the 
midst  of  the  confusion  it  was  noticed  that  Colonel  Brown's  regiment, 
through  some  blunder,  still  retained  its  position  where  it  was  posted 
at  the  beginning  of  the  battle.  His  soldiers  were  fighting  with  the 
fury  of  desperation,  but  it  was  certain  that  if  they  remained  nothing 
would  save  them  from  annihilation.  The  men  would  not  retreat  with 
out  orders,  and  the  enemy  was  rapidly  closing  in  upon  them  from 
every  quarter. 

A  Fearful  Risk. — General  Hayes  saw  that  the  only  possibility  of 
escape  was  to  send  orders  to  Colonel  Brown  to  withdraw  instantly. 


But  it  was  a  long  distance  to  the  regiment  and  whoever  undertook 
to  carry  the  message  would  have  to  do  it  at  a  fearful  risk.  There 
was  hardly  a  chance  in  a  thousand  that  he  would  get  through  alive. 

In  his  desperation,  General  Hayes  looked  about  for  a  man  whom 
he  could  trust  for  the  terrible  task,  and  his  eyes  fell  upon  young 

"Colonel  Brown,"  said  the  General,  "has  no  thought  of  retreat; 
not  a  moment  must  be  lost  in  ordering  him  to  withdraw.  Will  you 
carry  the  order,  Lieutenant,  to  him  ?" 

McKinley  quickly  assented,  saluted  the  general,  headed  his  horse 
toward  the  regiment,  and  in  an  instant  he  was  gone. 

As  he  sped  away  the  general  said  to  himself,  in  anguish : 

"He  can  never  do  it !    He  is  sure  to  be  killed !" 

His  eyes  were  kept  upon  the  young  lieutenant  as  he  sped  across 
the  fields.  Shot  and  shell  were  flying  around  him,  but  not  for  one 
moment  did  he  pause.  A  bomb  exploded  at  his  side  and  the  horse 
and  his  rider  disappeared  in  the  smoke  and  dust. 

"He  is  killed !  Both  are  killed !  They  have  been  blown  to  atoms  \" 
cried  the  soldiers  who  were  watching  the  youth. 

A  Charmed  Life. — -But  the  smoke  lifted  and  the  lieutenant  was 
seen  galloping  on  toward  the  regiment.  Then  the  enemy  discovered 
him  and  the  bullets  whistled  about  him  thicker  than  ever.  But  on 
he  went  without  so  much  as  bending  his  head  before  the  blast.  The 
men  at  Crook's  batteries  from  the  top  of  an  adjoining  ridge  saw  his 
peril  and  opened  upon  the  enemy,  hoping  to  hold  it  in  check  and  save 
the  youth's  life.  Another  moment  and  he  had  reached  the  regiment. 

It  is  said  that  McKinley  in  the  flush  of  the  moment  could  not 
forbear  adding  to  the  message  a  word  of  reproof. 

"I  supposed  you  knew  enough  to  withdraw  without  waiting  for 
orders/''  he  said. 

"I  was  thinking  about  it,"  replied  the  Colonel,  "and  guess  we  will 
make  a  move,  but  I  must  let  those  fellows  have  another  volley  or  two." 


The  regiment  delivered  its  volley  and  began  slowly  retreating, 
firing  as  they  went. 

They  finally  escaped,  and  McKinley  returned  to  General  Hayes 
with  his  report. 

The  general  was  deeply  affected,  and  after  thanking  the  young 
man,  said: 

"I  never  expected  to  see  you  alive  again/' 

At  Opequan. — At  the  Battle  of  Opequan  McKinley  distinguished 
himself  for  great  gallantry  and  military  skill.  He  had  been  ordered 
by  General  Hayes  to  bring  General  Duval's  troops  to  join  the  first 
division,  which  was  then  advancing  to  battle.  It  was  a  serious  ques 
tion  as  to  what  route  should  be  taken.  McKinley  seemed  to  grasp 
the  situation  intuitively,  for  without  knowing  the  roads  he  brought 
the  troops  up  in  good  shape  and  on  time,  though  running  many  risks 
on  the  way.  Few  men  would  have  accepted  the  responsibilities  which 
he  had  on  his  shoulders  that  day. 

Again  Promoted. — A  little  later  he  was  on  the  staff  of  General 
Crook,  and  later  still  he  was  assigned  to  duty  with  General  Hancock. 
In  1864  he  received  his  promotion  as  major.  His  brevet  commission, 
which  his  wife  still  has  in  her  possession,  reads: 

"For  gallantry  and  meritorious  services  at  the  battles  of  Opequan, 
Fisher's  Creek  and  Cedar  Hill. 

"(Signed)     A.  LINCOLN." 

There  are  other  soldiers  who  have  records  more  brilliant,  but 
none  who  displayed  more  courage,  and  none  who  had  greater  responsi 
bilities  for  his  age  than  young  McKinley. 



After  the  surrender  McKinley  was  offered  a  commission  in  the 
regular  army,  but  acting  on  the  advice  of  his  father  he  determined  to 
become  a  lawyer,  and  we  soon  find  him  in  the  office  of  Judge  Glidden, 
who  was  then  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  Stark  County  bar. 
After  studying  here  for  a  year  and  a  half,  the  question  of  providing 
for  himself  became  a  serious  one  and  he  began  to  consider  whether 
it  was  not  his  duty  to  enter  upon  a  business  career  and  continue  the 
study  of  law  at  odd  moments  as  he  might  have  opportunity.  His 
sister  Annie  was  then  teaching  school  at  Canton.  She  had  saved 
a  little  money,  and  she  was  full  of  ambition  for  her  brother.  When 
she  learned  of  his  intentions,  she  said  to  him : 

"You  must  not  think  of  giving  up  your  studies." 

He  replied  that  he  was  not  willing  to  burden  the  other  members 
of  the  family  with  his  support. 

"It  will  be  no  sacrifice,"  she  said,  "or  if  it  be  considered  such, 
we  can  share  it  among  ourselves,  and  the  burden  will  be  hardly  felt." 

She  insisted,  and  in  a  few  days  young  McKinley  had  settled  down 
to  hard  work  at  the  Albany  (Ohio)  Law  School,  one  of  the  finest 
institutions  of  its  kind  in  the  West. 

In  1867  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  settled  in  Canton. 

Puts  Out  His  Shingle. — Young  McKinley  put  out  his  shingle 
from  the  back  room  of  the  public  building.  His  office  was  next  door 
to  that  of  Judge  Belden,  who  was  a  leader  in  his  profession  in  Ohio. 
One  afternoon  the  judge  was  taken  sick.  He  stepped  back  into  young 
McKinley's  office  and  asked  him  to  take  a  case  for  him  the  next  morn 
ing.  The  young  lawyer  said  he  was  not  able  to  do  it;  he  didn't 


know  enough;  he  wasn't  familiar  with  the  law  in  the  case,  and  that 
there  was  no  time  to  look  it  up.  The  judge  insisted,  however,  and 
McKinley  sat  up  all  night  studying  the  law  on  the  subject. 

Wins  His  Case. — The  next  day  he  argued  the  case  and  won  it. 
A  week  afterwards  the  judge  stepped  into  his  office  and  laid  twenty- 
five  dollars  on  his  desk,  saying: 

"Well,  Mack,  you  won  the  case.     I  told  you  you  would." 

"Yes,"  he  said,  "I  won  it,  but  I  don't  want  any  pay  for  it,  and  if 
1  did  I  wouldn't  want  this  much." 

"You  must  take  it,"  replied  the  Judge. 

"I  couldn't  take  so  much,  Judge." 

"But  that's  all  right.  I  get  an  even  one  hundred  dollars  from  it 
and  keep  seventy-five  dollars  for  myself.  And  what  is  more,  I  want 
you  for  a  partner." 

Judge  Belden  and  Mr.  McKinley  practiced  together  for  several 
years,  when  the  judge  died. 

A  Bow-legged  Plaintiff. — A  few  days  after  entering  into  partner 
ship  with  Judge  Belden  he  was  asked  to  defend  a  surgeon  against 
whom  suit  had  been  brought  by  a  man  whose  broken  leg  he  had  set. 
It  was  a  suit  for  malpractice,  the  plaintiff  contending  that  it  was 
through  the  surgeon's  fault  that  the  injured  leg  had  become  crooked. 
It  was  certain  that  he  was  distressingly  bow-legged.  One  of  the  most 
brilliant  members  of  the  bar  had  been  retained  as  counsel  for  the 
plaintiff,  and  heavy  damages  were  demanded.  In  the  presence  of 
the  court  the  injured  limb  was  bared,  and  the  brilliant  lawyer  asked : 

"Did  you  ever  see  anything  worse  than  that  ?" 

There  could  be  no  doubt  about  it. 

"There,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,"  cried  the  lawyer,  "is  the  con 
vincing  evidence  which  even  my  learned  friend  on  the  other  side  can 
not  question.  There  is  the  convincing  proof  of  the  negligence  or 
incompetency  of  the  surgeon  who  has  destroyed  forever  the  symmetry 
of  my  client's  perfect  limb  besides  injuring  him  for  life.  I  am  sure 


that  you  intelligent  gentlemen  will  give  my  client  the  only  remedy 
possible  and  which  can  never  fully  compensate  him  for  his  sufferings 
and  loss,  but  may  serve  to  teach  the  medical  men  that  a  poor  patient 
is  entitled  to  the  same  skill  and  considerate  treatment  that  are  given 
to  the  millionaire  and  the  man  who  is  able  to  pay  a  liberal  fee  for 
his  service." 

The  lawyer  finished  his  speech  with  an  air  of  triumph,  and  sat 
down  wondering  if  the  opposing  counsel  would  dare  open  his  mouth 
in  reply.  McKinley  arose,  and  turning  to  the  plaintiff,  said  simply: 

"Bare  the  other  leg." 

"I  object,"  said  his  lawyer;  "the  other  leg  is  not  in  the  case. 
We  claim  damages  for  the  one  that  has  been  virtually  destroyed,  as 
the  jury  and  your  honor  have  observed  for  yourselves." 

The  judge  decided  that  the  request  of  the  counsel  was  reasonable 
and  proper,  and  commanded  the  witness  to  bare  his  leg  as  directed. 

There  was  nothing  else  to  do,  and  so  the  man  slowly  and  shame 
facedly  drew  up  the  trousers  of  his  other  limb.  Instantly  the  jurors 
and  spectators  broke  into  convulsive  laughter,  for  the  second  limb 
was  more  twisted  than  the  first.  When  the  laughter  had  subsided, 
McKinley  said: 

"Nature  seems  to  have  done  less  for  this  man  than  my  client. 
I  move,  therefore,  that  the  suit  be  dismissed  with  the  recommendation 
that  the  complainant  have  his  other  leg  broken  and  set  by  my  client, 
the  surgeon." 

Elected  Prosecuting  Attorney.  —  It  did  not  appear  as  though 
there  was  much  chance  for  a  rising  young  Eepublican  politician  in 
such  a  Democratic  stronghold  as  Stark  County,  but  Mr.  McKinley 
had  already  developed  considerable  reputation,  and  in  1869,  when  he 
found  that  he  could  have  the  party  nomination  for  prosecuting  attor 
ney,  he  resolved  to  take  it  and  get  the  place.  The  county  was  so 
strongly  Democratic  that  his  nomination  was  really  intended  for 
nothing  more  than  a  compliment,  no  one  having  the  slightest  idea 


of  his  election.  But  McKinley,  inspired  as  was  then  thought  by  the 
idea  of  distinguishing  himself  in  the  eyes  of  his  -fiancee,  went  into 
the  campaign  with  such  vigor  that  he  carried  the  county.  The  oppos 
ing  candidate  was  William  A.  Lynch,  who  was  also  the  opposing 
counsel  in  his  first  law  case.  Two  years  later  the  two  men  were  again 
opposing  candidates.  This  time  Lynch  was  elected.  Mr.  Lynch 
became  one  of  Mr.  McKinley's  strongest  friends  and  as  a  gold  Demo 
crat  worked  for  his  election  in  1896.  It  was  not  an  unusual  experience 
in  McKinley's  life  that  those  who  opposed  him  in  the  fiercest  political 
campaign  ended  by  becoming  his  staunchest  supporters. 



The  most  prominent  young  man  in  Canton  was  William  McKin- 
ley.  It  would  have  been  strange  if  he  had  not  fallen  in  love  with  the 
belle  of  the  town,  who,  everybody  agreed,  was  not  only  beautiful  but 
possessed  of  all  the  virtues  which  adorn  her  sex.  Ida  Saxton  was  the 
daughter  of  James  A.  Saxton,  a  successful  banker  of  Canton.  She 
was  born  in  1847  and  received  every  educational  advantage  to  be 
obtained  in  that  day.  After  graduating  from  Media  Seminary,  she 
was  sent  to  Europe  for  an  extended  tour.  A  recent  visitor  to  Canton 
says  that  the  people  all  remember  the  home-coming  of  Miss  Ida,  and 
agree  that  she  was  a  young  lady  of  unusual  beauty,  bright  and  win 
some,  although  it  is  said  at  times  a  little  capricious,  but  the  embodi 
ment  of  healthy,  happy  girlhood.  She  appreciated  the  advantages 
which  she  had  received,  and  was  conscious  of  the  duties  of  her  posi 
tion.  That  she  was  a  woman  of  fascinating  personality  and  unusual 
force  of  character  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  no  one  in  Canton  who 
knew  her  at  that  time  but  can  now  recall  some  incident  illustrative  of 
her  charming  character. 

A  Real  Love  Story. — A  friend  of  the  Saxton  family  said  that 
after  her  return  from  Europe  her  father  lived  in  constant  dread  that 
she  would  soon  marry  and  leave  him,  and  in  consequence  planned  all 
sorts  of  methods  to  keep  her  admirers,  with  which  she  was  bountifully 
supplied,  at  a  safe  distance.  It  was  his  hope  that  she  might  remain 
single  and  always  live  for  his  own  comfort.  Although  a  man  of  large 
means,  he  believed  that  every  one  should  know  how  to  make  a  living, 
and  he  therefore  taught  his  daughter  the  banking  business,  and  in  a 
little  while  she  was  stationed  at  the  cashier's  window  in  his  bank. 
Here  he  fondly  hoped  that  she  was  truly  caged,  but  he  reckoned  with- 


out  his  host.  As  a  writer  has  said,  "it  was  the  old  sweet  story,  and  if 
to  the  life  romance  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley  there  was  added  a 
little  early  opposition,  the  necessity  for  some  few  innocent  manoeu 
vres  to  secure  a  coveted  interview,  surely  the  world  is  more  interested 
in  the  story.  For  although  all  the  world  loves  a  lover,  it  loves  best 
one  who  owns  a  stout  heart  to  win  his  'faire  ladye.' '  Mr.  Saxton. 
yi elded  to  the  inevitable  as  gracefully  as  a  man  could  yield  when  he 
found  it  inevitable,  and  consented  to  the  union  of  his  daughter  with 
Major  McKinley,  who  was  then  the  most  popular  young  man  in  town. 
A  Philadelphia  lady  is  still  in  possession  of  a  memento  of  the  union 
in  the  shape  of  a  faded  invitation  to  the  wedding. 

Early  Sorrows. — Their  first  child  was  born  on  Christmas  Day, 
1871,  and  was  named  Kate.  The  second  daughter  was  named  for  her 
mother.  Before  her  birth  Mrs.  McKinley's  mother  died,  and  so  great 
was  the  shock  as  to  cause  a  long  and  severe  illness,  resulting  in  such 
prostration  that  she  has  never  entirely  recovered.  The  second  child 
was  taken  from  them  when  it  was  six  months  old,  and  shortly  after 
wards  their  firstborn  died.  It  was  a  common  remark  in  the  community 
that  although  they  were  overwhelmed  by  their  bereavement  they  did 
not  rise  from  it  with  a  particle  of  bitterness  or  melancholy.  Indeed, 
their  sorrow  had  such  a  mellowing  effect  that  it  seemed  to  cast  a  halo 
about  them,  and  people  who  met  them  said  that  even  a  trial  so  great 
might  have  its  compensations  in  this  life.  With  no  child  to  whom 
their  hearts  might  go  out,  it  is  not  strange  that  two  natures  as  affec 
tionate  as  they  were  should  be  drawn  even  closer  together,  and  that 
their  love  should  have  become  a  lifetime  devotion  that  fell  little  short 
of  idolatry.  The  story  of  the  President's  affection  for  his  invalid  wife 
will  long  be  remembered  as  one  of  the  sweetest  stories  of  our  domestic 

Mrs.  McKinley. — Mrs.  McKinley  was  perhaps  as  abundantly  sup 
plied  with  affection  as  her  husband,  although  her  love  was  not  so 
remarkable  to  the  world  as  his  own.  She  never  made  any  concealment 


of  her  pride  in  her  husband.  She  always  believed  in  him  with  all 
her  heart.  She  believed  that  he  was  the  greatest  power  for  good  in  the 
country.  She  believed  in  his  opinions  and  in  his  statesmanship,  and 
she  loved  him  so  intensely  that  she  could  not  keep  from  disliking  any 
one  who  passed  the  slightest  criticism  upon  him.  No  one  could  ever 
joke  about  Mr.  McKinley  in  her  presence  with  safety.  She  was  never 
surprised  at  any  of  the  honors  which  came  to  him.  To  her  thinking 
they  came  as  a  matter  of  course.  She  knew  what  he  had  in  him  when 
she  married  him,  and  she  believed  that  the  world  would  sooner  or  later 
find  it  out.  While  she  appreciated  the  honors  which  came  to  him,  they 
never  made  any  difference  in  her  feeling  toward  him.  To  this  day 
he  is  what  she  called  him  when  she  first  knew  him — simply  "the 



McKinley's  success  at  the  bar,  his  marked  ability  as  a  speaker, 
and  the  charms  of  his  personality  soon  brought  him  into  public  notice 
and  he  began  to  be  much  in  demand. 

"A  Coming  Politician." — The  story  is  told  that  on  one  occa 
sion  he  was  sent  for  to  fill  the  appointment  of  a  prominent 
politician  who  had  been  canvassing  the  county,  and  who  was  detained 
at  home  by  sickness.  He  was  so  youthful  in  appearance  and  so  modest 
that  when  he  was  introduced  to  the  chairman  of  the  meeting,  Michael 
Bitzer,  that  gentleman  could  only  ask: 

"Can  you  make  a  speech?" 

This  rather  blunt  remark  quite  took  the  breath  from  the  young 
man  for  a  moment,  but  on  being  assured  that  no  offence  was  intended 
he  soon  regained  his  composure  and  his  pleasant  face  and  went  to  his 

One  of  His  Early  Efforts. — When  he  arose  and  looked  at  his 
audience  there  was  not  a  sign,  it  is  said,  of  the  emotion  which  usually 
attends  a  young  man's  early  efforts.  "But,"  says  Mr.  Bitzer,  "as  I 
remember  him  the  same  strong  characteristics  which  have  been  so 
notable  in  his  public  life  within  the  last  few  years  stood  out  forcibly 
on  that  night."  Every  one  was  impressed  with  his  strong  personality 
and  his  kindly  manner,  though  his  audience  could  only  see  him  dimly 
in  the  glimmer  of  the  street  lamps.  "His  hearty  handshake  and  his 
pleasant  smile  were  all  there  only  waiting  for  opportunity  to  develop 
them."  It  is  said  that  while  he  spoke  the  silence  would  have  admitted 
of  hearing  a  pin  drop.  The  night  was  clear  and  his  voice  was  distinctly 
heard  by  those  who  stood  a  hundred  feet  away  on  the  store  steps.  He 
did  not  once  refer  to  his  notes,  and  his  vocabulary  never  failed  him. 


"Could  he  speak?"  said  Mr.  Bitzer  the  other  day,  recalling 
the  memorable  scene.  Michael  is  now  eighty-three  years  old  but 
he  remembers  it  all  as  if  it  happened  yesterday. 

"Could  he  speak?  Well,  I  should  say  he  could;  everybody  was 
simply  dumfounded.  For  nearly  an  hour  he  talked  as  no  young  man 
in  Stark  County  had  talked  before.  I  told  Judge  Underbill  who 
accompanied  him  after  the  meeting,  that  McKinley  did  a  blamed 
sight  better  than  he  could,  and  the  Judge,  too,  pronounced  him  a  com 
ing  politician." 

Mr.  Bitzer  said  he  was  greatly  surprised  when  the  Judge  intro 
duced  the  young  strip  of  a  boy,  saying  that  he  had  come  to  make  a 
speech  in  place  of  another  judge  who  was  unable  to  be  present. 

"Of  course  I  only  asked  McKinley  in  a  joke  if  he  could  make  a 
speech.  I  spoke  to  him  much  as  I  would  to  a  boy,  but  I  really  did 
have  my  doubts  about  such  a  young  man  doing  justice  to  the  occasion/' 

He  introduced  him  as  "William  McKinley  of  Canton." 

"Introduced  Into  Politics." — The  old  man  is  naturally  very  proud 
of  having  "introduced  the  President  into  politics,"  as  he  puts  it. 
One  day  he  drove  to  Canton  and  on  the  street  met  Mr.  McKinley  and 
ex-Postmaster-General  Heath. 

"Here,"  said  the  President  to  his  companion  as  he  put  his  hand 
upon  Michael's  shoulder,  "is  the  man  who  introduced  me  into  politics 
several  years  ago." 

Several  years  before  that,  Mr.  Bitzer  had  called  at  the  Governor's 
office  in  Columbus  when  Mr.  McKinley  was  Governor.  Introducing 
him  to  the  dozen  people  who  were  at  the  time  in  the  room  the 
Governor  said : 

"This  is  the  man  who  first  introduced  me  into  politics." 

Elected  to  Congress. — In  1877  Mr.  McKinley's  friends  proposed 
his  name  for  Congress.  In  his  own  county  delegates  to  the  Congres 
sional  Convention  were  elected  by  a  popular  vote.  McKinley  carried 
every  township  in  the  county  but  one  and  that  had  but  a  single  dele- 


gate;  while  in  the  other  counties  he  was  almost  equally  successful. 
When  the  Convention  met  he  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot.  The 
nomination  was  a  forlorn  hope  at  best,  but  he  accepted  it  and  was 

Soon  Attracts  Attention. — He  was  but  thirty-four  years  old 
when  he  entered  the  House.  As  every  one  knows,  there  is  but  little 
opportunity,  as  a  rule,  for  a  new  Congressman  to  show  what  is  in 
him,  no  matter  how  marked  his  ability  may  be.  He  is  assigned  to  an 
obscure  place  on  an  unimportant  committee  and  there  he  must  bide 
his  time.  McKinley,  however,  had  made  a  profound  study  of  economic 
questions,  and  this  fact  together  with  his  quiet  manners  and  grave, 
preoccupied  look  soon  attracted  attention.  Among  those  who  became 
interested  in  the  new  member  was  James  G.  Elaine.  Their  views  on 
public  questions  were  similar,  and  Elaine  invited  him  to  his  State 
to  help  in  the  elections  in  the  following  October.  In  his  "Twenty 
Years  in  Congress"  Elaine  says  of  the  young  Congressman : 

How  He  Impressed  Elaine. — "William  McKinley,  Jr.,  entered 
from  the  Canton  district.  He  enlisted  in  an  Ohio  regiment  when 
but  seventeen  years  old,  and  soon  won  the  rank  of  major  by  meritorious 
services.  The  interest  of  his  constituency  and  his  own  bent  of  mind 
led  him  to  the  study  of  industrial  questions,  and  he  was  soon  recognized 
in  the  House  as  one  of  the  most  thorough  statisticians  and  one  of  the 
ablest  defenders  of  the  doctrine  of  protection." 

Pig-iron  Kelly. — When  Elaine  entered  the  House  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  the  great  Democratic  Protectionist,  was  Speaker,  and  James 
A.  Garfield  was  the  Republican  leader.  The  great  champion  of  pro 
tection  at  that  time  was  William  D.  Kelly,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  man  who 
possessed  a  marvelous  amount  of  information  on  all  subjects  relating 
to  tariff  and  industrial  conditions.  McKinley  sat  at  the  feet  of  the 
veteran  and  became  known  as  the  lieutenant  of  "Pig-iron  Kelly,"  as 
the  Pennsylvanian  representative  was  called.  Mr.  Kelly  was  attracted 
by  the  studious  attention  of  the  young  Ohioan  and  expressed  a  wish 


that  McRinley  should  succeed  him  as  leader  in  the  cause  of  protec 
tion.  It  is  needless  to  add  that  this  wish  was  gratified  even  to  a 
greater  length  than  Kelly  had  hoped  for. 

In  Politics  to  Stay. — It  was  soon  discovered  that  McKinley  had 
come  into  politics  to  stay.  For  fourteen  years  he  represented  the 
district  of  which  Stark  County  was  a  part.  It  was  not  the  same 
district  all  these  years,  however,  as  the  opposite  party  several  times 
gerrymandered  it  with  the  hope  of  securing  his  defeat.  Their  first 
attempt  was  unsuccessful  but  he  had  a  narrow  escape.  The  next 
attempt  was  made  in  1882  and  McKinley  was  elected  by  a  majority  of 
only  eight  votes.  It  is  said  that  after  his  election  he  went  to  Wash 
ington  and  called  on  Secretary  Folger  at  the  Treasury  Department. 
There  was  a  Democratic  landslide  that  year  and  Folger  had  been 
defeated  as  Governor  of  New  York  by  Grover  Cleveland  by  a  majority 
of  192,000  votes.  McKinley  spoke  of  the  result  in  his  district  and 
complained  of  his  small  majority. 

"Why,"  he  said,  "my  majority  was  only  eight  votes." 
'TToung  man,"  replied  Folger,  "let  me  tell  you  that  eight  votes 
is  a  mighty  big  majority  this  fall." 



When  Garfield  retired  from  Congress  McKinley  succeeded  him 
on  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  as  a  member  of  this  com 
mittee  in  1882  he  urged  that  a  tariff  commission  be  appointed,  and 
made  a  strong  speech  in  its  support.  As  is  well  known,  he  took  the 
leading  part  in  framing  the  tariff  bill  of  1883,  which  was  enforced 
for  seven  years.  His  speeches  on  this  measure  added  greatly  to  his 
reputation,  and  he  soon  became  the  recognized  exponent  of  the  tariff. 
The  Morrison  Horizontal  Reduction  bill,  which  came  up  in  1884, 
gave  him  another  opportunity  to  fight  free  trade,  which  he  did  with 
great  energy,  though  he  battled  in  vain,  the  Democrats  being  in 
majority  in  the  House. 

Up  to  this  time  McKinley  had  not  entered  into  the  domain  of 
national  politics,  nor  had  he  taken  any  great  part  in  the  affairs  of  his 
native  State.  He  had  found  enough  to  do  to  look  after  his  district. 
But  he  was  now  in  the  public  eye  and  the  public  began  to  call  for  him. 

Exhibits  Marked  Parliamentary  Ability, — In  1884  he  was  made 
permanent  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Convention  at  Cleve 
land,  where  he  displayed  marked  parliamentary  ability.  At  this 
convention  he  showed  how  a  man  surrounded  by  all  the  tempta 
tions  of  a  public  life  can  be  true  to  a  friend  who  also  has  political 

True  to  His  Friends. — The  fight  was  between  Elaine  and  Sherman, 
and  the  great  contest  was,  of  course,  for  the  delegates  at  large. 
McKinley  had  promised  some  friends,  who  themselves  wanted  to  be 
delegates,  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate.  Somebody  nominated 
him,  but  McKinley  from  the  platform  immediately  withdrew  his  own 
name.  The  sentiment  for  McKinley,  however,  was  growing  every 


moment,  and  his  friends  would  not  be  still.  A  motion  was  put 
to  elect  him  a  delegate,  but  McKinley  being  chairman  declared  the 
motion  out  of  order.  General  Grosvenor  put  the  motion  again  and 
declared  that  it  was  carried,  but  again  McKinley  ruled  it  out  of  order. 
His  opinion  was  appealed  from  and  he  was  not  sustained,  and  General 
Grosvenor  put  the  motion  again,  and  it  was  carried.  McKinley  would 
not  have  it,  and  was  again  overruled  in  spite  of  appeals.  Finally  there 
was  a  roll  call,  and  he  was  elected  in  spite  of  himself.  He  went  to 
the  convention  at  Chicago  and  made  a  great  name  for  himself  as  a 
leader  of  the  Elaine  men  and  as  the  writer  of  the  platform  of  that 
year.  It  was  his  first  work  in  national  politics,  and  he  was  already 

Again  and  again  efforts  to  defeat  him  failed.  His  leadership  in 
the  tariff  debate  was  continued  by  his  fight  against  the  Mills  bill  in 
1888  as  the  head  of  the  Eepublican  minority.  It  was  in  this  year 
(1888)  that  he  was  elected  to  Congress  for  the  seventh  consecutive, 
but,  as  it  proved,  last  time,  and  it  was  in  this  year  also  that  the  first 
suggestion  of  his  name  for  the  Presidency  was  made. 

Scrupulous  Honor. — It  was  the  Chicago  Convention  that  nomi 
nated  Harrison  The  delegates,  convinced  that  Sherman  was  a  polit 
ical  impossibility,  started  a  stampede  for  McKinley. 

It  is  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  story  in  the  history  of  American 

"Csesar  thrice  thrust  away  the  kingly  crown  on  the  Lupercal," 
— I  quote  from  the  New  York  Mail  and  Express — "and  McKinley  has 
twice  waved  aside  a  Presidential  nomination  which  might  have  been 
his.  No  one  who  was  privileged  to  witness  the  stirring  scenes  of  the 
Republican  National  Convention  in  June,  1888,  can  ever  forget  them. 
No  candidate  had  been  able  to  secure  a  majority.  Sherman,  Alger, 
Allison,  Harrison,  Gresham  and  Depew  all  had  a  strong  following, 
but  none  were  anywhere  near  a  nomination.  McKinley  at  the  head  of 
the  Ohio  delegation,  instructed  to  vote  his  delegation  solidly  for 
Sherman,  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  convention. 


The  Convention  Turns  to  McKinley. — "His  entrance  at  each 
session  was  greeted  with  the  wildest  enthusiasm.  Day  and  night  he 
was  at  work  among  the  various  State  delegations,  laboring  to  secure 
votes  for  Ohio's  great  financier.  On  the  sixth  ballot  a  delegate  voted 
for  William  McKinley,  and  was  greeted  by  cheers  which  swelled  again 
and  again  before  silence  could  be  restored.  The  next  State  that  was 
called  cast  seventeen  votes  for  McKinley,  and  again  the  cheers  broke 
forth.  The  drift  was  unmistakably  setting  toward  McKinley  like  an 
ocean  tide. 

"Everyone  expected  to  see  the  Garfield  nomination  of  1880 
repeated.  But  they  were  disappointed.  The  roll  call  was  interrupted 
by  McKinley,  who,  leaping  upon  a  chair  at  the  end  of  the  middle  aisle, 
pale,  but  calm  and  determined,  uttered  a  speech  which,  unpremeditated 
as  it  must  have  been,  has  never  been  surpassed  for  eloquence,  for  can 
dor  and  unselfish  loyalty.  He  said: 

A  Remarkable  Speech. — "  'Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention:  I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my 
State.  I  am  here  by  resolution  of  the  Republican  State  Convention, 
commanding  me  to  cast  my  vote  for  John  Sherman  for  President, 
and  to  use  every  worthy  endeavor  to  secure  his  nomination.  I  accepted 
the  trust,  because  my  heart  and  judgment  were  in  accord  with  the 
letter  and  spirit  and  purpose  of  that  resolution.  It  has  pleased 
certain  delegates  to  cast  their  votes  for  me  for  President.  I  am  not 
insensible  to  the  honor  they  would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the 
duty  resting  upon  me,  I  cannot  remain  silent  with  honor.  I  cannot 
consistently,  with  the  wish  of  the  State  whose  credentials  I  bear,  and 
which  has  trusted  me;  I  cannot  consistently,  with  my  own  views  of 
personal  integrity,  consent,  or  seem  to  consent,  to  permit  my  name 
to  be  used  as  a  candidate  before  this  convention.  I  would  not  respect 
myself  if  I  could  find  it  in  my  heart  to  do  or  to  permit  to  be  clone  that 
which  could  even  be  ground  for  any  one  to  suspect  that  I  wavered  in 
my  loyalty  to  Ohio,  or  my  devotion  to  the  chief  of  her  choice  and  the 


chief  of  mine.  I  do  not  request — I  demand  that  no  delegate  who 
would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me  shall  cast  a  ballot  for  me.' 

"The  tide  was  turned,  for  who  could  resist  such  an  appeal  from 
a  man  so  loyal,  so  honorable  and  so  unselfish  ?  On  the  seventh  ballot 
Benjamin  Harrison  was  named,  but  McKinley  went  home  to  Ohio 
stronger  than  ever  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellowmen." 

Thrusts  Aside  the  Honor. — Hon.  John  Little,  at  one  time  a  Con 
gressional  colleague  of  McKinley,  in  speaking  of  the  incident,  said 
that  those  who  attended  the  Eepublican  National  Convention  of  1888 
could  not  fail  to  remember  the  frequent  manifestations  of  friendship 
towards  William  McKinley  from  its  very  beginning.  Every  day  at 
Ohio  headquarters,  and  more  and  more  as  the  week  wore  away,  dele 
gates  from  all  parts  of  the  country  asked,  (CWhj  not  nominate  McKin 
ley?"  Mr.  Little  relates  that  just  after  midnight,  before  the  final 
adjournment,  McKinley  took  him  by  the  arm  at  the  Sherman  head 
quarters  and  requested  him  to  go  with  him.  He  led  the  way  to  the 
rooms  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation  in  the  same  building  and  inquired 
for  the  chairman  of  the  delegation. 

"I  have  just  been  informed,"  said  Mr.  McKinley,  "that  your 
delegation  has  determined  to  cast  a  solid  vote  for  me  to-morrow.  I 
called  to  inquire  whether  this  is  true." 

"I  do  not  wish  to  give  you  a  short  answer,  Major,"  responded  the 
chairman,  "but  whether  true  or  not  this  is  a  matter  of  our  own  con 
cern.  We  act  on  our  own  responsibility  in  determining  how  we  shall 
cast  our  vote,  being  accountable  only  to  the  Republicans  of  New 
Jersey  in  what  we  do." 

"I  beg  your  pardon,"  warmly  responded  the  Major,  with  a  face 
somewhat  flushed;  "allow  me  to  say  that  it  is  not  a  matter  of  your 
own  concern  alone.  It  deeply  concerns  me  and  I  feel  that  it  is  my 
right  to  know  your  purpose.  I  am  sure  you  will  not  deny  me." 

"No,  no,"  replied  the  chairman,  "since  you  are  so  earnest  about 
no  impropriety  in  stating  to  you  that  we  have  determined  to 


cast  our  vote  for  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  for  President  from 
now  on  to  the  end;  and  we  shall  not  be  alone/' 

Mr.  Little  does  not  attempt  to  quote  the  response,  but  after 
pressing  the  claims  of  Mr.  Sherman  for  the  Presidency,  his  voice 
became  somewhat  tremulous  from  excitement,  and  he  began  to  speak 
of  the  dishonor  of  receiving  votes  for  himself  after  he  had  accepted 
the  trust  of  delegate-at-large  to  aid  in  accomplishing  Mr.  Sherman's 
nomination.  Then  raising  his  right  arm,  he  said: 

"Rather  than  that,  I  would  suffer  the  loss  of  that  good  right  arm ; 
yes,  I  would  suffer  death.  To  accept  a  nomination,  if  one  were  possi 
ble,  under  these  circumstances  would  inevitably  lead  to  my  defeat  and 
it  ought  to  lead  to  my  defeat/' 

The  stillness  which  followed  was  intense.  Presently  the  chair 
man  said : 

"Well,  Major,  if  that  is  the  way  you  view  it,  of  course  we  will  not 
vote  for  you/' 

"1  thank  yon,  profoundly,"  said  McKinlcy.  "You  don't  know 
what  relief  that  assurance  gives  me.  Now  that  you  have  so  kindly 
granted  my  request  let  me  make  another  of  yon." 

"What  is  it?"  asked  the  chairman. 

"That  you  cast  your  vote  for  Mr.  Sherman  to-morrow." 

The  chairman  promised  to  consider  the  request  and  thought  Mr. 
Sherman  would  get  a  part  of  the  votes  of  his  delegation.  This  dra 
matic  incident  was  related  by  Mr.  Little  to  Mr.  Robert  P.  Porter,  of 
the  Cleveland  World  f  and  may  be  accepted  as  authentic. 

A  National  Figure. — Events  were  now  moving  rapidly  to  make 
Mr.  McKinlcy  a  national  figure.  In  Congress,  for  the  last  time,  the 
death  of  William  I).  Kelley  in  January,  1890,  made  McKinlcy  the 
chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  and  leader  of  his  party  in 
the  House.  lie  was  not  unprepared  for  such  a  position,  as  his  first 
speech  in  Congress  had  been  on  the  tariff  issue,  and  since  1881  his 
whole  attention  had  been  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  subject,  so  that 


he  was  the  master  of  the  fact  and  theory.  During  these  years  of  debate 
he  had  won  from  friends  and  opponents  a  reputation  as  a  singularly 
clear  and  logical  debater,  who  had  a  great  talent  for  marshaling  facts 
in  order  like  a  column  of  troops  and  throwing  them  against  the  vital 
point  in  a  controversy.  "He  had  a  pleasing  voice  of  good,  strong  qual 
ity,  he  never  rambled,  he  told  no  anecdotes,  he  indulged  in  no  sopho- 
moric  flights  of  oratory;  he  went  straight  to  the  marrow  of  his  theme 
by  processes  of  argument  and  illustration  so  clear,  simple  and  direct 
that  he  won  respect  and  admiration  from  both  sides  of  the  House. 
One  of  his  leading  opponents  used  to  say  that  he  had  to  brace  himself 
mentally  not  to  be  carried  away  by  the  strong  undercurrent  of  McKin- 
ley's  irresistibly  persuasive  talk." 

The  McKinley  Tariff. — As  a  result  of  these  years  of  study  and 
experience,  he  laid  before  Congress  and  carried  through  two  important 
measures — the  customs  administration  bill  and  the  famous  McKinley 
tariff  bill,  the  McKinley  bill,  by  virtue  of  its  eminence,  the  latter  not 
only  giving  him  fame  with  his  countrymen  but  a  notoriety  in  Europe 
of  the  most  far-reaching  character. 

Mr.  Eussell,  Mr.  McKinley' s  biographer,  in  speaking  of  the  enor 
mous  amount  of  work  which  was  done  by  McKinley  in  framing  this 
measure,  says: 

"The  room  at  the  Capitol,  and  his  little  office  at  the  Ebbitt  House 
were  the  liveliest  workshops  in  Washington  during  the  Fifty-first 
Congress.  The  industry  of  framing  the  bill  ran  day  and  night,  and 
into  the  small  hours.  The  committee  met  in  its  room  at  the  Capitol 
to  hear  all  who  wished  to  be  heard  on  the  bill,  manufacturers,  laborers, 
importers,  free  traders  and  protectionists.  The  McKinley  bill  was  no 
'closed  door'  affair.  Not  a  single  interest,  asking  to  be  heard,  was 
refused.  At  the  very  beginning,  McKinley  announced  that  he  would 
listen  to  the  testimony  of  any  of  the  great  interests  of  the  country 
until  the  bill  was  finally  passed.  So  frank  and  open  was  he  in  his 
work  that  the  business  of  the  country  continued  in  a  feeling  of  abso- 


lute  security.  There  was  no  distrust,  and  rumors  could  not  be  used 
in  Wall  street  to  shake  the  foundations  of  finance  or  frighten  com 
mercial  and  business  men.  Wheels  turned  and  looms  hummed  with 
no  interruption." 

His  Frankness. — "When  he  was  pressing  the  passage  of  the  bill 
his  frankness  was  only  matched  by  his  amiability/*'  wrote  a  friend. 
"So  when  the  bill  had  been  passed,  McKinley  was  the  most  notable 
figure  in  Washington  and  he  was  respected  alike  by  those  who  had 
fought  with  and  those  who  had  fought  against  him.  There  probably 
never  was  a  measure  passed  in  Washington  of  so  much  importance  as 
this,  with  so  little  hard  feeling  and  so  few  hard  words.  There  was 
no  mistaking  McKinley's  intention.  He  was  always  entirety  frank 
and  open  and  aboveboard.  He  tried  no  devious  ways ;  he  had  no  con 
cealed  traps  to  spring.  And  so  those  who  fought  him  hardest  became 
his  foremost  well-wishers  as  a  man,  whatever  they  thought  of  his 

Defeated  for  Congress. — The  McKinley  bill  became  a  law  on 
October  6,  1890,  and  unfortunately  on  his  head  and  on  his  bill  fell 
all  the  odium  of  the  hard  times  which  were  due  to  other  policies  of 
other  men,  and  as  a  result  of  a  third  gerrymandering  of  his  district 
and  a  reaction  against  his  party  he  was  defeated  for  Congress  in 
November,  but  not  until  he  had  wrested  three  out  of  four  counties 
of  his  district  from  the  Democrats  and  was  beaten  by  only  302  votes, 
having  reduced  the  enemy's  probable  majority  by  2,800. 

Of  this  bill  Mr.  McKinley  has  said: 

"The  law  of  1890  was  enacted  for  the  American  people  and  the 
American  home.  Whatever  mistakes  were  made  in  it  were  all  made 
in  favor  of  the  occupations  and  the  firesides  of  the  American  people. 
It  didn't  take  away  a  single  day's  work  from  a  solitary  American 
workingman.  It  gave  work  and  wages  to  all,  such  as  they  had  never 
had  before.  It  did  it  by  establishing  new  and  great  industries  in  this 
country,  which  increased  the  demand  for  the  skill  and  handiwork  of 


our  laborers  everywhere.  It  had  no  friends  in  Europe.  It  gave  their 
industries  no  stimulus.  It  gave  no  employment  to  their  labor  at  the 
expense  of  our  own. 

"During  more  than  two  years  of  the  administration  of  President 
Harrison,  and  down  to  its  end,  it  raised  all  the  revenue  necessary  to 
pay  the  vast  expenditures  of  the  government,  including  the  interest 
on  the  public  debt  and  the  pensions.  It  never  encroached  upon  the 
gold  reserve,  which  in  the  past  had  always  been  sacredly  preserved 
for  the  redemption  of  outstanding  paper  obligations  of  the  government. 

"During  all  of  its  operations,  down  to  the  change  and  reversal 
of  its  policy  by  the  election  of  1892,  no  man  can  assert  that  in  the 
industries  affected  by  it  wages  were  too  high,  although  they  were 
higher  than  ever  before  in  this  or  any  other  country.  If  any  such 
can  be  found  I  beg  that  they  be  named.  I  challenge  the  enemies  of 
the  law  of  1890  to  name  a  single  industry  of  that  kind.  Further, 
I  assert  that  in  the  industries  affected  by  that  law,  which  that  law 
fostered,  no  American  consumer  suffered  by  the  increased  cost  of  any 
home  products  that  he  bought.  He  never  bought  them  so  low  before, 
nor  did  he  ever  enjoy  the  benefit  of  so  much  open,  free,  home  com 
petition.  Neither  producer  nor  consumer,  employer  nor  employe, 
suffered  by  that  law." 



When  it  was  known  that  great  protectionist  was  defeated, 
men  who  did  not  understand  the  firm  hold  which  he  had  on  the  people 
of  his  native  State  said  that  it  was  "the  last  of  McKinley;"  but  no 
sooner  was  it  known  that  he  would  not  return  to  Congress  than  a 
movement  was  started  for  his  nomination  as  governor. 

Chief  Executive  of  His  Native  State. — The  interest  which  was 
immediately  awakened  soon  grew  to  an  overwhelming  enthusiasm, 
and  when  the  Convention  met  no  other  name  was  presented,  and  he 
was  nominated  by  acclamation.  He  was  elected  by  a  plurality  over 
Campbell  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  votes. 

He  was  inaugurated  in  January,  1892,  and  made  a  model  governor. 
When  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  position  he  knew  very  little 
about  the  affairs  of  his  State,  except  such  as  he  had  gained  by  read 
ing,  but  he  was  not  long  in  learning  what  was  expected  of  him,  and 
he  soon  had  the  affairs  of  his  office  well  in  hand.  He  was  a  good  judge 
of  men  and  in  consequence  made  admirable  appointments;  he  also 
had  an  eye  to  economy,  and  kept  down  appropriations  wherever 
possible,  though  in  this  he  was  seriously  handicapped  as  he  had  no  veto 
power.  During  his  administration  he  had  opportunity  in  several 
instances  to  display  a  high  order  of  courage.  The  moment  that  troops 
were  needed  to  preserve  order  in  a  strike  McKinley  did  not  hesitate 
to  order  them  out.  He  seems  never  to  have  stopped  to  inquire  into 
its  effect  on  his  political  future.  When  he  saw  his  duty  he  did  it. 
When  a  regiment  in  performance  of  its  duty  fired  to  kill,  he  sustained 
the  soldiers.  All  Ohio  soon  realized  that  their  governor  stood  for  law 
and  order,  and  that  he  would  continue  to  stand. 

A  Creditable  Record. — His  course  as  governor  was  highly  credit 
able  to  him  both  as  an  executive  and  as  a  man.  "He  sent  food," 


says  Mr.  Ellis,  "to  starving  miners,  assuming  all  responsibility  for 
payment  and  asking  no  one  to  contribute,  though  it  was  done;  he 
urged  arbitration,  and  by  securing  it  in  many  instances  brought 
troubles  to  an  end  after  they  had  continued  for  months;  he  was  as 
insistent  with  capitalists  as  with  their  employes  that  each  should  con 
cede  something  and  the  disputants  meet  half  way,  but  wMle  merci 
ful  and  kind,  he  was  also  stern  and  just.  When  the  State  was  threat 
ened  with  disorder,  he  called  out  the  whole  National  Guard;  he 
assumed  military  command  as  required  by  the  Constitution,  and  for 
weeks  slept  rarely  more  than  t\vro  or  three  hours  out  of  each  twenty- 
four;  he  checked  lawlessness,  and  by  his  prompt  effectiveness  averted 
the  lynching  horrors  which  have  disgraced  some  other  States.  Thus, 
though  his  second  term  was  trying  and  tempestuous,  it  won  the  respect 
of  good  citizens  everywhere  and  increased  the  estimation  in  which 
McKinley  was  held  throughout  the  country  itself." 

His  Financial  Misfortune. — It  was  during  his  first  term  as  gov 
ernor  that  he  was  overcome  by  a  great  financial  misfortune  which  has 
now  become  historic.  One  of  his  lifelong  friends,  a  man  who  had 
helped  him  in  his  early  years,  went  to  the  wall,  and  McKinley,  being 
an  endorser  on  his  notes  for  a  large  amount,  went  with  him.  It  is 
•  certain  that  McKinley  had  no  interest  whatever  in  the  business  which 
his  friend  Walker  represented.  He  endorsed  his  notes  simply  as  a 
friend,  and  because  he  felt  that  he  was  thereby  paying  a  debt  of  grati 
tude.  In  putting  his  name  on  the  notes  he  was  led  to  believe  that 
many  of  them  were  made  to  take  up  old  ones.  He  supposed  that  he 
had  really  endorsed  about  $15,000  worth,  but  when  the  failure  came  it 
was  found  that  the  old  notes  had  not  been  paid  and  that  the  entire 
amount  footed  up  to  $118,000.  While  his  political  opponents  did 
not  believe  that  he  had  done  anything  wrong  in  the  matter,  they  took 
advantage  of  his  calamity  to  insist  that  he  was  deficient  in  business 
ability.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  Mr.  Tod,  a  man  of 
extraordinary  business  ability,  declared  that  he  would  have  endorsed 
Walker's  papers  for  half  a  million  dollars  the  day  before  his  failure. 


McKinley  had  succeeded  by  severe  economy  in  acquiring  property 
to  the  amount  of  $20,000;  to  this  his  wife  added  her  inheritance  of 
$75,000,  insisting  that  the  debts  should  be  paid  to  the  last  penny.  The 
course  of  Mr.  McKinley  and  his  wife  deeply  touched  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  and  letters  began  to  pour  in  upon  the  governor  from  every 
point  of  the  compass,  enclosing  contributions  to  aid  in  the  payment 
of  the  claims.  In  every  instance,  however,  the  money  was  returned, 
with  thanks  for  the  sympathy  shown  him.  This  led  to  a  change  in 
the  tactics  of  his  friends,  and  they  began  to  send  him  money  without 
giving  their  names.  Not  knowing  what  to  do  with  these  anonymous 
gifts,  he  finally,  at  the  advice  of  his  friends,  placed  his  affairs  in  the 
hands  of  several  trustees.  In  a  few  weeks  his  trustees  came  to  him 
with  the  announcement  that  every  note  on  which  he  appeared  as 
endorser  had  been  paid,  and  that  not  a  dollar  of  the  private  fortune 
of  his  wife  and  himself  had  been  touched.  This  did  not  satisfy  Mr. 
McKinley  or  his  wife,  but  the  only  reply  they  got  was : 

"This  is  nobody's  business  but  ours." 

Only  the  trustees  themselves  knew  where  the  money  came  from, 
and  they  have  kept  the  secret  well. 

Elected  to  a  Second  Term. — His  second  election  to  the  governor 
ship  was  by  a  plurality  of  180,000,  the  largest  ever  known  in  that 
State  up  to  that  time.  This  overwhelming  tribute  to  his  worth 
attracted  wide  attention,  and  it  began  to  dawn  upon  the  people  that 
he  was  destined  for  far  greater  honors. 




In  1894  the  prevailing  depression  had  created  an  abnormal  interest 
in  politics,  and  the  whole  country  was  at  fever  heat.  There  had  not 
been  a  time  since  the  war  when  there  was  such  great  need  for  a  leader. 
It  was  natural  that  in  such  a  crisis  the  Eepublicans  of  the  country 
should  turn  to  Mr.  McKinley.  He  accepted  the  trust,  and  at  once 
became  the  towering  figure  in  the  campaign  of  that  year.  It  was  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  campaigns  in  the  history  of  American  politics. 
During  the  fall  Mr.  McKinley  made  a  tour  of  nineteen  States,  deliver 
ing  not  less  than  twenty  speeches  in  each.  During  two  days  in  Kansas 
he  spoke  to  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people.  He 
spoke  three  hundred  and  seventy  one  times  during  the  campaign,  and 
in  one  day  delivered  seventeen  speechs.  Of  this  campaign  Mr.  S.  G. 
McClure  says: 

A  Remarkable  Campaign. — "The  combined  tours  far  exceeded  a 
distance  half  way  round  the  world.  It  was  one  of  the  marvels  of  the 
man  that  he  was  able  to  undergo  all  the  fatigue  which  this  immense 
feat  implies,  and  yet  close  the  campaign  in  as  good  health  as  when  he 
began,  and  without  having  lost  a  pound  of  weight.  Very  often  he  was 
the  last  of  the  party  to  retire,  and  almost  invariably  was  the  first  to 
rise.  He  seemed  tireless.  Every  State  committee  in  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  and  beyond  it,  apparently  took  it  for  granted  that  the  gallant 
champion  of  patriotism,  protection  and  prosperity  could  not  be  over 
worked.  When  he  consented  to  make  one  speech  for  them,  they  forth 
with  arranged  a  half  a  dozen  short  stops  en  route,  and  kept  him  talking 
almost  constantly  from  daybreak  until  late  at  night.  He  agreed  to 
make  forty-six  set  speeches  in  all  during  the  campaign ;  when  he  had 
concluded,  he  had  not  only  made  them,  but  he  had  spoken  at  no  less 
than  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  other  points  as  well. 


Breaks  the  Record. — "For  over  eight  weeks  lie  averaged  more  than 
seven  speeches  a  day.  At  least  two  of  these  daily  were  to  large  audi 
ences  where  he  was  compelled  to  talk  for  an  hour  or  more;  the  others 
varied  from  ten  minutes  to  half  an  hour  in  length,  and  were  frequently 
addressed  to  crowds  of  five  thousand  people.  On  several  occasions  as 
the  special  train  was  hurrying  him  along  he  was  called  out  for  a  talk 
before  he  had  breakfasted,  and  would  find  to  his  surprise  that  two  or 
three  thousand  persons  had  gathered  at  that  early  hour  to  see  him.  It 
was  not  McKinley  who  sought  all  this;  it  was  the  people  who  sought 

Mr.  McClure  adds  that  the  glowing  accounts  which  the  Press 
Associations  carried  about  his  meetings  were  in  fact  modest  and  mod 
erate  narratives  of  what  transpired  daily.  The  correspondents  were 
expected  to  give  non-partisan  accounts,  and  did  so,  though  some  of  the 
opposition  papers,  which  were  served  by  the  Press  Association,  were 
growling  at  what  they  assumed  was  the  exaggeration  the  correspondents 
were  guilty  of.  "The  fact  is,  the  meetings  were  not  overdrawn  in  the 
least.  If  anything,  the  press  narratives  did  not  do  him  full  justice, 
simply  because  to  have  done  so  would  have  called  for  general  protests 
from  the  Democratic  papers  and  the  charge  that  the  accounts  were 
highly  colored.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  should  be  the  case.  No  one 
who  was  not  with  McKinley  part  or  all  the  time  could  form  an 
adequate  conception  of  the  enthusiasm  and  interest  with  which  he  was 
received  in  all  parts  of  the  nation.  It  had  to  be  seen  to  be  realized." 

His  Powers  of  Endurance. — Only  a  man  of  the  most  remarkable 
powers  of  endurance  could  have  gone  through  what  McKinley  did  in 
the  campaigns  of  '91-'96.  Murat  Halstead,  who  was  with  him  much  of 
the  time,  says  that  in  that  period  he  probably  spoke  to  more  than 
fifteen  million  people  and  shook  hands  with  a  million  and  a  half.  He 
made  about  a  thousand  speeches  averaging  an  hour  in  length.  Such  a 
task  was  enough  to  test  the  nerve  of  any  man,  but  McKinley  went 
through  it  all  without  the  least  symptoms  of  illness,  though  of  course 
he  was  often  wearied  and  worn. 


Few  men  have  been  better  fitted  for  such,  a  task.  He  was  a  born 
campaigner.  He  had  a  constitution  of  iron  and  remarkable  recupera 
tive  powers.  His  lungs  were  strong,  and  his  vocal  powers  Avere  all  that 
one  could  desire.  He  could  sleep  under  the  most  uncomfortable  condi 
tions,  and  eat  anything  in  almost  any  quantity  and  at  any  time. 

A  Man  of  the  People. — Then,  too,  he  was  a  man  of  the  people, 
and  the  people  instinctively  recognized  him  as  a  brother.  He  knew  how 
to  get  along  with  people.  He  remembered  faces  well  and  could  gener 
ally  recall  a  name,  and  everywhere  he  went  he  was  sure  to  meet  old 
friends  and  to  make  new  ones.  He  was  always  approachable,  and  could 
always  talk  easily  and  freely  with  those  he  met. 

Assemblyman  Adler,  of  New  York  City,  met  him  on  a  railway 
train  in  1891  near  Steubenville,  Ohio.  Eclating  the  incident  to  a  Sun 
reporter  he  said : 

"I  boarded  a  train  one  day  at  Steubenville,  and  the  brakeman  said 
to  me,  'Go  inside  that  car.  There's  the  Major  there.  Just  introduce 
yourself/  I  walked  up  to  Major  McKinley,  held  out  my  hand  and 
said :  'Major,  allow  me  to  congratulate  the  next  Governor  of  Ohio/ 

"  'Thank  you/  he  said  with  a  smile.    'You're  a  traveling  man  I  take 
it.    Sit  down.    I  am  always  glad  to  meet  you  gentlemen/ 

"I  sat  beside  him,  and  I  will  never  forget  the  pleasant  conversa 
tion  we  had.  He  talked  glowingly  of  the  future  of  the  United  States, 
and  incidentally  the  tariff  issue  was  brought  up. 

"  'Young  man/  he  said,  'we  love  the  United  States.  When  any 
body  advocates  free  trade  for  this  grand,  rich  Eepublic  of  ours  just 
tell  them  for  an  answer  that  one  of  the  reasons  that  you  love  this 
country  is  for  the  gold  there  is  in  it,  and  you  want  it  to  stay  here/ 

"At  that  time  I  had  no  thought  of  going  into  politics,  but  from 
then  on  I  was  a  protectionist.  In  1895  when  I  was  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,  Speaker  Fish  one  day  announced  to  the  members :  'Gentle 
men,  allow  me  to  introduce  to  you  Governor  McKinley,  of  Ohio/  and 
we  members  all  passed  up  to  shake  hands  with  the  Governor.  When 


it  came  to  my  turn  he  looked  at  me  sharply  and  asked:  'Aren't  you 
the  young  man  I  met  on  a  train  one  day  near  Steubenville  ?  I  think 
you  are  and  that  you  said  you  were  a  drummer/ 

"  'I  am/  I  replied. 

"  'Then  what  are  you  doing  up  here  ?'  he  asked. 

"  'The  people  down  where  I  live  sentenced  me  up  here/  I  said. 

"  'Are  you  a  member  of  the  Assembly  ?'  he  asked. 

"  'Yes,  and  a  good  Republican  member/  I  answered. 

"  'I  am  glad  to  hear  it/  he  replied.  'I  arn  glad  to  see  one  of  your 
profession  so  highly  honored.  I  won't  forget  you,  young  man/ 

"It  was  only  about  a  year  ago  that  I  went  to  Washington  to  seek 
a  pardon  for  one  of  my  constituents.  It  was  a  deserving  case,  and  I 
felt  that  after  I  talked  with  the  President  he  would  grant  my  request. 
The  minute  I  entered  his  chamber  he  recognized  me  and  held  out  his 

"  'I  am  pleased  to  see  you/  he  said.  'You  are  the  young  drummer 
I  met  on  the  train  in  Ohio  and  afterward  in  Albany.  Are  you  still  in 
politics  ?' 

"  'Yes;  I  am  still  a  member  there/  I  said. 

"I  explained  my  errand,  and  my  request  was  granted  right  away. 
The  next  day  I  had  the  pleasure  of  restoring  to  his  wife  and  children 
a  father  who  had  been  sentenced  to  a  long  term  in  Sing  Sing  for  a 
crime  of  which  I  knew  he  was  innocent." 

Always  on  the  Lookout  for  Information. — Mr.  Halstead  says  that 
it  was  especially  interesting  to  observe  in  a  campaign  how  anxious 
Mr.  McKinley  was  for  information.  When  he  went  to  a  town  he  would 
listen  to  the  talk  of  the  politicians,  to  every  statement  about  party  con 
ditions,  and  local  affairs,  and  especially  about  every  industry.  He 
would  not  cross-question  them,  he  would  only  listen,  and  at  the  meeting 
afterward  it  would  be  seen  that  their  talk  had  gone  to  the  spot,  and 
he  would  use  the  information  he  got  to  give  a  touch  of  local  color  to 
his  argument,  something  he  could  always  do  with  great  effect. 


It  used  to  be  often  said  that  he  had  but  one  speech.  That  was 
because  the  tariff  of  which  he  was  the  recognized  exponent  was  sure  to 
come  in  for  discussion.  Of  course  the  basis  of  this  discussion  was 
necessarily  the  same,  but  his  language  and  illustrations  were  constantly 

Those  who  attended  him  in  his  campaigns  said  that  he  would  out 
last  all  who  accompanied  him.  He  knew  how  to  take  things  pleasantly. 
He  had  the  knack  of  making  people  feel  that  he  was  not  only  satisfied 
with  what  they  had  done  for  him  but  that  he  felt  honored  by  their 
attentions.  On  the  train  he  would  talk  familiarly  with  the  conductors 
and  brakemen,  and  they  became  very  proud  of  his  friendship.  While 
waiting  at  a  station  he  would  generally  manage  to  get  in  conversation 
with  the  baggage  man  or  the  station  agent  or  any  one  who  might  be 
loitering  about,  and  thus  every  day  and  every  hour  he  was  adding  to  his 
army  of  friends.  If  those  who  accompanied  him  grumbled  about  the 
arrangements  that  were  made  for  them  he  did  not  hesitate  to  take  them 
aside  and  reprove  them,  and  if  he  found  them  engaged  in  levity  of  a 
hurtful  sort  he  reproved  them  for  that  too.  It  was  particularly  notice 
able  that  when  he  came  to  a  town  that  was  noted  for  its  religious 
atmosphere  he  would  insist  that  every  one  who  went  with  him  should 
in  every  possible  way  show  respect  for  the  feelings  of  the  people  whose 
guests  they  were. 




As  a  public  speaker  Mclvinley  stood  in  the  front  rank  of  those 
who  carefully  studied  the  matter  of  their  discourses,  leaving  the  man 
ner  to  nature  and  the  occasion.  Whatever  else  he  might  be  he  was 
always  natural,  lie  never  dealt  in  sensations.  He  never  went  to  work 
to  make  people  weep.  He  never  tried  to  stir  up  excitement.  He  simply 
thought  out  as  thoroughly  as  he  could  what  he  wanted  to  say,  and  then 
said  it  in  the  simplest  and  most  unaffected  way  he  could.  His  style 
was  clearness  and  straightforwardness  exemplified,  and  so  direct  that 
no  effort  was  required  to  follow  him  even  through  the  least  interesting 
parts  of  his  speech. 

A  Happy  Faculty. — "He  displayed  to  perfection  that  happy  fac 
ulty  for  which  he  has  since  become  famous  of  clothing  with  the  mag 
netic  charm  of  life  the  cold,  practical  facts  of  economic  philosophy  and 
experience.  His  voice,  high  but  resonant,  clear  and  musical  as  a  bell, 
pierced  to  every  corner  of  the  house,  and  it  was  evident  to  his  hearers 
that  a  new  leader  had  sprung  into  the  front  ranks  of  the  great  Repub 
lican  party." 

Noble  Sentiments. — Mr.  Hal  stead  says  that  phrases  and  sentences 
would  come  trickling  and  bubbling  forth  from  him  apparently  without 
preparation,  and  sometimes  they  would  form  the  most  beautiful  con 
stellations  of  great  oratorical  effect  and  oratorical  beauty.  It  could 
not  be  said  that  he  was  epigrammatic,  and  he  will  not  live  in  the 
memory  of  the  people  as  a  proverb  maker;  yet  he  left  behind  him  some 
sentiments  as  noble  as  ever  fell  from  the  lips  of  man. 

At  Petersburg  (Virginia)  in  1885  he  said:  "I  am  for  America 
because  America  is  for  the  common  people." 

At  Woodstock  (Conn.)  in  1891  he  said:    "If  the  party  is  wrong, 


make  it  better.  That's  the  business  of  the  true  partisan  and  good 

It  was  he  who  said  that  "the  North  and  the  South  no  longer 
divided  on  old  lines  but  on  principles  and  policies." 

It  was  at  the  Omaha  Exposition  that  he  uttered  the  noble  senti 
ment,  "Peace  is  the  national  desire  and  the  goal  of  every  American 

At  the  Peace  Jubilee  in  Chicago  he  cried,  "Duty  determines  des 

At  the  Peace  Jubilee  in  Atlanta  he  said :  "The  time  has  now  come 
in  the  evolution  of  feeling  under  the  providence  of  God  when  in  the 
spirit  of  fraternity  we  should  share  with  you  in  the  care  of  the  graves 
of  the  Confederate  soldiers." 

At  Tuskegee  he  reminded  the  colored  students  that  "intelligence 
and  industry  are  the  best  possessions  which  any  man  can  have,  and 
every  man  can  have  them;"  and  he  remarked  to  the  surviving  volun 
teers  returned  from  the  Philippines,  that  "these  heroes  died  for  their 
country,  and  there  is  no  nobler  death." 

In  his  tribute  to  Washington  at  Mount  Vernon  he  said:  "The 
nation  is  his  best  eulogist  and  his  noblest  monument." 

And  who  will  ever  forget  the  last  sentence  of  his  last  message  to 
the  people  the  day  before  the  final  tragedy:  "Our  earnest  prayer  is 
that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  prosperity,  happiness  and  peace  to 
all  our  neighbors  and  like  blessings  to  all  the  peoples  and  powers  of 
the  earth." 

Not  a  Humorist. — There  was  a  noticeable  absence  of  funny  stories 
from  his  speeches.  He  was  not  a  humorist,  and  besides,  he  always  felt 
that  his  cause  was  too  sacred  for  jokes.  He  went  at  his  work  with  the 
tremendous  earnestness  of  the  old  pioneer  preachers  who  would  save 
the  people  from  their  sins.  Yet,  while  he  was  in  no  sense  a  humorist, 
few  men  had  a  keener  sense  of  humor.  The  story  is  told  that  a  New 
York  magazine  not  long  ago  sent  one  of  its  best  writers  to  Canton  with 


instructions  to  secure  a  story  on  McKinley  humor.  The  young  man 
spent  nearly  two  weeks  interviewing  the  President's  life-long  friends, 
and  was  compelled  at  last  to  leave  without  material.  There  was  no 
McKinley  humor. 

"I  have  yet  to  find  a  man  who  has  heard  McKinley  tell  a  comic 
anecdote/''  he  wrote.  "He  seems  to  enjoy  humor  as  much  as  any  one, 
but  never  appears  as  a  source  of  amusement.  One  could  conceive  that 
he  might  have  a  reluctance  to  appear  as  a  comedian  since  he  is  the 
Chief  Executive,  believing  it  incompatible  with  the  dignity  of  the 
office.  But  even  in  his  early  days  in  politics  I  can  find  no  record  of 
his  relating  stories.  In  any  event,  that  is  the  result  of  my  investiga 
tion  and  I  am  ready  to  give  up  the  trial." 

One  of  His  Jokes. — The  little  town  of  Oberlin,  Ohio,  is  probably 
one  of  the  straitest-laced  places  in  America.  It  is  the  home  of  a  univer 
sity,  and  the  town-fathers  have  so  jealously  guarded  the  morals  of  the 
young  people  that  not  only  is  the  sale  of  liquor  prohibited  but  even 
tobacco  is  unknown  in  the  stores.  A  Mr.  Monroe,  at  one  time  a  Congress 
man  from  the  Oberlin  district,  was  in  the  habit  of  entertaining  all  the 
political  leaders  who  visited  the  place,  and  during  Mr.  McKinley's  first 
gubernatorial  campaign  he  stopped  at  Mr.  Monroe's  house. 

A  Town  Without  a  Cuspidor. — After  dinner  Mr.  McKinley  took 
a  cigar  from  his  pocket  and  casually  remarked  to  his  host  that  if  he 
did  not  mind  he  would  have  a  smoke.  Mr.  Monroe  looked  aghast,  but 
not  desiring  to  appear  inhospitable  and  yet  dreading  the  social  ostra 
cism  which  he  would  doubtless  suffer  if  a  guest  should  be  seen  smoking 
on  his  piazza,  he  conducted  Mr.  McKinley  to  a  back  balcony  on  the 
second  floor,  where  he  was  screened  from  the  public  view,  and  told  him 
to  go  ahead.  McKinley  lighted  his  cigar,  and  leaning  back  in  his  chair 
called  for  a  cuspidor,  as  all  good  smokers  do. 

"Why  there  is  not  such  a  thing  in  town,"  replied  Mr.  Monroe,  and 
the  coal  bucket  was  pressed  into  service. 

Soon  after  the  meeting  Mr.  McKinley  spoke  at  East  Liverpool, 


which  is  a  great  pottery  centre.  He  mentioned  his  experience  to  a 
friend  who  was  the  proprietor  of  one  of  the  big  potteries  there,  and 
then  said : 

"By  the  way,  Taylor,  just  for  a  joke  send  a  gross  of  your  china 
spittoons  to  Mr.  Monroe.  Don't  tell  him  where  they  came  from  or  he 
will  suspect  that  I  had  a  hand  in  it." 

Colonel  Taylor  immediately  crated  a  beautiful  assortment  of 
chinaware  and  sent  it  to  Oberlin.  A  year  later  McKinley  was  again 
a  guest  at  Mr.  Monroe's  house.  He  went  with  a  liberal  supply  of  good 
smoking  material  and  soon  asked  for  the  back  balcony.  Lighting  a 
cigar,  he  remarked : 

"You  haven't  a  cuspidor  in  town  yet,  have  you,  Monroe  ?" 

"Well  now,  that  is  funny,"  replied  his  host ;  "but  a  few  days  after 
you  were  here  last  year  some  one  sent  me  a  whole  crate  of  those  things. 
Of  course  I  had  no  use  for  them,  and  they  were  such  nice  china  and 
so  prettily  painted  that  my  wife  used  them  all  for  flower-pots.  There 
is  not  one  about  the  house  not  in  use." 

An  Exception. — This  statement  that  there  was  never  any  McKinley 
humor  is  after  all  an  exaggeration.  On  Monday  after  the  tragedy  in 
Buffalo,  when  everybody  about  the  house  was  happy  over  the  apparent 
improvement  in  the  President's  condition,  the  doctors  were  in  his  room 
feeling  his  pulse  and  obtaining  the  necessary  data  for  a  bulletin.  "The 
President  kept  up  a  running  conversation  with  us,"  said  one  of  the  phy 
sicians  afterwards  in  telling  the  story,  "and  for  very  good  reasons,  we 
did  not  want  him  to  exhaust  his  strength  uselessly.  One  of  the  doctors 
stepped  to  the  bedside  and  said :  'Mr.  McKinley,  you  are  not  to  talk.  We 
have  decided  you  must  not  talk/  The  President's  dark  eyes  were  bent 
on  the  one  who  gave  the  order,  and  without  moving  a  muscle  of  his 
face,  he  said : 

"  'You  gentlemen  think  }rou  don't  have  a  chance  to  boss  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  often  and  you  are  improving  your  oppor 
tunity/  " 


His  Intense  Conviction. — After  all  there  was  no  need  for  humor 
in  McKinley's  speeches,  for  he  had  something  infinitely  better.  lie 
had  sincerity.  It  was  his  intense  conviction  that  carried  the  day.  No 
one  could  listen  to  him  without  feeling  that  he  believed  in  his  prin 
ciples  and  that  he  would  stand  by  them  to  the  end.  After  the  Congres 
sional  campaign  of  1882,  when  he  was  left  with  a  very  slender  majority, 
a  Congressman  said  to  him  rather  sneeringly : 

"Your  constituents  do  not  seem  to  support  you,  Mr.  McKinley." 

McKinley  answered : 

"My  fidelity  to  my  constituents  is  not  measured  by  the  support 
they  give  me.  I  have  convictions  I  would  not  surrender  if  ten  thou 
sand  majority  were  entered  against  me." 




It  was  almost  inevitable  that  a  public  man  with  the  record  which 
McKinley  had  should  soon  become  a  candidate  for  the  Presidential 
nomination  of  his  party.  In  1896  the  concurrence  of  hard  times  with 
the  adoption  of  a  low  tariff  policy  by  the  Democrats  gave  the  Bepub- 
lican  party  an  opportunity  to  put  the  responsibility  for  the  existing 
state  of  affairs  upon  free  trade,  and  to  maintain  that  the  only  way 
to  secure  a  return  of  prosperity  was  to  re-establish  the  old  protective 

The  Logical  Candidate. — "Of  course/'  said  the  Evening  Post,  "if 
this  were  to  be  done,  the  logical  candidate  was  the  man  who  had  car 
ried  through  Congress  that  McKinley  bill  which  the  people  had  at  first 
rejected,  but  which  they  were  now  supposed  to  recognize  as  wise  and 
good.  Mr.  McKinley  had  the  great  advantage  of  an  exceptionally  wide 
acquaintance  with  Eepublican  politicians  throughout  the  country,  to 
supplement  and  guide  the  popular  favor  which  he  enjoyed.  He  was 
fortunate  in  having  no  serious  rival  among  the  party  leaders  except 
Mr.  Eeed,  who  was  by  no  means  so  well  known  to  the  people  and  who 
had  little  strength  with  the  wire-pullers  and  pipe-layers.  Finally  his 
canvass  was  taken  in  charge  by  the  most  efficient  manager  ever  known 
in  American  politics — Marcus  A.  Hanna,  of  Cleveland,  who  applied 
'business  methods'  with  a  success  which  was  the  despair  of  those  who 
tried  to  secure  delegates  for  anybody  else — especially  in  the  South.  It 
was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  Mr.  McKinley  should  be  nominated, 
and  it  was  not  strange  that  over  two-thirds  of  the  delegates  voted  for 
him  on  the  only  ballot  that  was  taken." 

During  the  Convention. — The  convention  was  held  in  Chicago. 
During  its  session  McKinley  remained  with  his  family  at  the  home  in 


Canton.  The  telegraph  companies  had  arranged  to  carry  the  news  to 
him  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  and  in  his  house  there  was  a  long 
distance  'phone  connecting  with  the  auditorium  in  which  the  conven 
tion  was  held.  An  expert  sat  at  each  end  of  the  wire.  McKinley  was 
the  calmest  man  in  the  whole  group  as  he  waited  for  the  news.  His 
neighbors  and  several  newspaper  correspondents  were  with  him,  while 
his  mother,  now  eighty-six  years  of  age,  sat  in  a  room  across  the  hall 
with  Mrs.  McKinley.  Mr.  Ellis  tells  the  story : 

The  Nomination. — "After  lunch  McKinley  took  his  place  beside 
the  operator  at  the  telephone.  The  young  man  announced  the  different 
nominations  as  the  rest  of  the  visitors  gathered  around  and  intently 

"  'Foraker  is  about  to  speak/  he  said,  with  his  ear  to  the  instru 

"A  few  minutes  later  he  added: 

"  'He  has  just  mentioned  your  name  and  the  convention  has  gone 

"The  anxious  minutes  passed,  and,  looking  in  the  faces  of  the 
group,  the  operator  smilingly  added: 

"  They  are  keeping  it  up/ 

"  '1  have  seen  cheering  contests  in  other  conventions/  remarked 
McKinley,  who  was  recalling  some  of  his  experiences,  when  the  oper 
ator  beckoned  him  forward  and  placed  the  instrument  to  his  ear. 

"Even  the  veteran  was  impressed  by  the  roar  that  rolled  across 
three  States  from  the  tumultuous  convention  hall  to  the  humble  home 
in  Ohio,  guided  by  one  of  the  most  wonderful  inventions  of  man. 

"Finally  after  a  long  time  the  operator  added  : 

"  Toraker  is  trying  it  again.    He  says — 

"And  he  repeated  the  glowing  words  as  they  were  uttered  hun 
dreds  of  miles  away. 

"When  the  voting  began  McKinley  jotted  down  the  figures  on  a 
tablet.  Suddenly  came  the  announcement : 


"  'Ohio— forty-six  for  McKinley P 

How  He  Received  the  News.— "That  decided  it.  The  Major 
stopped  figuring,  and  rising  to  his  feet,  walked  across  the  hall  and 
kissed  his  wife  and  venerable  mother.  He  had  hardly  done  so  when  the 
windows  rattled  from  the  boom  of  a  cannon  fired  but  a  short  distance 
away.  Canton  had  heard  the  news  and  had  begun  its  celebration. 

"It  seemed  as  if  in  a  few  minutes  the  streets  were  swarming  with 
people,  all  wending  their  way  to  the  home  of  Major  McKinley.  The 
congratulations  showered  upon  him  were  almost  without  number,  while 
his  acknowledgments  were  fervent  and  in  the  best  of  taste.  It  seemed 
as  if  Canton  had  become  the  Mecca  for  weeks  following  for  half  the 
people  in  the  country.  The  candidate  remained  at  home  during  the 
campaign,  making  responses  to  the  delegations  of  numerous  associa 
tions  that  called,  but  leaving  the  campaign  wholly  in  the  hands  of  his 
political  manager." 

His  Brilliant  Opponent. — William  J.  Bryan,  Mr.  McKinley's 
opponent,  entered  the  fight  with  marvelous  energy,  traveling  from  city 
to  city,  addressing  great  throngs  in  the  public  halls  and  on  the  plat 
form  of  his  railway  car,  at  fairs  and  mills  and  workshops,  and  at  all 
hours  of  the  day  and  night.  As  a  campaigner  he  was  quite  the  equal  of 
Mr.  McKinley  himself,  and  despite  the  popularity  of  the  Republican 
candidate,  many  of  his  supporters  had  misgivings  of  his  success. 

The  Situation. — This  campaign  was  altogether  different  from 
what  Mr.  McKinley  had  long  planned  and  expected.  His  specialty  as 
a  public  man — I  quote  from  the  Evening  Post — "had  always  been  the 
tariff.  He  had,  of  course,  supported  whatever  policy  his  party  at  any 
time  advocated,  for  he  was  always  a  faithful  partisan,  but  he  had 
never  cared  much  for  anything  except  protection.  Cleveland  had  given 
the  country  'free  trade/  and  thus  precipitated  financial  distress; 
McKinley  would  restore  protection,  and  prosperity  would  come  in  its 
train — 'the  advance  agent  of  prosperity,'  an  admirer  styled  him.  This 
was  what  he  meant  to  run  on.  The  national  platform  must  have  planks 


on  other  subjects,  however,  and  the  must  puzzling  was  the  question  of 
the  national  finances.  For  many  years  the  silver  question,  in  various 
forms,  had  been  before  the  country.  Not  long  after  the  close  of  the 
Civil  War  there  was  an  earnest  attempt  to  secure  further  inflation  of 
the  currency,  which  was  depreciated  much  below  gold.,  the  first  demand 
being  for  the  issue  of  a  great  additional  quantity  of  greenbacks.  The 
movement  was  favored  by  most  Democrats  and  by  many  Republicans, 
but  it  was  finally  defeated  when  President  Grant  vetoed  the  so-called 
Inflation  bill  in  1875. 

Sixteen  to  One. — "The  next  form  which  the  craze  took  was  that  of 
a  demand  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one, 
which  came  before  Congress  during  Mr.  McKinley's  first  session.  Most 
Democrats  favored  this  policy  also,  and  so  did  many  Republicans, 
especially  in  the  States  beyond  the  Alleghanies.  Every  Representative 
was  thus  at  liberty  to  vote  as  he  chose,  and  on  the  fifth  of  November, 
1877,  Mr.  McKinley  cast  his  vote  for  a  free-coinage  scheme,  urged  by 
'Silver  Dollar'  Bland,  of  Missouri.  He  had  plenty  of  company  among 
Republican  Congressmen  from  his  own  State,  Indiana  and  the  Middle 
West  generally,  but  many  of  the  ablest  members  were  on  the  other 
side,  like  Garfield  and  Reed.  It  was  impossible  to  carry  the  scheme 
through  Congress,  but  a  compromise  was  cooked  up,  which  provided  for 
the  cumpulsory  coinage  of  not  less  than  $2,000,000  nor  more  than 
$4,000,000  silver  bullion  a  month.  This  also  was  objected  to  by  the 
sound-money  men,  and  was  vetoed  by  Mr.  McKinley 's  old  war  com 
mander,  President  Hayes,  but  the  young  Congressman  refused  to  sus 
tain  the  veto,  taking  his  stand  with  those  who  wanted  to  'do  something 
for  silver/  and  who  would  take  a  half  loaf  if  they  could  not  get  the 

Both  Parties  Dallied. — "As  time  passed  both  parties  dallied  with 
the  question.  Mr.  Cleveland  earnestly  opposed  free  coinage,  and  during 
his  first  term  repressed  the  disposition  of  many  Democratic  Congress 
men  to  make  it  a  feature  of  party  policy.  Meanwhile  many  Repub- 


lican  leaders  were  timid.  They  advanced  far  enough  to  pronounce 
against  free  coinage,  but  they  shrank  from  declaring  openly  for  the 
gold  standard,  and  sought  to  devise  some  compromise  which  would 
satisfy  the  silver  men  of  the  further  West  without  too  much  offending 
the  sound-money  people  of  the  East.  What  came  to  be  known  as  the 
Sherman  Silver  Purchase  Act  was  adopted  as  the  way  out  of  the  diffi 
culty 'during  the  first  session  of  Congress  under  Harrison.  It  substi 
tuted  for  the  existing  system  of  silver  coinage  the  purchase  by  the 
government  of  silver  bullion  to  the  amount  of  4,500,000  ounces  a 
month.  As  leader  of  the  House,  Mr.  McKinley  carried  this  measure 
through  the  lower  branch,  and  he  shared  in  the  satisfaction  expressed 
by  many  of  the  party  managers  over  what  was  considered  a  very  shrewd 
'dodge/  by  which  they  had  avoided  actual  support  of  free  coinage, 
which  was  offensive  in  the  East,  and  could  still  get  credit  in  the  West 
by  boasting,  as  the  Indiana  Eepublican  platform  of  1890  did,  that  the 
party  had  taken  'a  long  yet  prudent  step  toward  free  coinage/  After 
he  lost  his  seat  in  Congress,  Mr.  McKinley  continued  to  make  bids  for 
the  support  of  the  silver  men,  taking  pains  to  denounce  Mr.  Cleveland 
for  his  firm  adherence  to  the  gold  standard. 

Growth  of  Sound-Money  Sentiment. — "Sound-money  sentiment 
grew  in  strength  among  the  Republicans  as  time  passed,  but  there  was 
still  an  element  in  the  party,  especially  beyond  the  Mississippi,  which 
clung  stoutly  to  the  silver  fallacy.  Mr.  McKinley's  tendency  always 
was  to  compromise,  and  he  wanted  to  have  a  plank  on  the  financial 
question  in  the  platform  of  the  Eepublican  National  Convention  which 
would  not  offend  either  side,  and  then  make  the  tariff  the  chief  issue. 
But  the  sound-money  men  in  the  convention  were  strong  enough  to 
force  a  plank  which  went  so  far  toward  the  gold  standard  that  the 
pronounced  silver  men  walked  out  of  the  hall,  under  the  lead  of  Senator 
Teller.  The  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  rushed  to  the  other  extreme 
by  declaring  outright  for  'sixteen  to  one/  and  nominating  as  their  can 
didate  William  J.  Bryan,  who  made  the  fight  upon  that  issue. 


A  Reluctant  Champion  of  Gold.— "The  Republicans  who  in  1877 
had  favored  free  coinage,  who  in  1890  had  endorsed  a  long  step'  in 
that  direction,  and  who  in  1896  wished  still  to  figure  as  a  ' friend  of 
silver/  were  thus  compelled  reluctantly  to  appear  as  the  champion  of 
the  gold  standard.  With  equal  reluctance,  Democrats  and  Indepen 
dents  who  abominated  a  high  tariff,  and  who  would  have  voted  against 
Mr.  McKinley  if  the  tariff  had  been  the  issue,  were  compelled  to  sup 
port  him  as  the  only  way  to  insure  the  maintenance  of  the  gold 
standard  and  the  preservation  of  the  national  honor.  It  was  the  most 
extraordinary  campaign  which  had  ever  been  known,  in  the  fact  that 
many  of  the  successful  party's  most  effective  advocates,  like  Carl 
Schurz,  were  men  who  distrusted  its  candidate,  were  dissatisfied  with 
his  record,  and  were  hostile  to  the  protective  system  which  he  cham 
pioned,  and  yet  felt  constrained  to  urge  his  election,  in  order  to  avert 
the  success  of  a  nominee  and  a  policy  that  were  alike  intolerable.  The 
result  was  the  success  of  Mr.  McKinley  by  271  out  of  447  votes  in  the 
electoral  college,  and  over  600,000  plurality  in  the  popular  vote." 



The  election  to  the  Presidency  came  to  Mr.  McKinley  when  he 
was  fifty-three  years  old,  after  a  long  experience  in  public  life  as 
Congressman  and  after  valuable  executive  training  as  Governor  of  his 
native  State.  He  had  also  come  in  touch  with  the  people  in  a  way  that 
put  him  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  country's  hopes  and  aspira 
tions.  He  believed  he  knew  what  the  people  believed  in,  and  was 
convinced  that  he  knew  the  policies  that  would  insure  their  welfare  and 
the  permanent  revival  of  the  industries  of  the  country. 

A  Man  of  the  People. — When  he  went  into  the  White  House  he 
was  hand  in  hand  with  the  plain  people  of  the  nation,  and  he  remained 
with  them  to  the  end.  As  I  have  already  said,  he  had  a  faculty  for 
making  friends,  and  at  the  time  of  his  election  he  had  hosts  of  them 
in  every  part  of  the  country.  He  had  a  remarkable  talent  for  getting 
on  with  the  people  everywhere,  and  he  soon  came  to  be  on  the  very 
best  of  terms,  not  only  with  every  member  of  his  own  party  in  each 
branch  of  Congress,  but  also  with  nearly  all  of  the  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  opposition. 

Perhaps  nothing  gave  him  more  pleasure  during  his  public  life 
than  the  opportunities  which  he  took  whenever  available  to  mingle  with 
the  people.  He  particularly  resembled  Abraham  Lincoln  in  his  fond 
ness  for  the  plain  masses.  In  his  tours  through  the  country  he  was 
always  democratic  in  his  familiar  greetings  of  the  crowds,  and  in  his 
efforts  to  make  them  feel  that  they  were  of  the  same  blood  with  him. 

On  one  of  these  tours  it  is  related  that  in  a  small  town  in  Illinois 
when  the  President's  train  was  just  leaving  the  station,  a  man  who 
up  to  that  time  had  had  no  chance  to  get  near  the  President's  car 
fought  his  way  through  the  crowd,  climbed  to  the  rear  platform,  thrust 
his  hand  over  the  rail  and  cried : 


"Give  us  a  shake,  Bill/' 

The  President  laughed  and  gave  the  man  a  hearty  grip  of  the 
hand,  though  he  had  already  turned  to  enter  his  compartment  at  the 
end  of  the  car. 

Enjoying  a  Mob. — At  another  time,  in  Burlington,  la.,  the  Presi 
dent  was  literally  mobbed  when  trying  to  pass  to  his  car  from  the 
carriage  in  which  he  had  been  driven  through  the  streets  of  the  town. 
It  was  evening,  and  the  crowd,  to  use  the  reporter's  phrase,  hurled 
itself  at  him  in  such  a  solid  mass  that  he  could  not  walk  through  it  in 
the  ordinary  way.  His  train  was  waiting  for  him,  and  the  members 
of  his  Cabinet  had  all  reached  it.  Many  of  them  had  gone  to  their 
rooms,  for  it  was  nearly  midnight  and  they  had  assumed  that  the 
President  would  get  to  his  car  without  difficulty.  But  the  delay  in 
starting  the  train  brought  them  to  the  platforms,  and  there  they  saw 
the  head  of  the  nation  literally  "bucking  the  mob." 

"Yet  it  was  a  most  orderly  mob — for  a  mob.  Not  one  of  the  people 
would  have  harmed  the  President,  but  they  wanted  to  get  close  to  him. 
And  he — he  was  smiling  broadly  through  it  all,  although  making  only 
a  snail's  progress,  and  to  do  that  he  had  to  put  his  shoulder  forward 
with  his  elbow  well  out  and  forge  his  way  ahead,  amid  the  cheers  of 
the  throng." 

"He  likes  that!"  said  George  Bruce  Cortelyou,  his  secretary; 
"there  is  nothing  he  likes  better.  He  enjoys  being  right  down  there 
among  the  people,  close  to  them  in  all  their  natural  moods.  And  all 
he  needs  is  to  get  that  right  shoulder  of  his  forward  and  he  will  go 
through  them  all  without  hurting  anyone's  feelings." 

When  warned  that  there  might  be  danger  in  the  public  receptions, 
which  he  so  much  enjoyed,  he  replied  that  all  banquets  might  be 
omitted  if  it  be  deemed  desirable,  but  that  he  would  continue  to  have 
and  attend  the  receptions  for  the  people.  As  Mr.  Eggleston  has  said, 
he  recognized  that  the  people  wished  to  honor  him  and  themselves 
by  an  honest  handshake.  He  saw  that  patriotism  was  aroused  and 


quickened  by  this  mingling  of  the  President  with  all  the  people ;  he  saw 
that  they  would  better  understand  and  appreciate  their  power  and 
privileges  under  our  form  of  government  if  they  could  by  personal 
contact  clearly  perceive  that  the  President  is  but  a  citizen  of  the 
Kepublic,  chosen  by  their  votes  to  act  as  their  representative  in  his 
particular  department;  and,  like  other  Presidents  that  preceded  him, 
he  drew  inspiration  from  meeting  his  fellow-citizens  face  to  face. 

Selecting  His  First  Cabinet. — Perhaps  Mr.  McKinley  never  dis 
played  his  desire  to  give  the  nation  his  best  thought  and  care  more 
deeply  than  in  his  selection  of  his  first  Cabinet.  Several  weeks 
passed  after  his  election  before  he  made  his  first  selection — Senator 
John  Sherman,  whom  he  offered  the  Secretaryship  of  State.  It 
should  be  remembered,  by  the  way,  that  at  that  time  Mr.  Sherman 
was  apparently  in  the  height  of  his  powers,  although  two  months  later 
indications  of  physical  and  mental  weakness  began  to  appear. 

The  selection  of  a  Secretary  of  Treasury  was  exceedingly  diffi 
cult,  there  being  a  dearth  of  material  for  this  particularly  impor 
tant  position.  Every  man  who  was  mentioned  seemed  to  possess  some 
objectionable  trait.  In  McKinley's  extremity  a  Chicago  newspaper 
man  suggested  the  name  of  Mr.  Gage,  a  banker  of  that  city.  The 
suggestion  was  not  seriously  considered  at  the  time  by  anyone  except 
Mr.  McKinley  himself,  and  all  were  surprised  a  few  weeks  later  when 
Mr.  Gage  was  summoned  to  Canton.  He  was  told  that  his  services 
were  needed.  Mr:  Gage,  however,  said  that  he  had  not  been  identified 
with  the  high  tariff  wing  of  the  party,  and,  it  is  said,  even  confessed 
that  he  had  once  voted  for  Mr.  Cleveland. 

"Never  mind,"  said  Mr.  McKinley;  "I  want  a  practical  financier 
at  the  head  of  the  Treasury.  Our  ideas  regarding  revenues  will  not 
so  conflict  that  you  need  hesitate  to  accept  this  duty  and  honor.  The 
nation  needs  you  as  much  as  ever  a  nation  needed  a  man." 

In  the  Hands  of  the  Reporters. — General  Alger  was  invited  to 
Canton  and  given  an  opportunity  to  accept  the  war  portfolio.  He 


accepted,  and  in  a  few  moments  went  to  pay  his  respects  to  Mrs. 
McKinley.  While  he  was  gone  Mr.  McKinley  came  out  to  the  news 
paper  men,  who  tried,  as  usual,  to  interview  him,  and  with  poor 
success.  An  old  friend  among  them,  however — a  man  who  had  accom 
panied  McKinley  in  some  of  his  campaigns,  approached  him  and  said : 

"Mr.  McKinley,  if  I  were  to  ask  you  if  you  have  offered  the  port 
folio  of  war  to  General  Alger  what  would  you  say  ?" 

"I  should  say,"  replied  Mr.  McKinley,  "that  you  had  better  ask 
General  Alger." 

There  was  a  ripple  of  amusement,  and  a  moment  later  when 
General  Alger  came  into  the  room  he  said  very  frankly: 

"Well,  gentlemen,  the  President  has  offered  me  the  position  of 
War  Secretary  in  his  Cabinet  and  I  have  accepted." 

After  this  incident  the  newspaper  men  were  unable  to  get  any 
information  from  prospective  candidates  for  the  Cabinet,  as  the 
President  took  care  to  request  them  to  keep  their  secrets  until  they  had 
gone  home.  Mr.  Long  came  and  accepted  the  Interior  Secretaryship, 
and  returned  home  without  the  newspaper  men  getting  a  hint  of  it. 

Judge  McKenna  came  all  the  way  from  California  at  the  Presi 
dent's  request  and  was  offered  the  position  of  Attorney- General. 
When  the  President  had  laid  the  matter  before  him  the  Judge  said : 

"Mr.  McKinley  there  are  nine  reasons  why  I  cannot  accept 
your  offer." 

"Name  the  reasons,  Judge,"  replied  the  President;  "possibly  we 
ran  remove  or  avoid  some  of  them." 

The  Judge  said  his  first  reason  was  that  he  was  a  Eoman  Catholic ; 
the  second,  that  he  was  without  sufficient  means  to  live  the  life  of  a 
Cabinet  official ;  the  third,  that  his  aspirations  were  judicial  rather 
than  political,  and  so  on.  Mr.  McKinley  replied: 

"I  am  to  be  President  of  white  and  black,  of  Protestants  and 
Catholics,  of  the  North  and  the  South,  and  the  West  and  the  East." 

He  said  that  the  administration  was  to  be  a  business  administra- 


tion,  and  not  a  social  one,  so  that  the  expenses  of  entertaining  would 
not  be  great.  He  also  spoke  of  a  position  upon  the  Supreme  bench 
which  would  soon  be  open,  and  which  would  be  a  fitting  termination  to 
a  man's  judicial  aspirations. 

The  rest  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  selected  with  the 
same  great  care.  Geographical  distributions  as  well  as  personal 
fitness  guided  him  in  his  selection.  "Each  of  these  men,"  said  a  writer, 
"knowing  Mr.  McKinley  but  slightly  at  first,  and  seeing  him  in  the 
trying  times  of  war  and  the  piping  times  of  peace,  surrounded  by 
national  dangers  and  personal  sorrows,  learned  to  love  him  and  to 
revere  his  memory.  None  more  than  these  appreciates  his  pure  per 
sonality  and  his  conscientious  Christianity,  realizes  his  devotion  to  his 
invalid  helpmate  or  believes  more  implicitly  that  he  now  sleeps  secure 
'Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee/  " 

The  Dingley  Act. — His  record  in  the  Presidency  is  too  fresh  to 
need  attention  at  great  length.  True  to  his  faith  in  his  favorite  doc 
trine  of  protection  as  the  source  of  national  prosperity,  he  convened 
Congress  in  extra  session  immediately  after  his  inauguration  to  pass  a 
new  tariff  bill.  This  bill,  which  was  a  thoroughgoing  protection 
measure,  known  as  the  Dingley  Act,  became  a  law  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  July  following. 

His  first  administration  was  largely  taken  up  with  the  Spanish 
war  and  the  policy  of  the  United  States  toward  the  former  possessions 
of  Spain.  The  results  of  his  first  term  may  be  summarized  as 
follows:  The  Dingley  tariff,  the  sound-money  law,  the  war  with 
Spain,  the  annexation  of  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines  and  San  Juan, 
the  annexation  of  Hawaii  and  Tutulia  and  the  organization  of  Cuba. 

Great  Force  of  Character. — There  was  a  popular  impression  when 
he  entered  the  Presidency  that  he  was  a  man  without  definite  policy, 
and  that  he  was  wholly  under  the  influence  of  Senator  Hanna  and 
others.  This  impression  has  remained  in  some  quarters  until  this 
day.  It  seems  to  have  grown  out  of  his  delightful  manner.  As  a 


matter  of  fact  he  was  a  man  of  great  force  of  character,  and  some  of 
liis  friends  insist  that  he  was  as  fully  determined  as  Grover  Cleveland. 
He  worked  with  a  set  purpose  to  accomplish  his  designs,  and  he  often 
had  hard  work  to  bring  Congress  to  his  way  of  thinking,  but  in  no 
respect  did  he  give  an  inch,  although  he  had  such  a  pleasant  way  of 
carrying  bis  point  that  one  was  hardly  conscious  that  he  was  carry 
ing  it. 

His  Methods  of  Work. — In  the  White  House  Mr.  McKinlcy  was 
a  methodical  and  tireless  worker,  though  he  was  seldom  known  to 
rush.  He  never  postponed  business  from  one  day  to  another,  and  was 
never  given  to  those  dashes  of  ambition  and  despair  which  fritter 
away  the  time  of  so  many  talented  men.  He  was  a  born  executive, 
endowed  to  a  remarkable  degree  with  the  power  to  make  others  work 
for  him.  He  knew  how  to  direct,  how  to  place  resposibilities  upon 
men's  shoulders,  and  how  to  leave  the  details  to  others  in  order  to  give 
himself  to  more  important  tasks. 

He  was  an  early  riser,  and  before  nine  had  breakfasted  and  was 
reading  the  morning  papers.  A  little  before  ten  he  went  into  the 
Cabinet  Room,  which  he  used  as  his  private  office.  There  lie  looked 
over  his  engagements  and  received  callers.  To  every  one  who  came 
he  gave  a  cordial  handshake  and  an  opportunity  to  make  known  his 
business.  He  usually  remained  standing  through  the  interview,  but 
as  some  one  has  said,  if  he  was  sitting  it  was  time  to  retire  the  moment 
he  arose.  He  allowed  his  work  to  be  interrupted  by  the  arrival  of  any 
Cabinet  officer,  Senator  or  Representative,  and  however  urgent  the 
demands  of  the  day,  every  one  who  came  went  away  feeling  pleasant. 

He  always  insisted  on  going  over  important  papers  and  altering 
some  phrase  or  expression  in  order  to  clear  up  or  qualify  its  meaning. 
The  members  of  his  Cabinet  were  accustomed  to  say  that  he  almost 
invariably  had  some  change  to  make,  and  that  it  was  usually  an 
improvement.  He  was  especially  careful  in  the  preparation  of  procla 
mations.  He  began  early  on  his  Thanksgiving  proclamation,  laying 


great  stress  upon  its  importance,  and  it  will  be  remembered  that  his 
Thanksgiving  proclamations  were  models  of  grateful  expression. 

In  the  preparation  of  his  messages  he  was  exceedingly  pains 
taking.  His  methods  varied  from  year  to  year.  At  one  time  he  would 
dictate  almost  the  entire  message;  at  another  he  would  write  it  himself 
with  a  pen,  or  occasionally  with  a  pencil.  Long  before  the  real  work  of 
writing  began  he  would  jot  down  notes  of  points  to  be  included,  and 
when  the  time  for  writing  came  he  had  all  the  facts  at  hand. 



Probably  no  man  could  have  foreseen  that  William  McKinley, 
who  was  elected  as  a  leader  of  the  peaceful  principles  of  economic 
legislation,  and  who  was  all  his  life  a  man  of  peace,  would  become  a 
war  President;  but  a  war  President  he  became,  in  spile  of  himself. 

For  a  long  time  there  had  been  a  controversy  over  the  treatment 
of  Cuba  by  Spain,  and  during  the  first  meeting  of  the  session  of  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress  it  became  acute. 

There  was  a  strong  popular  feeling  that  the  situation  in  the  island 
was  becoming  intolerable,  and  the  politicians  cultivated  the  idea  that 
our  government  ought  to  interfere  in  the  interest  of  the  Cuban  people. 
The  McKinley  administration  for  a  time  followed  the  example  of  its 
predecessor,  by  seeking  to  secure  an  amicable  settlement,  but  the  ter 
rible  calamity  of  February  15,  1898,  brought  the  turning  point. 

The  Disaster  to  the  "Maine." — The  battleship  "Maine/'  while  rid 
ing  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  was  blown  up  at  night  and  256 
of  her  officers  and  crew  hurled  into  eternity.  The  news  of  the  disaster 
horrified  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  there  sprang  up  at  once  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  an  intensity  of  righteous  wrath  that  could  not 
be  restrained.  Mr.  McKinley  now  found  himself  in  a  most  trying  situ 
ation.  On  the  one  hand  was  the  fierce  wrath  of  the  American  nation 
clamoring  for  the  punishment  of  the  treacherous  Spaniards — it  being 
almost  universally  believed  that  the  "Maine"  was  blown  up  by  Spanish 
officers — and  on  the  other  was  the  call  equally  loud  for  armed  inter 
vention  in  Cuba. 

Holding  Out  Against  the  Inevitable. — He  knew  what  war  meant, 
and,  like  every  other  man  who  has  been  to  war,  he  regarded  it  as  the 
last  resort  of  the  nation,  that  could  never  be  employed  until  diplom- 


acy,  arbitration.,  argument  and  persuasion  had  been  carried  to  the 
utmost  limit.  Day  after  day  he  held  out  against  the  tumult,  but  the 
tide  ran  higher  and  higher,  and  at  last  he  ceased  to  resist  it.  It  is  still 
a  question  with  many  just  how  far  the  war  with  Spain  was  forced 
upon  the  President  by  a  clamorous  people  and  a  clamorous  Congress. 
Arnid  the  excitement,  intensified  every  hour,  and  the  expressed  impa 
tience  with  the  President's  slowness,  the  situation  was  summed  up  by 
a  leading  paper  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  country  has  for  its  President  a  statesman  whose  personal 
bravery  and  warmth  of  human  emotions  no  one  would  think  of  ques 
tioning,  but  whose  calm,  determination  to  exhaust  every  possibility  of 
peace  with  honor  deserves  from  his  country  the  highest  respect. 

"The  country  has  a  national  legislature  patiently  and  loyally 
heeding  the  advice  of  the  executive,  although  burning  hot  with  the 
sentiment  that  becomes  a  country  like  ours,  when  in  sight  of  a  neigh 
boring  people  struggling  for  liberty. 

"The  country  has  an  army  and  navy  alive  with  the  national 
spirit,  and  ready  for  the  performance  of  any  duty  that  may  be  pre 
scribed  for  them. 

"And  it  has  a  people,  spreading  over  forty-five  States,  whom  the 
fearful  trial  of  the  'Maine7  disaster  has  shaken  neither  in  dignity  nor 
in  understanding,  and  who  in  their  sorrow  over  the  loss  of  the 
'Maine'  and  in  their  longing  to  see  the  United  States  play  its  part  in 
succoring  a  maltreated  American  State,  are  more  truly  united  and 
more  intensely  fired  with  a  common  patriotism  than  at  any  time  since 
the  making  of  the  Constitution.  Never  since  the  beginning  of  their 
independence  have  Americans  had  occasion  to  be  more  proud  and 
more  hopeful  of  their  country." 

Message  on  the  Cuban  Question. — On  the  eleventh  of  April  the 

President  sent  to  Congress  his  message  on  the  Cuban  question.     It 

was  a  lengthy  and  strong  document,  in  which  he  set  forth  in  vigorous 

language  the  terrible  effects  of  Spanish  misrule,  recited  the  particulars 



of  the  "Maine77  disaster  and  then  asked  for  authority  to  intervene  to 
stop  the  war  in  Cuba  at  his  own  discretion.  With  that  he  turned  the 
whole  question  over  to  Congress,  holding  himself  ready  to  obey  its 

Grounds  of  Intervention. — The  grounds  of  intervention  were 
thus  summed  up: 

"First — In  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  barbar 
ities,  starvation  and  horrible  miseries  now  existing  there,  and  which 
the  parties  to  the  conflict  are  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  stop  or 
mitigate.  It  is  no  answer  to  say  this  is  all  in  another  country,  belong 
ing  to  another  nation,  and  is  therefore  none  of  our  business.  It  is 
specially  our  duty,  for  it  is  right  at  our  door. 

"Second — We  owe  it  to  our  citizens  in  Cuba  to  afford  them  that 
protection  and  indemnity  for  life  and  property  which  no  government 
there  can  or  will  afford,  and  to  that  end  to  terminate  the  conditions 
that  deprive  them  of  legal  protection. 

"Third — Right  to  intervene  may  be  justified  by  the  very  serious 
injury  to  the  commerce,  trade  and  business  of  our  people,  and  by  the 
wanton  destruction  of  property  and  devastation  of  the  island. 

"Fourth — And  which  is  of  the  most  importance — The  present  con 
dition  of  affairs  in  Cuba  is  a  constant  menace  to  our  peace,  and  entails 
upon  this  government  an  enormous  expense.  With  such  a  conflict 
waged  for  years  in  an  island  so  near  us,  and  with  which  our  people 
have  such  trade  and  business  relations — when  the  lives  and  liberty  of 
our  citizens  are  in  constant  danger,  and  their  property  and  them 
selves  ruined — when  our  trading  vessels  are  liable  to  seizure  and  are 
seized  at  our  very  door  by  warships  of  a  foreign  nation,  the  expedi 
tions  of  filibustering  that  we  are  powerless  to  prevent  altogether,  and 
the  irritating  questions  and  entanglements  thus  arising — all  these  and 
others  that  I  need  not  mention,  with  the  resulting  strained  relations, 
are  a  constant  menace  to  our  peace,  and  compel  us  to  keep  on  a  semi- 
war  with  a  nation  with  which  we  are  at  peace." 


Previous  to  this  Congress  had  unanimously  placed  $50,000,000 
at  the  disposal  of  the  President  to  be  used  in  preparing  the  country 
for  the  war  that  was  generally  believed  to  be  inevitable.  The  most 
vigorous  preparations  were  set  on  foot ;  recruiting  offices  were  opened, 
new  cruisers  and  ships  were  bought,  and  the  naval  and  war  offices 
were  full  of  activity.  In  the  meanwhile  there  was  a  great  demonstra 
tion  of  patriotism  throughout  the  country 

A  few  days  after  the  message  Congress  gave  to  the  President  all 
and  more  than  he  asked.  Instead  of  granting  him  authority  the  reso 
lution  laid  a  command  upon  the  Executive,  who  was  authorized  and 
directed  to  intervene  at  once  and  stop  the  Avar  with  Cuba.  Again, 
instead  of  authorizing  intervention  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a 
stable  government  capable  of  maintaining  order  and  observing  its 
international  obligations,  as  McKinley  had  asked,  it  directed  him  to 
establish,  by  the  free  action  of  Cuba,  a  stable  and  independent  govern 
ment  of  its  own. 

The  Joint  Resolution  of  Congress. — On  the  twentieth  of  April 
McKinley  approved  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress  declaring  that  the 
people  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  inde 
pendent,  demanding  that  "the  Government  of  Spain  at  once  relin 
quish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  Island  of  Cuba  and  with 
draw  its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba  and  Cuban  waters,"  and 
directing  and  empowering  the  President  to  use  the  United  States 
forces  and  call  out  the  State  militia  to  such  extent  as  might  be  neces 
sary.  As  was  expected,  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Washington  immedi 
ately  asked  for  his  passports ;  our  Minister  at  Madrid,  General  Wood- 
ford,  was  notified  that  diplomatic  relations  had  terminated,  and  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  April  the  President  recommended  the  passage  by 
Congress  of  a  joint  resolution  declaring  war,  which  was  promptly  car 
ried  by  an  all  but  unanimous  vote. 

The  War  and  Its  Results. — The  war  cloud  burst,  but  in  less  than 
three  months  the  skies  were  clear  again.  The  result  was  assured  from 


the  beginning,  Spain  being  bankrupt,  honeycombed  with  corruption 
and  without  a  friend  among  the  nations,  while  our  own  country  was 
limitless  in  its  resources  and  numbered  among  its  friends  the  might 
iest  of  the  maritime  nations.  But  in  those  three  months  the  equi 
librium  of  the  whole  world  had  been  disturbed. 

Dewey's  Victory. — War  had  hardly  been  declared  before  Admiral 
Dewey,  whose  fleet  had  for  some  time  been  in  Eastern  waters,  engaged 
the  Spanish  fleet  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Manila,  the  chief  port  of  the 
Philippine  Islands,  and  destroyed  it.  "This  victory  led  to  the  occupa 
tion  of  the  city  by  our  forces,  and  a  popular  demand  arose  that  the 
whole  group  of  islands,  which  now  seemed  within  our  grasp,  should 
become  the  possession  of  the  United  States.  The  President  hesitated, 
sought  to  learn  public  opinion,  became  convinced  that  the  policy  of 
expansion  was  popular,  and  finally  instructed  our  Peace  Commis 
sioners  to  insist  upon  the 'cession  by  Spain  of  the  Philippines,  as  well 
as  Porto  Eico,  to  the  United  States — Cuba  also  to  be  held  by  our  forces 
until  a  government  could  be  established  by  its  people.  The  ratifica 
tion  of  the  treaty  was  bitterly  opposed  in  the  Senate,  but  it  was  finally 
carried  by  little  more  than  the  two-thirds  vote  required.  Meanwhile, 
it  should  be  noted,  Hawaii  had  been  peaceably  annexed  to  the  United 

In  an  eloquent  speech  before  the  Ohio  Society  in  New  York  Mr. 
McKinley,  in  reviewing  the  results  of  the  Spanish  war,  said  : 

"After  thirty-three  years  of  unbroken  peace  came  an  unavoidable 
war.  Happily,  the  conclusion  was  quickly  reached,  without  a  suspicion 
of  unworthy  motive  or  practice  or  purpose  on  our  part,  and  with  fade 
less  honor  to  our  arms.  I  cannot  forget  the  quick  response  of  the  peo 
ple  to  the  country's  need  and  the  quarter  of  a  million  men  who  freely 
offered  their  lives  to  their  country's  service.  It  was  an  impressive  spec 
tacle  of  national  strength.  It  demonstrated  our  mighty  reserve  power 
and  taught  us  that  large  standing  armies  are  unnecessary  when  every 
citizen  is  a  'minute  man'  ready  to  join  the  ranks  for  national  defence. 


"Out  of  these  recent  events  have  come  to  the  United  States  grave 
trials  and  responsibilities.  As  it  was  the  nation's  war,  so  are  its  results 
the  nation's  problems.  Its  solution  rests  upon  us  all.  It  is  too  serious 
to  stifle.  It  is  too  earnest  for  repose.  No  phrase  or  catchword  can  con 
ceal  the  sacred  obligation  it  involves.  No  use  of  epithets,  no  aspersion 
of  motive  by  those  who  differ  will  contribute  to  that  sober  judgment  so 
essential  to  right  conclusions. 

"No  political  outcry  can  abrogate  our  treaty  of  peace  with 
Spain  or  absolve  us  from  its  solemn  engagements.  It  is  the  people's 
question  and  will  be  until  its  determination  is  written  out  in  their 
enlightened  verdict.  We  must  choose  between  manly  doing  and  base 
desertion.  It  will  never  be  the  latter.  It  must  be  soberly  settled 
in  justice  and  good  conscience,  and  it  will  be.  Kighteousness  which 
exalteth  a  nation  must  control  in  its  solution. 

Imperialism  Denounced. — "There  can  be  no  imperialism.  Those 
who  fear  it  are  against  it.  Those  who  have  faith  in  the  Eepublic  are 
against  it.  So  that  there  is  universal  abhorrence  for  it  and  unanimous 
opposition  to  it.  Our  only  difference  is  that  those  who  do  not  agree 
with  us  have  no  confidence  in  the  virtue  or  capacity  or  high  purpose  or 
good  faith  of  this  free  people  as  a  civilizing  agency,  while  we  believe 
that  the  century  of  free  government  which  the  American  people  have 
enjoyed  has  not  rendered  them  irresolute  and  faithless,  but  has  fitted 
them  for  the  great  task  of  lifting  up  and  assisting  to  better  condition 
and  larger  liberty  those  distant  people  who  have  through  the  issue  of 
battle  become  our  wards. 

"Let  us  fear  not.  There  is  no  occasion  for  faint  hearts,  no  excuse 
for  regrets.  Nations  do  not  grow  in  strength  and  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  law  by  the  doing  of  easy  things.  The  harder  the  task  the  greater 
will  be  the  result,  the  benefit  and  the  honor.  To  doubt  our  power  to 
accomplish  it  is  to  lose  faith  in  the  soundness  and  strength  of  our 
popular  institutions.  The  liberators  will  never  become  the  oppressors. 
A  self-governed  people  will  never  permit  despotism  in  any  government 
which  they  foster  and  defend. 


"Gentlemen,  we  have  the  new  care  and  cannot  shift  it.  And, 
breaking  up  the  camp  of  ease  and  isolation,  let  us  bravely  and  hope 
fully  and  soberly  continue  the  march  of  faithful  service  and  falter  not 
until  the  work  is  done.  It  is  not  possible  that  seventy-five  millions  of 
American  freemen  are  unable  to  establish  liberty  and  justice  and  good 
government  in  our  new  possessions.  The  burden  is  our  opportunity. 
The  opportunity  is  greater  than  the  burden.  May  God  give  us  strength 
to  bear  the  one  and  wisdom  so  to  embrace  the  other  as  to  carry  to  our 
distant  acquisitions  the  guarantees  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 

Later,  in  his  letter  accepting  the  nomination  of  his  party  for  a 
second  term  Mr.  McKinley  said: 

"We  have  been  in  possession  of  Cuba  since  the  first  of  January, 
1899.  We  have  restored  order  and  established  domestic  tranquillity. 
We  have  fed  the  starving,  clothed  the  naked,  and  ministered  to  the 
sick.  We  have  improved  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  island.  We  have 
stimulated  industry,  introduced  public  education,  and  taken  a  full 
and  comprehensive  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants.  The  qualification 
of  electors  has  been  settled,  and  under  it  officers  have  been  chosen  for 
all  the  municipalities  of  Cuba.  These  local  governments  are  now  in 
operation,  administered  by  the  people. 

"An  election  has  been  ordered  to  be  held  on  the  fifteenth  of  Sep 
tember,  under  a  fair  election  law  already  tried  in  the  municipal  elec 
tions,  to  choose  members  of  a  constitutional  convention,  and  the  con 
vention,  by  the  same  order,  is  to  assemble  on  the  first  Monday  of 
November  to  frame  a  constitution  upon  which  an  independent  govern 
ment  for  the  island  will  rest.  All  this  is  a  long  step  in  the  fulfillment 
of  our  sacred  guarantee  to  the  people  of  Cuba. 

"We  hold  Porto  Eico  by  the  same  title  as  the  Philippines.  The 
treaty  of  peace  which  ceded  us  the  one  conveyed  to  us  the  other.  Con 
gress  has  given  to  this  island  a  government  in  which  the  inhabitants 
participate,  elect  their  own  legislature,  enact  their  o\vn  local  laws, 


provide  their  own  system  of  taxation,  and  in  these  respects  have  the 
same  power  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  other  territories  belonging  to  the 
United  States,  and  a  much  larger  measure  of  self-government  than  was 
given  to  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  under  Jefferson.  A  district 
court  of  the  United  States  for  Porto  Kico  has  been  established  and 
local  courts  have  been  inaugurated,  all  of  which  are  in  operation.  The 
generous  treatment  of  the  Porto  Ricans  accords  with  the  most  liberal 
thought  of  our  own  country,  and  encourages  the  best  aspirations  of 
the  people  of  the  island. 

"While  they  do  not  have  instant  free  commercial  intercourse  with 
the  United  States,  Congress  complied  with  my  recommendation  by 
removing,  on  May  1,  eighty-five  per  cent  of  the  duties  and  providing 
for  the  removal  of  the  remaining  fifteen  per  cent  on  the  first  of  March, 
1902,  or  earlier  if  the  Legislature  of  Porto  Eico  shall  provide  local 
revenues  for  the  expenses  of  conducting  the  government.  During  this 
intermediate  period  Porto  Rican  products  coming  into  the  United 
States  pay  a  tariff  of  fifteen  per  cent  of  the  rates  under  the  Dingley 
act,  and  our  goods  going  to  Porto  Rico  pay  a  like  rate.  The  duties 
thus  paid  and  collected  both  in  Porto  Rico  and  the  United  States  are 
paid  to  the  government  of  Porto  Rico,  and  no  part  thereof  is  taken  by 
the  national  government.  All  of  the  duties  from  November  1,  1898, 
to  June  30,  1900,  aggregating  the  sum  of  $2,250,523.21,  paid  at  the 
Custom  House  in  the  United  States  upon  Porto  Rican  products,  under 
the  laws  existing  prior  to  the  above-mentioned  act  of  Congress,  have 
gone  into  the  treasury  of  Porto  Rico  to  relieve  the  destitute  and  for 
schools  and  other  public  purposes.  In  addition  to  this  we  have  made 
expenditures  for  relief,  education  and  improvement." 

Speaking  of  the  Filipinos  the  President  said :  "Every  effort  has 
been  directed  to  their  peace  and  prosperity,  their  advancement  and 
well-being,  not  for  our  aggrandizement  nor  for  pride  of  might,  not  for 
trade  or  commerce,  not  for  exploitation,  but  for  humanity  and  civiliza 
tion,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  population,  who 


welcome  our  sovereignty  against  the  designing  minority  whose  first 
demand  after  the  surrender  of  Manila  by  the  Spanish  army  was  to 
enter  the  city.,  that  they  might  loot  it  and  destroy  those  not  in  sym 
pathy  with  their  selfish  and  treacherous  designs. 

"Would  not  our  adversaries  have  sent  Dewey's  fleet  to  Manila  to 
capture  and  destroy  the  Spanish  sea  power  there,  or,  dispatching  it 
there,  would  they  have  withdrawn  it  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  fleet;  and  if  the  latter,  whither  would  they  have  directed  it  to 
sail  ?  Where  could  it  have  gone  ?  What  port  in  the  Orient  was  opened 
to  it  ?  Do  our  adversaries  condemn  the  expedition  under  the  command 
of  General  Merritt  to  strengthen  Dewey  in  the  distant  ocean  and  assist 
in  our  triumph  over  Spain,  with  which  nation  we  were  at  war?  Was 
it  not  our  highest  duty  to  strike  Spain  at  every  vulnerable  point,  that 
the  war  might  be  successfully  concluded  at  the  earliest  practical 
moment  ? 

"And  was  it  not  our  duty  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  those 
who  came  within  our  control  by  the  fortunes  of  war?  Could  we  have 
come  away  at  any  time  between  May  1,  1898,  and  the  conclusion  of 
peace  without  a  stain  upon  our  good  name?  Could  we  have  come  away 
without  dishonor  at  any  time  after  the  ratification  of  the  peace  treaty 
by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States? 

"There  has  been  no  time  since  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's 
fleet  when  we  could  or  should  have  left  the  Philippine  archipelago. 
After  the  treaty  of  peace  was  ratified,  no  power  but  Congress  could  sur 
render  our  sovereignty  or  alienate  a  foot  of  the  territory  thus  acquired. 
The  Congress  has  not  seen  fit  to  do  one  or  the  other,  and  the  Presi 
dent  had  no  authority  to  do  either  if  he  had  been  so  inclined,  which 
he  was  not.  So  long  as  the  sovereignity  remains  in  us  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  executive,  whoever  he  may  be,  to  uphold  that  sovereignty, 
and  if  it  be  attacked  to  suppress  its  assailants.  Would  our  political 
adversaries  do  less  ? 

"With  all  the  exaggerated  phrase-making  of  this  electoral  contest 


we  are  in  danger  of  being  diverted  from  the  real  contention.  We  are 
in  agreement  with  all  of  those  who  supported  the  war  with  Spain,  and 
also  with  those  who  counseled  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 
Upon  these  two  great  essential  steps  there  can  be  no  issue,  and  out  of 
these  came  all  of  our  responsibilities.  If  others  would  shirk  the  obli 
gations  imposed  by  the  war  and  the  treaty,  we  must  decline  to  act 
further  with  them,  and  here  the  issue  was  made. 

"It  is  our  purpose  to  establish  in  the  Philippines  a  government 
suitable  to  the  wants  and  conditions  of  the  inhabitants  and  to  prepare 
them  for  self-government,  and  to  give  them  self-government  when  they 
are  ready  for  it  and  as  rapidly  as  they  are  ready  for  it.  That  I  am 
aiming  to  do  under  my  constitutional  authority,  and  will  continue  to 
do  until  Congress  shall  determine  the  political  status  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  archipelago. 

"Are  our  opponents  against  the  treaty?  If  so  they  must  be 
reminded  that  it  could  not  have  been  ratified  in  the  Senate  but  for 
their  assistance.  The  Senate  which  ratified  the  treaty  and  the  Congress 
which  added  its  sanction  by  a  large  appropriation  comprised  Senators 
and  Representatives  of  the  people  of  all  parties. 

"Would  our  opponents  surrender  to  the  insurgents,  abandon  our 
sovereignty  or  cede  it  to  them  ?  If  that  be  not  their  purpose,  then  it 
should  promptly  be  disclaimed,  for  only  evil  can  result  from  the  hopes 
raised  by  our  opponents  in  the  minds  of  the  Filipinos,  that  with  their 
success  at  the  polls  in  November  there  will  be  a  withdrawal  of  our 
army  and  of  American  sovereignty  over  the  archipelago ;  the  complete 
independence  of  the  Tagalog  people  recognized,  and  the  powers  of 
government  over  all  the  other  people  of  the  archipelago  conferred  upon 
the  Tagalog  leaders. 

"There  were  those  who,  two  years  ago,  were  rushing  us  on  to  war 
with  Spain,  who  are  unwilling  now  to  accept  its  clear  consequence, 
as  there  are  those  among  us  who  advocated  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  but  now  protest  against  its  obligations.  Nations  which  go  to 


war  must  be  prepared  to  accept  its  resultant  obligations,  and  when  they 
make  treaties  must  keep  them. 

"Those  who  profess  to  distrust  the  liberal  and  honorable  purposes 
of  the  administration  in  its  treatment  of  the  Philippines  are  not  jus 
tified.  Imperialism  has  no  place  in  its  creed  or  conduct.  Freedom 
is  a  rock  upon  which  the  Republican  party  was  builded,  and  now  rests. 
Liberty  is  the  great  Republican  doctrine  for  which  the  people  went  to 
war,  and  for  which  a  million  lives  were  offered  and  billions  of  dollars 
were  expended  to  make  it  a  lawful  legacy  of  all,  without  the  consent  of 
master  or  slave. 

"If  our  opponents  would  only  practice  as  well  as  preach  the  doc 
trines  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  there  would  be  no  fear  for  the  safety  of 
our  institutions  at  home  or  their  rightful  influence  in  any  territory 
over  which  our  flag  floats.  Empire  has  been  expelled  from  Porto  Rico 
and  the  Philippines  by  American  freemen.  The  flag  of  the  Republic 
now  floats  over  these  islands  as  an  emblem  of  rightful  sovereignty. 
Will  the  Republic  stay  and  dispense  to  their  inhabitants  the  blessing  of 
liberty,  education  arid  free  institutions,  or  steal  away,  leaving  them 
to  anarchy  and  imperialism? 

"The  American  question  is  between  duty  and  desertion — the 
American  verdict  will  be  for  duty  and  against  desertion;  for  the 
Republic,  against  both  anarchy  and  imperialism." 



As  the  end  of  his  term  approached  it  came  to  be  felt  throughout 
the  country  that  his  renomination  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  It  was 
universally  conceded  that  he  was  the  best  exponent  of  the  policies 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  the  fact  that  his  party  was  able  to  secure 
a  majority  in  the  House  in  1898  was  regarded  as  a  strong  vote  of  con 
fidence  in  his  administration.  It  was  natural  to  presume  that  he  would 
be  given  the  second  renomination  without  hesitation. 

When  the  Republican  National  Convention  met  in  Philadelphia 
in  June,  1900,  no  other  man  was  seriously  mentioned  as  a  candidate. 
It  was  in  many  respects  a  remarkable  convention.  There  were  no 
feuds  to  settle,  no  factions,  no  sectional  feeling  to  deal  with,  and  no 
dark  horses.  The  only  matter  for  consideration  was  whether  Mr. 
McKinley  should  be  renominated  on  his  record  and  for  his  record. 
On  this  point  it  was  soon  realized  that  his  party  was  thoroughly  united 
and  he  was  given  the  honor  of  a  nomination  by  acclamation.  Gov 
ernor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  a  strong  running  mate,  was  nominated 
for  Vice-President. 

Looking  Backward. — In  response  to  the  committee  which  notified 
him  of  his  nomination  he  said : 

"On  a  like  occasion  four  years  ago  I  said :  'The  party  that  sup 
plied  by  legislation  the  vast  revenues  for  the  conduct  of  our  greatest 
war,  that  promptly  restored  the  credit  of  the  country  at  its  close,  that 
from  its  abundant  revenues  paid  off  a  large  share  of  the  debt  incurred 
by  this  war,  and  that  resumed  specie  payments  and  placed  our  paper 
currency  upon  a  sound  and  enduring  basis  can  be  safely  trusted  to 
preserve  both  our  credit  and  currency  with  honor,  stability  and 
inviolability.  The  American  people  hold  the  financial  honor  of  our 


government  as  sacred  as  our  flag,  and  can  be  relied  upon  to  guard  it 
with  the  same  sleepless  vigilance.  They  hold  its  preservation  above 
party  fealty,  and  have  often  demonstrated  that  party  ties  avail  nothing 
when  the  spotless  credit  of  our  country  is  threatened. 

"  "The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage-earner  and  the  pen 
sioner  must  continue  forever  equal  in  purchasing  and  debt-paying 
power  to  the  dollar  paid  to  any  government  creditor. 

"  'Our  industrial  supremacy,  our  productive  capacity,  our  busi 
ness  and  commercial  prosperity,  our  labor  and  its  rewards,  our  national 
credit  and  currency,  our  proud  financial  honor  and  our  splendid  free 
citizenship,  the  birthright  of  every  American,  are  all  involved  in  the 
pending  campaign,  and  thus  every  home  in  the  land  is  directly  and 
intimately  connected  with  their  proper  settlement. 

"  'Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back,  and  our  idle  working 
people  employed  in  gainful  occupations  at  American  wages.  Our  home 
market  must  be  restored  to  its  proud  rank  of  first  in  the  world,  and  our 
foreign  trade,  so  precipitately  cut  off  by  adverse  national  legislation, 
reopened  on  fair  and  equitable  terms  for  our  surplus  agriculture  and 
manufacturing  products. 

"  'Public  confidence  must  be  resumed,  and  the  skill,  energy  and 
the  capital  of  our  country  find  ample  employment  at  home.  The 
Government  of  the  United  States  must  raise  money  enough  to  meet 
both  its  current  expenses  and  increasing  needs.  Its  revenues  should 
be  so  raised  as  to  protect  the  material  interests  of  our  people,  with 
the  lightest  possible  drain  upon  their  resources  and  maintaining  that 
high  standard  of  civilization  which  has  distinguished  our  country 
for  more  than  a  century  of  its  existence. 

"  'The  national  credit,  which  has  thus  far  fortunately  resisted 
every  assault  upon  it,  must  and  will  be  upheld  and  strengthened. 
Tf  sufficient  revenues  are  provided  for  the  support  of  the  government 
there  will  be  no  necessity  for  borrowing  money  and  increasing  the 
public  debt.' 


Kept  the  Pledges. — "Three  and  one  half  years  of  legislation  and 
administration  have  been  concluded  since  these  words  were  spoken. 
Have  those  to  whom  was  confided  the  direction  of  the  government 
kept  their  pledges?  The  record  is  made  up.  The  people  are  not 
unfamiliar  with  what  has  been  accomplished.  The  gold  standard 
has  been  reaffirmed  and  strengthened.  The  endless  chain  has  been 
broken,  and  the  drain  upon  our  gold  reserve  no  longer  frets  us.  The 
credit  of  the  country  has  been  advanced  to  the  highest  place  among 
all  nations. 

"We  are  refunding  our  bonded  debt,  bearing  three  and  four  and 
five  per  cent  interest,  at  two  per  cent,  a  lower  rate  than  that  of  any 
other  country,  and  already  more  than  three  hundred  millions  have 
been  so  funded,  with  a  gain  to  the  government  of  many  millions  of 
dollars.  Instead  of  16  to  1,  for  which  our  opponents  contended  four 
years  ago,  legislation  has  been  enacted  which,  while  utilizing  all 
forms  of  our  money,  secures  one  fixed  value  for  every  dollar,  and  that 
the  best  known  to  the  civilized  world. 

"A  tariff  which  protects  American  labor  and  industry  and  provides 
ample  revenues  has  been  written  in  public  law.  We  have  lower  interest 
and  higher  wages,  more  money  and  fewer  mortgages.  The  world's 
markets  have  been  opened  to  American  products,  which  go  now  where 
they  have  never  gone  before.  We  have  passed  from  a  bond-issuing 
to  a  bond-paying  nation;  from  a  nation  of  borrowers  to  a  nation  of 
lenders;  from  a  deficiency  in  revenue  to  a  surplus;  from  fear  to 
confidence;  from  enforced  idleness  to  profitable  employment.  The 
public  faith  has  been  upheld;  public  order  has  been  maintained.  We 
have  prosperity  at  home  and  prestige  abroad. 

"Unfortunately,  the  threat  of  1896  has  just  been  renewed  by  the 
allied  parties  without  abatement  or  modification.  The  gold  bill  has 
been  denounced  and  its  repeal  demanded.  The  menace  of  16  to  1, 
therefore,  still  hangs  over  us  with  all  its  dire  consequences  to  credit 
and  confidence,  to  business  and  industry.  The  enemies  of  Bound 


currency  are  rallying  their  scattered  forces.  The  people  must  once 
more  unite  and  overcome  the  advocates  of  repudiation,  and  must  not 
relax  their  energy  until  the  battle  for  public  honor  and  honest  money 
shall  again  triumph. 

The  Tariff. — "A  Congress  which  will  sustain  and,  if  need  be, 
strengthen  the  present  law  can  prevent  a  financial  catastrophe  which 
every  lover  of  the  Republic  is  interested  to  avert. 

"Not  satisfied  with  assaulting  the  currency  and  credit  of  the  gov 
ernment,  our  political  adversaries  condemn  the  tariff  law  enacted  at 
the  extra  session  of  Congress  in  1897,  known  as  the  Dingley  Act, 
passed  in  obedience  to  the  will  of  the  people,  expressed  at  the  election 
in  the  preceding  November,  a  law  which  at  once  stimulated  our 
industries,  opened  the  idle  factories  and  mines  and  gave  to  the  laborer 
and  to  the  farmer  fair  returns  for  their  toil  arid  investment.  Shall 
we  go  back  to  a  tariff  which  brings  deficiency  in  our  revenues  and 
destruction  to  our  industrial  enterprises  ? 

"Faithful  to  its  pledges  in  these  internal  affairs,  how  has  the  gov 
ernment  discharged  its  international  duties? 

"Our  platform  of  1896  declared  'the  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be 
controlled  by  the  United  States,  and  no  foreign  power  should  be 
permitted  to  interfere  with  them/ 

"This  purpose  has  been  fully  accomplished  by  annexation,  and 
delegates  from  those  beautiful  islands  have  participated  in  the  con 
vention  for  which  you  speak  to-day.  In  the  great  conference  of 
nations  at  The  Hague  we  reaffirmed  before  the  world  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  and  our  adherence  to  it  and  our  determination  not  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  complications  of  Europe.  We  have  happily  ended  the 
European  alliance  in  Samoa,  securing  to  ourselves  one  of  the  most 
valuable  harbors  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  while  the  open  door  in  China 
gives  to  us  fair  and  equal  competition  in  the  vast  trade  of  the  Orient. 
Some  things  have  happened  which  were  not  promised,  nor  even  fore 
seen,  and  our  purposes  in  relation  to  them  must  not  be  left  in  doubt. 


Our  Island  Possessions. — "A  just  war  has  been  waged  for  human 
ity,  and  with  it  have  come  new  problems  and  responsibilities.  Spain 
has  been  ejected  from  the  Western  Hemisphere  and  our  flag  floats 
over  her  former  territory.  Cuba  has  been  liberated  and  our  guarantees 
to  her  people  will  be  sacredly  executed.  A  beneficent  government 
has  been  provided  for  Porto  Rico.  The  Philippines  are  ours  and 
American  authority  must  be  supreme  throughout  the  archipelago 
There  will  be  amnesty  broad  and  liberal,  but  no  abatement  of  our 
rights,  no  abandonment  of  our  duty.  There  must  be  no  scuttle  policy. 

"We  will  fulfill  in  the  Philippines  the  obligations  imposed  by  the 
triumphs  of  our  arms  and  by  the  treaty  of  peace ;  by  international  law ; 
by  the  nation's  sense  of  honor,  and,  more  than  all,  by  the  rights, 
interests  and  conditions  of  the  Philippine  people  themselves.  No  out 
side  interference  blocks  the  way  to  peace  and  a  stable  government. 
The  obstructionists  are  here,  not  elsewhere.  They  may  postpone, 
but  they  cannot  defeat  the  realization  of  the  high  purposes  of  this 
nation  to  restore  order  to  the  islands  and  to  establish  a  just  and 
generous  government,  in  which  the  inhabitants  shall  have  the  largest 
participation  for  which  they  are  capable. 

"The  organized  forces  which  have  been  misled  into  rebellion 
have  been  dispersed  by  our  faithful  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  the 
people  of  the  islands,  delivered  from  anarchy,  pillage  and  oppression, 
recognize  American  sovereignty  as  the  symbol  and  pledge  of  peace, 
justice,  law,  religious  freedom,  education,  the  security  of  life  and 
property,  and  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  their  several  communities. 

Principle  Reasserted. — "We  reassert  the  early  principle  of  the 
Republican  party,  sustained  by  unbroken  judicial  precedents,  that 
the  representatives  of  the  people  in  Congress  assembled  have  full 
legislative  power  over  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States,  sub 
ject  to  the  fundamental  safeguards  of  liberty,  justice  and  personal 
rights,  and  are  vested  with  ample  authority  to  act  'for  the  highest 
interests  of  our  nation  and  the  people  entrusted  to  its  care.'  The  doc- 


trine,  first  proclaimed  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  will  never  be  used  as 
a  weapon  for  oppression.  I  am  glad  to  be  assured  by  you  that  what 
we  have  done  in  the  Far  East  has  the  approval  of  the  country. 

"The  sudden  and  terrible  crisis  in  China  calls  for  the  gravest 
consideration,  and  you  will  not  expect  from  me  now  any  further 
expression  than  to  say  that  my  best  efforts  shall  be  given  to  the 
immediate  purpose  of  protecting  the  lives  of  our  citizens  who  are  in 
peril,  with  the  ultimate  object  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of  China,  the 
safeguarding  of  all  our  treaty  rights,  and  the  maintenance  of  those 
principles  of  impartial  intercourse  to  which  the  civilized  world  is 
pledged.  I  cannot  conclude  without  congratulating  my  countrymen 
upon  the  strong  national  sentiment  which  finds  expression  in  every 
part  of  our  common  country  and  the  increased  respect  with  which 
the  American  name  is  greeted  throughout  the  world. 

Moving  in  Untried  Paths. — "We  have  been  moving  in  untried 
paths,  but  our  steps  have  been  guided  by  honor  and  duty.  There  will 
be  no  turning  aside,  no  wavering,  no  retreat.  No  blow  has  been 
struck  except  for  liberty  and  humanity,  and  none  will  be.  We  will 
perform  without  fear  every  national  and  international  obligation." 

In  his  letter  of  acceptance  which  shortly  followed,  and  from 
which  I  have  already  quoted,  the  President  made  a  most  gratifying 
report  of  what  had  been  accomplished  during  his  administration, 
and  briefly  outlined  the  work  that  remained  to  be  done.  Congress  had 
at  last  given  Alaska  a  territorial  government,  for  which  it  had  waited 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century;  had  established  a  representative 
government  in  Hawaii;  had  enacted  bills  for  the  most  liberal  treat 
ment  of  the  pensioners  and  their  widows;  had  revived  the  free  home 
stead  policy.  In  its  great  financial  law  it  provided  for  the  establish 
ment  of  banks  of  issue  with  a  capital  of  $25,000  for  the  benefit  of 
villages  and  rural  communities,  and  bringing  the  opportunity  for 
profitable  business  in  banking  within  the  reach  of  moderate  capital. 
Many,  he  said,  are  already  availing  themselves  of  this  privilege. 


Surplus  Revenues. — "During  the  past  year  more  than  nineteen 
millions  of  United  States  bonds  have  been  paid  from  the  surplus  rev 
enues  of  the  Treasury,  and  in  addition  twenty-five  millions  of  2  per 
cents  matured,  called  by  the  government,  are  in  process  of  payment. 
Pacific  railroad  bonds,  issued  by  the  government  in  aid  of  the  roads 
in  the  sum  of  nearly  forty-four  million  dollars,  have  been  paid  since 
December  31,  1897.  The  Treasury  balance  is  in  satisfactory  condi 
tion,  showing  on  September  1,  $135,419,000,  in  addition  to  the 
$150,000,000  gold  reserve  held  in  the  Treasury.  The  government's 
relations  with  the  Pacific  railroads  have  been  substantially  closed,  $121, 
421,000  being  received  from  these  roads,  the  greater  part  in  cash  and 
the  remainder  with  ample  securities  for  payments  deferred. 

Volume  of  Currency. — "Instead  of  diminishing,  as  was  predicted 
four  years  ago,  the  volume  of  our  currency  is  greater  per  capita  than 
it  has  ever  been.  It  was  $21.10  in  1896.  It  has  increased  to  $26.50 
on  July  1,  1900,  and  $26.85  on  September  1,  1900.  Our  total  money 
on  July  1,  1896,  was  $1,506,434,966;  on  July  1,  1900,  it  was  $2,062,- 
425,490,  and  $2,096,683,042  on  September  1,  1900. 

"Our  industrial  and  agricultural  conditions  are  more  promising 
than  they  have  been  for  many  years ;  probably  more  so  than  they  have 
ever  been.  Prosperity  abounds  everywhere  throughout  the  Eepublic. 
I  rejoice  that  the  Southern  as  well  as  the  Northern  States  are  enjoying 
a  full  share  of  these  improved  national  conditions,  and  that  all  are 
contributing  so  largely  to  our  remarkable,  industrial  development. 
The  money  lender  receives  lower  rewards  for  his  capital  than  if  it 
were  invested  in  active  business.  The  rates  of  interest  are  lower  than 
they  have  ever  been  in  this  country,  while  those  things  which  are  pro 
duced  on  the  farm  and  in  the  workshop  and  the  labor  producing  them 
have  advanced  in  value. 

Foreign  Trade. — "Our  foreign  trade  shows  a   satisfactory  and 
increasing  growth.     The  amount  of  our  exports  for  the  year  1900 
over  those  of  the  exceptionally  prosperous  year  of  1899  was  about  half 


a  million  dollars  for  every  day  of  the  year,  and  these  sums  have  gone 
into  the  homes  and  enterprises  of  the  people.  There  has  been  an 
increase  of  over  $50,000,000  in  the  exports  of  agricultural  products; 
$92,692,220  in  manufactures,  and  in  the  products  of  the  mines  of  over 
$10,000,000.  Our  trade  balances  cannot  fail  to  give  satisfaction  to 
the  people  of  the  country.  In  1898  we  sold  abroad  $615,432,676  of 
products  more  than  we  bought  abroad;  in  1899,  $529,874,813,  and  in 
1900,  $544,471,701,  making,  during  the  three  years,  a  total  balance  in 
our  favor  of  $1,689,779,190 — nearly  five  times  the  balance  of  trade 
in  our  favor  for  the  whole  period  of  108  years  from  1790  to  June  30, 
1897,  inclusive. 

Gold  Stock. — "Four  hundred  and  thirty-six  million  dollars  of 
gold  have  been  added  to  the  gold  stock  of  the  United  States  since 
July  1,  1896.  The  law  of  March  14,  1900,  authorized  the  refunding 
into  2  per  cent  bonds  of  that  part  of  the  public  debt  represented  by 
the  3  per  cents,  due  in  1908 ;  the  4  per  cents,  due  in  1907,  and  the  5 
per  cents,  due  in  1904,  aggregating  $840,000,000.  More  than  one- 
third  of  the  sum  of  these  bonds  was  refunded  in  the  first  three 
months  after  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  on  September  1  the  sum  had 
been  increased  more  than  $33,000,000,  making  in  all  $330,578,050, 
resulting  in  a  net  saving  of  over  $8,379,520. 

"The  ordinary  receipts  of  the  government  for  the  fiscal  year  1900 
were  $79,827,060  in  excess  of  its  expenditures. 

Receipts. — "While  our  receipts  both  from  customs  and  internal 
revenue  have  been  greatly  increased,  our  expenditures  have  been 
decreasing.  Civil  and  miscellaneous  expenses  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1900,  were  nearly  $14,000,000  less  than  in  1899,  while  on  the 
war  account  there  is  a  decrease  of  more  than  $95,000,000.  There 
were  required  $8,000,000  less  to  support  the  navy  this  year  than  last, 
and  the  expenditures  on  account  of  Indians  were  nearly  two  and 
three-quarters  million  dollars  less  than  in  1899. 

"The  only  two  items  of  increase  in  the  public  expenses  of  1890 


over  1899  are  for  pensions  and  interest  on  the  public  debt.  For  1890 
we  expended  for  pensions  $139,394,929,  and  for  the  fiscal  year  1900 
our  payments  on  this  account  amounted  to  $140,877,316.  The  net 
increase  of  interest  on  the  public  debt  of  1900  over  1899,  required  by 
the  war  loan,  was  $263,408.25.  While  Congress  authorized  the  gov 
ernment  to  make  a  war  loan  of  $400,000,000  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war  with  Spain,  only  $200,000,000  of  bonds  were  issued,  bearing  3 
per  cent  interest,  which  were  promptly  and  patriotically  taken  by  our 

Reduction  of  Taxes. — '"Unless  something  unforeseen  occurs  to 
reduce  our  revenue  or  increase  our  expenditures,  the  Congress  at  its 
next  session  should  reduce  taxation  very  materially. 

"Five  years  ago  we  were  selling  government  bonds  bearing  as 
high  as  5  per  cent  interest.  Now  we  are  redeeming  them  with  a  bond 
at  par,  bearing  2  per  cent  interest.  We  are  selling  our  surplus 
products  and  lending  our  surplus  money  to  Europe.  One  result  of 
our  selling  to  other  nations  so  much  more  than  we  have  bought  from 
them  during  the  past  three  years  is  a  radical  improvement  of  our 
financial  relations.  The  great  amounts  of  capital  which  have  been 
borrowed  of  Europe  for  our  rapid,  material  development  have  remained 
a  constant  drain  upon  our  resources  for  interest  and  dividends,  and 
made  our  money  markets  liable  to  constant  disturbances  by  calls  for 
payment  or  heavy  sales  of  our  securities  whenever  moneyed  stringency 
or  panic  occurred  abroad.  We  have  now  been  paying  these  debts  and 
bringing  home  many  of  our  securities  and  establishing  countervailing 
credits  abroad  by  our  loans,  and  placing  ourselves  upon  a  sure  founda 
tion  of  financial  independence. 

The  Boer  War. — "In  the  unfortunate  contest  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  Boer  states  of  South  Africa  the  United  States  has 
maintained  an  attitude  of  neutrality,  in  accordance  with  its  well- 
known  traditional  policy.  It  did  not  hesitate,  however,  when 
requested  by  the  governments  of  the  South  African  Eepublics  to  exer- 


else  its  good  offices  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  It  is  to  be  observed 
that,  while  the  South  African  Republics  made  like  requests  of  other 
powers,  the  United  States  is  the  only  one  which  complied.  The 
British  Government  declined  to  accept  the  intervention  of  any  power. 

Extending  Foreign  Commerce. — "Ninety-one  per  cent  of  our 
exports  and  imports  are  now  carried  by  foreign  ships.  For  ocean 
transportation  we  pay  annually  to  foreign  ship  owners  over  $165,- 
000,000.  We  ought  to  own  the  ships  for  our  carrying  trade  with  the 
world,  and  we  ought  to  build  them  in  American  shipyards  and  man 
them  with  American  sailors.  Our  own  citizens  should  receive  the 
transportation  charges  now  paid  to  foreigners.  I  have  called  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  this  subject  in  my  several  annual  messages. 
In  that  of  December  6,  1897,  I  said: 

"  'Most  desirable  from  every  standpoint  of  national  interest  and 
patriotism  is  the  effort  to  extend  our  foreign  commerce.  To  this  end 
our  merchant  marine  should  be  improved  and  enlarged.  We  should  do 
our  full  share  of  the  carrying  trade  of  the  world.  We  do  not  do  it 
now.  We  should  be  the  laggard  no  longer/ 

Progress  on  the  Seas. — "In  my  message  of  December  5,  1899, 
I  said: 

"  'Our  national  development  will  be  one-sided  and  unsatisfactory 
so  long  as  the  remarkable  growth  of  our  inland  industries  remains 
unaccompanied  by  progress  on  the  seas.  There  is  no  lack  of  consti 
tutional  authority  for  legislation  which  shall  give  to  the  country  mari 
time  strength  commensurate  with  its  industrial  achievements  and  with 
its  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"  'The  past  year  has  recorded  exceptional  activity  in  our  ship 
yards,  and  the  promises  of  continued  prosperity  in  shipbuilding  are 
abundant.  Advanced  legislation  for  the  protection  of  our  seamen 
has  been  enacted.  Our  coast  trade,  under  regulations  wisely  framed 
at  the  beginning  of  the  government  and  since,  shows  results  for  the 
last  fiscal  year  unequaled  in  our  records  or  those  of  any  other  power. 


We  shall  fail  to  realize  our  opportunities,  however,  if  we  complacently 
regard  only  matters  at  home  and  blind  ourselves  to  the  necessity  of 
securing  our  share  in  the  valuable  carrying  trade  of  the  world/ 

"I  now  reiterate  these  views. 

A  Maritime  Canal. — "A  subject  of  immediate  importance  to  our 
country  is  the  completion  of  a  great  waterway  between  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific.  The  construction  of  a  maritime  canal  is  now  more  than 
ever  indispensable  to  that  intimate  and  ready  communication  between 
our  Eastern  and  Western  seaports  demanded  by  the  annexation  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  and  the  expansion  of  our  influence  and  trade  in 
the  Pacific. 

"Our  national  policy  more  imperatively  than  ever  calls  for  its 
completion  and  control  by  this  government;  and  it  is  believed  that 
the  next  session  of  Congress,  after  receiving  the  full  report  of  the  com 
mission  appointed  under  the  act  approved  March  3,  1899,  will  make 
provisions  for  the  sure  accomplishment  of  this  great  work. 

Monopolies. — "Combinations  of  capital  which  control  the  market 
in  commodities  necessary  to  the  general  use  of  the  people,  by  suppress 
ing  natural  and  ordinary  competition,  thus  enhancing  prices  to  the 
general  consumer,  are  obnoxious  to  the  common  law  and  the  public 
welfare.  They  are  dangerous  conspiracies  against  the  public  good, 
and  should  be  made  the  subject  of  prohibitory  or  penal  legislation. 
Publicity  will  be  a  helpful  influence  to  check  this  evil.  Uniformity 
of  legislation  in  the  several  States  should  be  secured.  Discrimina 
tion  between  what  is  injurious  and  what  is  useful  and  necessary  in 
business  operations  is  essential  to  the  wise  and  effective  treatment  of 
this  subject.  Honest  co-operation  of  capital  is  necessary  to  meet  new 
business  conditions  and  extend  our  rapidly  increasing  foreign  trade, 
but  conspiracies  and  combinations  intended  to  restrict  business,  create 
monopolies  and  control  prices  should  be  effectively  restrained. 

Encouraging  Labor. — "The  best  service  which  can  be  rendered 
to  labor  is  to  afford  it  an  opportunity  for  steady  and  remunerative 


employment,  and  give  it  every  encouragement  for  advancement.  The 
policy  that  subserves  this  end  is  the  true  American  policy.  The  last 
three  years  have  been  more  satisfactory  to  American  workingnien 
than  many  preceding  years.  Any  change  of  the  present  industrial 
or  financial  policy  of  the  government  would  be  disastrous  to  their 
highest  interests.  With  prosperity  at  home  and  an  increasing  foreign 
market  for  American  products,  employment  should  continue  to  wait 
upon  labor,  and  with  the  present  gold  standard  the  workingman  is 
secured  against  payments  for  his  labor  in  a  depreciated  currency.  For 
labor,  a  short  day  is  better  than  a  short  dollar;  one  will  lighten  the 
burdens,  the  other  lessen  the  rewards  of  toil.  The  one  will  promote 
contentment  and  independence,  the  other  penury  and  want.  The  wages 
of  labor  should  be  adequate  to  keep  the  home  in  comfort,  educate  the 
children,  and,  with  thrift  and  economy,  lay  something  by  for  the 
days  of  infirmity  and  old  age." 

Mr.  Bryan  was  again  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party,  and 
he  had  lost  little  if  any  of  his  wonderful  popularity.  But  he  was  at 
the  disadvantage  of  opposing  a  man  with  a  record  which  had  met  the 
approval  of  a  great  majority  of  the  American  people.  The  result  was 
that  in  November  Mr.  McKinley  was  elected  to  a  second  term  by  the 
largest  popular  vote  ever  given  to  any  candidate. 



There  can  hardly  be  a  question  but  that  Mr.  McKinley' s  greatest 
service  to  America,  certainly  the  service  which  will  live  longest  in  the 
memory  of  men,  was  the  work  which  he  did  towards  cementing  the 
sections  together.  He  made  the  nation  one. 

His  Dearest  Wish.— "At  the  Peace  Jubilee  at  Philadelphia," 
said  Governor  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  in  his  eloquent  tribute  on  the  day  of 
the  funeral,  "I  stood  by  his  side  as  the  blue-coated  veterans  shook  his 
hand.  He  turned  to  me  with  tears  in  his  eyes  and  said:  'Now, 
Governor,  if  we  only  had  a  gray-coated  Confederate  by  the  side  of  each 
one  of  these  the  day  would  be  rounded  and  my  happiness  complete/ 

"I  looked  him  straight  in  the  face  and  said :  'Do  you  mean  that, 
Mr.  President?' 

"  'Indeed  I  do/  answered  Mr.  McKinley,  and  he  added :  'To  see 
the  entire  abolition  of  sectional  lines  is  the  dearest  wish  I  have/ 

"I  will  carry  that  message  to  my  people,"  said  the  Governor,  and 
Mr.  McKinley  with  emphasis  bade  him  assure  Virginia  that  the  ban 
ishment  of  all  sectional  feeling  was  a  labor  to  which  he  would  give  his 
best  efforts,  and  which  accomplished  would  bring  him  great  personal 

Making  the  nation  one  was  the  dominant  note  of  all  his  public 
utterances,  and  the  directing  impulse  of  many  of  his  official  acts. 
Before  he  was  nominated  he  told  his  intimate  friends  of  his  fond 
ambition  to  be  instrumental  in  binding  the  North  and  South  in  closer 
ties  of  fellowship,  and  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  a  united  country 
was  the  greatest  aspiration  of  his  life. 

"To  realize  his  ambition,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "the  President 
was  happily  aided  at  an  opportune  moment  in  our  national  existence  by 


the  fortunes  of  war — a  war  resulting  from  intervention  in  behalf  of 
an  oppressed  people  under  the  yoke  of  foreign  despotism  in  our  own 
hemisphere.  The  grizzled  warriors  of  the  blue  and  the  gray  sprang 
to  arms  under  the  same  flag  to  lead  the  young  volunteers  of  the  North 
and  South  against  a  common  foe.  The  spectacle  was  one  of  the  most 
inspiring  in  history.  Sectional  rancor  was  buried  with  brave  hearts  in 
the  soil  of  Santiago  and  El  Caney." 

A  Union  in  Reality. — Before  McKinley  we  had  the  Union  in 
name;  to-day  we  have  it  in  reality.  But  as  the  writer  whom  I  have 
just  quoted  says :  "The  bugle  call  to  arms  was  not  to  be  the  one  uni 
fying  influence  in  drawing  the  two  sections  together.  No  man  before 
McKinley  ever  preached  so  eloquently  and  earnestly  the  doctrine  of 
commercial  and  industrial  unity.  His  voice  was  lifted  for  that  Union 
that  recognizes  a  common  destiny  for  all  sections  of  the  Kepublic. 
He  was  the  South's  champion,  the  advocate  of  her  peerless  resources. 
He  believed  in  the  industrial  future  of  the  South.  For  this  the  South 
loved  him." 

Mr.  Harry  S.  Edwards,  in  the  McKinley  memorial  service,  held  in 
Macon,  Ga.,  said : 

The  Eight  Man  at  the  Right  Moment. — "To  every  man  is  given  a 
mission,  be  he  ever  so  humble;  else  were  life  but  a  purposeless  expres 
sion  of  that  power  which  created  it.  Looking  backward  through  the 
long  perspectives  we  see  dimly  how  civilization  has  developed  how  the 
spark  of  liberty  has  been  guarded  and  cherished.  We  see  the  giant 
epoch  makers  of  our  race  struggling  in  the  mists  and  around  them  the 
dumb,  formless  masses  of  men  surging  back  and  forth  in  an  endless 
struggle.  We  catch  the  faint  flash  of  light  where  the  jewel  in  the 
heavenly  javelin  falls  as  the  angels  of  God  hurl  it  forward  to  the  new 
boundaries  of  freedom.  The  light  grows !  that  which  was  a  fitful 
gleam  becomes  a  star,  a  planet,  a  sun  ablaze  in  the  noonday  of  our  cen 
tury.  With  the  light  came  the  tumult;  and  the  fight  raged  about  us 
as  it  did  about  our  fathers  in  the  ages  past;  as  it  will  about  the 


unborn  millions  when  we  lay  down  our  weapons  and  sink  into  the 
shadow.  Alas,  but  the  sun  of  liberty  looked  down,  when  the  smoke 
lifted,  on  a  saddened  people,  and  the  nation  writhed  in  agony  as  the 
new  epoch  struggled  to  the  light.  William  McKinley  found  the  nation's 
wounds  yet  bleeding;  the  nation's  heart  charged  with  bitterness;  sec 
tion  arrayed  against  section,  brother  against  brother.  He  came  with 
but  half  the  confidence  of  one  section  to  meet  the  almost  unbroken 
distrust  of  another;  but  he  came,  at  the  right  moment  as  the  right 
man  always  comes,  as  he  always  will  come  to  that  people  chosen  of  God 
to  carry  the  standard  of  liberty  and  execute  His  will. 

His  Mission  of  Peace. — "As  he  walked  among  us,  frank,  free, 
trusting  and  unguarded,  with  a  plea  in  his  voice,  honesty  in  his  every 
lineament,  and  a  manly  assurance  of  friendship  in  the  clasp  of  his 
hand,  his  mission  unfolded  to  the  knowledge  of  men.  It  was  a  mission 
of  peace.  And  he  won. 

"How  well  William  McKinley  understood  the  Southern  heart  we 
know  now.  Why,  look  you,  fellow  citizens,  did  he  ever  ask  a  Southern 
man  to  deny  his  convictions,  to  recede  one  step  from  the  principles 
that  governed  him?  When  delay  of  the  first  act  for  the  delivery  of 
the  millions  that  suffered  under  a  vicious  Old  World  system  became 
no  longer  possible,  when  the  cry  of  humanity  could  no  longer  be  disre 
garded  by  the  brave  and  free,  and  he  laid  hand  on  the  sword,  did  he 
question  the  Southern  veteran  or  the  South's  superb  youth  as  to  the 
flag?  Did  he  question  the  loyalty  of  Fitzhugh  Lee?  Did  he  put  a 
watch  on  Brumby,  on  Bagley,  on  Win  ship,  on  Hobson,  or,  put  other 
men  in  their  places  to  make  history  ?  When  he  came  into  this  city  and 
there  was  placed  on  his  breast  a  memorial  of  the  cause  he  had  fought 
did  he  receive  it  with  a  frown  ?  What  was  it  he  said  in  Atlanta,  when  in 
his  grand  appeal  for  peace  he  reached  the  Confederate  dead  ?  Listen : 

"  'The  time  has  now  come  in  the  evolution  of  sentiment  and  feeling 
under  the  providence  of  God  when  in  the  spirit  of  fraternity  we  should 
share  with  you  in  the  care  of  the  graves  of  the  Confederate  soldiers. 


"  "The  cordial  feeling  now  happily  existing  between  the  North  and 
the  South  prompts  this  gracious  act,  and  if  it  needs  further  justifica 
tion,  it  is  found  in  the  gallant  loyalty  to  the  Union  and  the  Flag,  so 
conspicuously  shown  in  the  year  just  passed  hy  the  sons  and  grand 
sons  of  these  heroic  dead/ 

He  Knew  the  South. — "Oh,  fellow  citizens,  he  knew  you  better 
than  at  first  you  knew  him.  He  knew  you  better  than  you  knew  your 
selves.  His  was  the  genius  of  intuition.  He  appealed  with  confidence  to 
the  great,  warm,  generous  heart  of  the  South,  to  that  love  of  country, 
that  love  of  home,  that  love  of  religion,  which  find  their  asylum  here 
to-day  as  they  found  it  through  the  century  past.  He  found  where 
your  heartstrings  were,  and  touching  them  with  unerring  skill,  whis 
pered  'America'  in  the  sacred  chambers  of  your  life.  He  won  you  in 
spite  of  politics  by  the  beauty  of  his  superb  faith  in  you  and  in  the 
ideab  you  worship.  Carrying  the  sword  after  a  four  years'  struggle, 
he  broke  down  the  defences  of  the  land;  carrying  the  olive  branch, 
he  stormed  and  won  your  hearts  in  a  few  short  days.  It  was  his 
supreme  triumph.  It  was  the  South's  supreme  tribute.  No  man 
ever  won  a  greater  victory  over  a  people  than  the  victory  he  has  won 
over  you;  no  victory  is  destined  for  a  harvest  so  grand.  For  where 
he  found  distrust,  he  left  faith;  where  he  found  strife  he  left  peace; 
where  he  found  bitterness  he  left  love;  and  where  he  found  an  open 
wound  he  poured  his  dissolving  life  as  a  precious  ointment  to  soothe 
and  to  heal. 

"I  speak  of  his  mission  as  executed;  it  is  not  given  to  man  to  inter 
pret  the  ways  of  God,  but  surely  I  may  take  the  words  of  our  dying 
friend  as  carrying  with  them  something  of  that  light  which  the  soul 
gains  when  it  poises  for  flight  where  the  sunset  of  life  mingles  with 
the  dawn  of  eternity's  one  matchless  day.  What  was  God's  way?  To 
whom  these  strange  words,  following  no  utterance  save  farewell  ?  It 
seems  to  me  that  we  may  read  in  them  only  the  realization  of  a  soul 
that  its  mission  was  ended  under  the  decree  of  the  power  which 


directed  it.  It  seems  to  me  that,  as  it  trembled  in  the  white  radiance 
of  its  Creator's  presence,  it  turned  a  moment,  still  faithful,  still 
thoughtful  of  the  sorrowing  millions,  in  loving  explanation.  This 
ended,  in  loving  submission,  in  words  that  can  never  perish  from  the 
American  heart,  he  greeted  his  great  Commander.  My  friends,  if  there 
is  anything  in  the  faith  which  sustains  the  human  race  in  this  twentieth 
century,  and  I  am  not  here  to  doubt  it,  William  McKinley  died  with 
one  hand  clasped  in  ours  and  the  other  in  the  hand  of  God !  There 
was  for  him  no  shadow,  no  valley  of  death.  He  died  on  the  summit 
of  the  mountain,  as  a  grand  day  dies,  beyond  him  the  radiant  gates 
of  heaven,  around  him  the  friendly  stars." 

His  Recognition  of  Southern  Patriotism. — The  Washington  Post 
has  said  that  Mr.  McKinley's  attitude  toward  the  South  when  the 
war  with  Spain  broke  out,  in  1898,  infused  into  this  purely  abstract 
and  intellectual  admiration  the  ingredient  of  enthusiasm.  "Misunder 
stood  for  more  than  thirty  years;  misrepresented  persistently  by  the 
professional  ex-Confederates,  with  their  noisy  announcement  of  a 
reconciliation  which  had  long  been  consummated  in  the  hearts  of  all 
serious  men;  anxious  for  an  opportunity  to  demonstrate  the  loyalty 
they  felt  in  every  fibre,  they  hailed  Mr.  McKinley' s  recognition  of  their 
genuine  patriotism  with  a  gratitude  which  soon  deepened  into  lasting 
and  sincere  affection.  How  they  rallied  to  the  nation's  flag  is  a  matter 
of  common  knowledge  and  need  not  be  discussed  at  this  time.  The 
demonstration  was  spontaneous  and,  therefore,  splendidly  impressive. 
But  Southern  men  will  never  forget  that  Mr.  McKinley  understood 
them,  and  to  properly  appraise  their  grief  over  his  tragic  and  untimely 
death  one  must  consider  the  effect  of  that  magnanimous  act  upon  a  sen 
sitive  and  proud  people.  Theirs  is  a  sorrow  acute  as  it  is  profound.  The 
country  may  safely  assume  that  they  mean  all  and  more  than  they 

Before  his  first  term  had  come  to  a  close  it  was  realized  that  he 
was  indeed  the  President  of  a  united  country.  The  influence  of  his 


example,  the  power  of  his  position,  and  all  the  force  of  his  ability, 
were  constantly  given  to  this  end.  McKinley's  gratification  at  the 
fulfillment  of  so  noble  an  inspiration  found  voice  at  Atlanta  in  these 
words : 

"Reunited — one  country  again  and  one  country  forever !  Pro- 
claim  if  from  the  press  and  pulpit;  teach  it  in  the  schools;  write  it 
across  the  skies !  The  world  sees  and  feels  it ;  it  cheers  every  heart 
North  and  South,  and  brightens  the  life  of  every  American 
home !  Let  nothing  ever  strain  it  again !  At  peace  with  all  the  world 
and  with  each  other,  what  can  stand  in  the  pathway  of  our  progress 
and  prosperity?" 

One  Sentiment. — Later,  upon  the  field  of  Antietam,  where  he  had 
distinguished  himself  as  commissary-sergeant  when  a  lad  of  nine 
teen,  the  President  spoke  again  upon  this  subject,  and  said:  "Stand 
ing  here  to-day,  one  reflection  only  has  crowded  my  mind — the  differ 
ence  between  this  scene  and  that  of  thirty-eight  years  ago.  Then  the 
men  who  wore  the  blue  and  the  men  who  wore  the  gray  greeted  each 
other  with  shot  and  shell,  and  visited  death  upon  their  respective  ranks. 
We  meet,  after  all  these  intervening  years,  with  but  one  sentiment — 
that  of  loyalty  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  love  of  our 
flag  and  our  free  institutions,  and  determined,  men  of  the  North  and 
men  of  the  South,  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  the  honor  and  perpetuity 
of  the  American  nation/' 

The  Welding1  of  the  Nation. — The  greatest  of  all  the  influences, 
however,  which  have  brought  about  the  complete  union  of  the  nation 
was  his  death.  The  welding  of  the  nation  had  been  going  on  rapidly 
throughout  his  administration,  but  it  was  only  completed  by  the  shock 
of  the  tragedy  which  ended  his  life.  When  tears  flow  together  hearts 
are  welded  together.  The  ambition  of  his  life  was  reached  only  by 
giving  up  his  life. 



Mr.  Julian  Hawthorne  lias  said  that  the  nation's  faith  in  McKin- 
ley  was  founded  on  his  deep  love  for  his  wife.  Not  long  after  her 
marriage  Mrs.  McKinley  became  a  chronic  invalid.  She  was  naturally 
of  a  nervous  organization,,  "exquisitively  alive  to  impressions  and 
emotions,  but  her  infirmity  removed  her  in  a  measure  out  of  the 
common  earthly  sphere  into  a  region  where  spirit  seemed  to  over 
balance  matter." 

The  Appeal  of  Frailty. — To  a  hard  man  such  a  wife  would  have 
become  a  burden,  but  Mrs.  McKinley's  frailty  appealed  to  what  was 
noblest  and  most  generous  in  her  husband.  "It  added  to  the  ordinary 
husbandly  tenderness  of  his  attitude  towards  her  a  special  reverence 
as  for  something  sacred  and  exquisitely  beyond  common  humanity; 
it  prompted  him  to  make  her  the  end  and  ideal  of  his  life."  It  was  his 
deepest  desire  to  make  her  feel — what,  indeed,  was  the  very  truth — 
that  so  far  from  being  a  clog  upon  him,  she  was  in  the  highest  sense 
more  than  ever  his  protector  and  his  good  angel ;  a  visible  incarnation 
of  the  Providence  that  watched  over  him  and  pointed  upward. 

"The  wife  of  no  public  man" — I  again  quote  Mr.  Hawthorne's 
beautiful  words — "has  been  closer  to  the  man  she  loved  than  he  kept 
her  to  him.  She  sat  or  drove,  or  stood  by  his  side,  within  reach  of  his 
protecting  arm,  where  his  eyes,  turning  upon  her,  might  meet  her  own ; 
where  his  voice,  uttering  loving  words,  might  reach  her  ears;  where 
the  smile  that  brightened  his  face  might  at  the  same  moment  shine 
from  hers.  Such  was  their  tender  relation  and  intimacy  as  they  became 
known  to  the  nation  whose  Chief  Magistrate  he  rose  to  be. 

His  Inspiration. — "Few  indeed  could  personally  know  Mrs. 
McKinley.  Yet  all  who  knew  McKinley  were  unawares  entering 


into  knowledge  of  his  wife.  He  manifested  her;  she  inspired  the 
gentleness  of  his  voice  and  the  kindliness  of  his  look;  she  was  lumi 
nous  in  his  religious  faith;  she  was  visible  in  that  deep  humanity 
which  uttered  itself  so  nobly  in  the  word  of  pity  and  protection  which 
he  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  wretch  who  slew  him. 

"The  confidence  in  the  holiness  of  God's  will  which  broke  through 
the  shadows  of  his  latest  moments  had  been  kindled  at  the  altar  of  his 
love  for  her;  the  confidence  long  since  deeply  instilled.,  now  avouching 
its  integrity  in  the  supreme  trial." 

A  Beautiful  Tribute. — "Do  you  know  Major  McKinley?"  said 
Mrs.  McKinley  to  a  friend  at  New  Orleans,  during  the  President's 
tour  across  the  continent. 

"Ah,  no  one  can  know  him,  because  to  appreciate  him  one  must 
know  him  as  I  do,  and  I  am  not  speaking  now  of  Major  McKinley  as 
the  President,  I  am  speaking  of  him  as  my  husband. 

"If  any  one  could  know  what  it  is  to  have  a  wife  sick,  complaining 
always,  an  invalid  for  twenty-five  years,  seldom  a  day  well,  and  yet 
never  a  word  of  unkindness  has  ever  passed  his  lips.  He  is  just  the 
same  tender,  thoughtful,  kind  gentleman  I  knew  when  first  he  came 
and  sought  my  hand.  I  know  him  because  I  am  his  wife,  and  it  is  my 
proudest  pleasure  to  say  this,  not  because  he  is  the  President,  but 
because  he  is  my  husband. 

"I  love  to  see  him  among  the  people  whom  he  seeks  to  serve  so 
faithfully.  But  I  dread  all  his  speeches.  I  only  wish  that  I  could  help 
him  as  I  should.  But  he  is  so  kind,  so  good,  so  patient.  He  gives  me 
all  the  time  he  can.  He  never  forgets  me,  no  matter  how  busy  he  is. 

"But  I  will  be  glad  when  he  is  out  of  public  life.  I  did  not  want 
him  to  run  a  second  time.  I  thought  he  had  done  enough  for  the  coun 
try,  and  now  I  know  that  he  has  done  enough,  and  when  his  term 
expires  he  will  come  home  and  we  will  settle  down  quietly  and  he  will 
belong  to  me." 

Mrs.  Charles  Criswold,  of  Washington,  who  was,  before  her  mar- 


riage,  a  Canton  girl,  was  often  brought  into  close  contact  with  Mrs. 
McKinley  at  the  White  House  and  knew  her  intimately. 

Lovers  to  the  End. — "The  family  life  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKin 
ley,"  she  said  to  a  reporter,  "was  beautiful.  Such  perfect  devotion  as 
existed  between  them  is  rarely  seen.  They  were  like  two  young  lovers 
to  the  very  end.  To  the  President  his  wife  was  always  the  girl  sweet 
heart  whom  he  had  wooed  and  won  so  long  ago,  and  terrible  as  the  loss 
of  him  must  be  to  that  dearly  loved  wife,  it  falls  no  more  heavily  upon 
her  than  her  death  would  have  upon  him,  if  it  had  occurred  last 
spring.  At  that  time  Mr.  McKinley  was  completely  unnerved.  All 
who  knew  him  said  that  his  wife's  death  would  have  been  a  crushing 
blow  from  which  he  could  scarcely  have  rallied.  Illness,  trouble,  loss 
of  their  children  and  of  property  only  served  to  draw  them  more 
clsoely  together." 

Mrs.  Criswold  said  that  in  spite  of  her  infirmity  Mrs.  McKinley's 
nature  is  a  very  happy  one,  and  that  when  alone  with  her  husband  and 
old  friends  she  is  as  light-hearted  and  gay  as  a  young  girl.  She  used 
to  relate  with  glee  the  story  of  the  remark  made  by  an  Irish  washer 
woman  : 

"Sure,  an'  if  the  thruth  was  known,  me  an'  the  Prisident  is  blood 
kin,  that  we  are !  Me  name  is  McKinney,  and  that's  the  same  that  his 
was  before  he  got  the  stylish  end  hitched  on  to  it." 

In  their  early  married  life  Mrs.  McKinley  had  often  called  her 
husband  "Will,"  and  Mrs.  Criswold  says  that  sometimes  even  after  his 
accession  to  the  Presidential  chair  the  old  name  would  slip  out. 

"I  remember  once  when  Mr.  McKinley  was  speaking  of  a  par 
ticularly  lovely  girl  who  had  just  made  her  debut  in  Washington 
society,  and  said  that  he  had  often  fancied  that  if  his  oldest  daughter 
had  lived  she  would  have  resembled  her.  Mrs.  McKinley  was  lying 
on  the  sofa  and,  her  husband  sat  near  her.  When  he  ceased  speaking 
she  stretched  out  her  hand  and  slipped  it  into  his  and  said:  'God 
knew  best,  Will/ 


"As  a  man,,  Mr.  McKinley  was  brave,  straightforward  and  honest ; 
as  a  friend  he  was  generous  and  loyal.  To  have  seen  him  and  his  wife 
together,  and  to  have  enjoyed  a  personal  knowledge  of  them  is  a 
privilege  for  which  I  shall  never  cease  to  be  grateful/' 

Distinguishing  Traits. — Perhaps  Mrs.  McKinley's  most  distin 
guishing  trait  is  her  intense  love  for  little  children.  It  was  always 
said  in  Washington  that  the  woman  who  brought  the  prettiest  baby 
was  sure  to  secure  from  her  more  attention  than  the  highest  diplomat  at 
the  Capital.  When  Mrs.  McKinley  went  to  Canton,  after  the  Presi 
dent's  house  was  opened,  nearly  every  child  in  town  was  brought  to 
see  her.  At  one  time  she  knew  the  name  of  every  Canton  tot;  and 
she  has  often  confessed  with  a  sigh  in  late  years  that  she  did  not  know 
them  by  name  now. 

Her  Love  for  Little  Children. — "I  dislike  to  hurt  their  feelings/' 
she  would  say,  "by  asking  their  names." 

For  years  she  has  been  known  as  "Auntie  Kinley"  to  all  the  chil 
dren  in  Canton.  The  first  question  she  asks  of  a  child  is,  "I  am  your 
Auntie  Kinley,  am  I  not  ?"  And  when  the  child  says  "Yes,"  the  com 
pact  of  devotion  is  at  once  signed  between  them.  She  takes  great 
delight  in  watching  the  little  ones  romping,  and  when  at  the  White 
House  on  Easter  Monday,  if  her  health  would  permit,  she  would  sit 
at  one  of  the  south  windows  and  watch  for  hours  the  children  of  all 
ages  and  stations  rolling  eggs  on  the  lawn — a  time-honored  custom. 
Whenever  there  were  children  among  the  guests  at  the  White  House, 
Mrs.  McKinley  always  appropriated  them  for  the  time  being. 

Fondness  for  Flowers. — Like  all  lovers  of  little  children,  Mrs. 
McKinluy  is  devoted  to  flowers,  and  at  the  White  House  took  a  deep 
interest  in  the  magnificent  conservatories  connected  with  the  mansion. 
She  spent  much  of  her  time  rambling  about  in  the  conservatories,  and 
it  will  be  remembered  that  her  favorite  photographs  have  been  taken 
in  a  particular  nook  of  one  of  them.  Her  favorite  flowers  are  pansies 
and  forget-me-nots,  although  her  greatest  interest  centered  in  the  culti- 


vation  of  the  carnations  which  were  transplanted  from  Mother 
McKinley's  garden  at  Canton,  the  blossoms  from  which  were  always 
to  be  found  on  the  lapel  of  the  President's  coat.  She  loves  music,  as 
do  all  lovers  of  flowers,  and  she  is  especially  fond  of  a  fine  horse. 

Although  Mrs.  McKinley  received  an  advanced  education,  and 
was  taught  decidedly  advanced  theories  about  the  sphere  of  woman,  she 
remains  to  this  day  decidely  feminine  in  all  her  tastes.  She  has  a 
woman's  fondness  for  rare  lace,  and  she  has  a  choice  collection  which 
she  began  during  her  visit  to  Europe  in  her  girlhood.  She  is  very 
dainty  and  tasteful  in  her  dress,  and  very  particular  about  her  bonnets, 
which  are  exceedingly  becoming  to  her.  Largely  because  of  her  invalid- 
ism,  perhaps,  she  has  clung  to  the  occupations  of  women  of  a  genera 
tion  ago.  She  is  exceedingly  charitable  and  gives  a  great  deal  for  the 
relief  of  the  unfortunate. 

Little  Slippers  by  the  Thousand. — One  of  the  diversions  of  the 
home  life  of  Mrs.  McKinley  at  the  White  House  was  found  in  fancy 
work,  and  particularly  in  crocheting  dainty  little  slippers,  which  she 
gave  away,  it  is  said,  literally  by  thousands.  She  once  estimated  that 
she  had  knitted  fully  four  thousand  pairs  of  footwarmers  for  little 
ones.  Some  were  given  to  personal  friends,  others  to  charity  bazaars 
and  church  fairs. 

Her  life  in  the  White  House  was  exceedingly  simple.  Her  favorite 
room  looked  out  over  the  river  to  Virginia,  and  here  she  would  sit  at 
the  window  throughout  the  morning.  In  the  afternoon  she  would 
drive  with  the  President,  after  which  they  would  dine  together  very 

Everyday  Life. — She  would  never  allow  her  illness  to  close  the 
doors  of  the  White  House  to  social  life,  and  always  kept  her  receiving 
days  and  sat  at  all  the  formal  dinners  with  great  punctuality.  In  the 
evening  she  would  sit  in  the  hall  in  the  wing  that  leads  to  the  conserva 
tory,  always  in  a  great  mahogany  armchair,  and  with  her  knitting 
needles  in  her  hand.  The  President  would  sit  there  with  her 



reading  his  paper  or  talking  to  Cabinet  officers  and  Senators  who 
might  drop  in  for  a  chat.  Mrs.  McKinley  was  never  excluded  from 
these  talks,  no  matter  how  much  they  might  deal  with  momentous 
questions,  for  the  President  made  a  confidant  of  her  from  the  very 
beginning.  She  talked  little  and  rarely  entered  into  the  conversation, 
but  was  a  good  listener.  She  always  had  about  her  a  certain  quiet 
manner  that  comes  from  great  suffering.  When  she  expressed  a  wish 
to  retire  the  President  would  give  her  his  arm  and  assist  her  to  her 

A  New  Side  to  Her  Character. — The  announcement  that  Dr. 
Eixey,  the  physician  to  the  Presidential  household,  had  been  appointed 
surgeon-general  of  the  United  States  Navy  by  President  Roosevelt, 
in  accordance  with  the  expressed  wish  of  Mr.  McKinley,  brings  out  a 
hitherto  unknown  side  of  Mrs.  McKinley's  character. 

Speaking  of  the  deep  devotion  that  existed  between  Mr.  McKinley 
and  his  wife,  a  writer  in  a  Boston  journal  says: 

"She,  invalid  though  she  may  be,  has  been  able  to  make  herself 
felt  in  a  political  way  more  than  once  since  this  administration  came  in. 
One  instance  of  particular  interest  has  come  into  prominence  in  naval 
circles.  When  Surgeon- General  Bates,  of  the  navy,  died,  he  had 
occupied  the  position  only  a  fortnight,  having  taken  the  oath  of  office 
on  his  deathbed;  but  when  his  appointment  was  decided  on  he  was 
supposed  to  be  good  for  years  of  service.  The  office  of  surgeon-general 
is  one  of  the  most  sought-for  billets  in  the  navy.  It  is  supposedly  the 
goal  of  the  ambition  of  every  medical  man  connected  with  the  service, 
the  occasion  of  intrigues  without  end.  But,  strange  to  say,  Dr.  Bates 
never  sought  the  place,  and  if  the  matter  had  been  left  to  him  alone, 
he  would  doubtless  not  have  taken  it. 

"Surgeon-General  Tryon,  whose  services  expired  this  summer, 
was  a  candidate  for  reappointment,  and  up  to  very  near  the  time  his 
successor  was  named,  never  had  suspicion  he  was  not  to  continue  in 
office.  He  was  to  retire  in  two  years  on  account  of  age,  and  entertained 


a  natural  ambition  to  retire  with  the  rank  of  commodore,  which  goes 
to  a  surgeon-general  actually  in  office.  Nobody  grudged  him  the 
distinction,  and  his  reappointment  was  taken  for  granted.  Secretary 
Long  called  Tryon  to  his  room  and  asked  him  whether  there  was  any 
other  candidate  for  his  place.  Tryon  had  not  heard  of  any. 

"  (I  ask  you/  said  the  Secretary,  'because  the  President  has 
requested  me  to  let  him  know  when  your  term  expires/ 

"This  set  Tryon  to  thinking.  The  first  man  he  met  after  leaving 
the  Secretary's  office  was  Dr.  Bates,  the  President's  physician.  Dr. 
Bates  knew  of  no  candidate.  He  wasn't  one  himself. 

"'But  I  ought  to  tell  you/  he  said,  'that  Mrs.  McKinley  has 
promised  my  wife  that  I  shall  be  appointed,  and  I  suppose  the 
appointment  will  be  made/ 

"The  oddity  of  the  announcement  took  Tryon  off  his  feet, 
especially  as  he  knew  Bates  was  not  over-anxious  for  the  place. 

"Then  Tryon  set  to  work  to  save  himself.  He  brought  all  his 
influence  to  bear,  and  this  was  no  small  matter,  for  he  had  powerful 
friends ;  but  it  was  of  no  avail  against  the  wish  of  the  President's  wife/' 



Great  as  he  was  as  the  exponent  of  the  political  doctrines  which 
he  loved,  and  as  President  of  the  nation,  it  was  in  his  home  life  that 
President  McKinley  displayed  the  real  beauty  of  his  character.  Much 
of  this,  of  course,  is  too  sacred  to  be  revealed,  but  a  writer  in  the 
Louisville  Post  has  given  us  a  few  glimpses  which  suggest  in  an  unmis 
takable  way  the  nobility  of  the  man  whom  the  nation  mourns. 

"The  hackneyed  phrase  of  'Jeil'ersonian  simplicity,'  "  he  says, 
"may  well  be  replaced  by  the  more  modern  one  of  'McKinley  modesty,' 
which  expresses  a  word  epitome  of  the  homelife  of  the  President. 

"This  simplicity  was  sincere,  as  evident  to  those  who  have  been 
associated  with  him  all  his  life  as  members  of  his  official  family  and 
those  who  observed  him  from  the  public  point  of  view.  A  quiet  smoke, 
a  talk  with  Mrs.  McKinley,  a  favorite  newspaper  on  a  shady  piazza, 
appealed  more  to  the  President  than  did  the  whirl  of  the  chief  execu- 
tiveship  of  what  he  firmly  believed  to  be  the  greatest  nation  011  earth. 

An  Unpretentious  Cottage. — "While  the  alterations  of  his  public 
position  were  numerous,  but  little  change  was  made  in  the  domestic 
and  personal  life  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley.  The  home  they  occupied 
until  Thursday  before  they  left  on  the  deplorable  trip  to  Buffalo  is 
the  same  unassuming  cottage  they  entered  as  bride  and  groom  over 
thirty  years  ago.  The  addition  of  five  rooms  and  the  erection  of  a 
porte-cochere  alters  the  exterior  appearance  to  a  certain  degree,  but 
the  interior  is  as  simple  as  plain  wood  and  immaculate  paper  and 
hangings  can  make  it. 

"In  Mrs.  McKinley's  boudoir  the  same  simple  marble  mantel 
graces  the  apartment,  some  of  the  same  durable  furniture  fills  the  home 
with  sweet  and  sad  memories  of  the  past. 


"No  President  except  Washington  and  Jefferson  retained  their 
residences  in  the  same  domicile  following  their  elevation  to  the  Presi 
dency,  yet  it  was  always  the  announced  intention  of  President  McKin- 
ley  to  end  his  days  in  this  simple  little  wooden  cottage  on  North 
Market  street,  in  Canton. 

Humble  Beginning. — "Many  are  the  friends  of  the  McKinleys  in 
Washington  who  recall  the  humble  beginning  of  the  President  in  the 
practice  of  law  in  Canton.  His  moral  uprightness,  his  affiliation 
with  the  First  Methodist  Church,  his  adherence  to  the  principles 
of  honor  and  fair  dealing  in  his  legal  practice  commended  him  immedi 
ately  to  the  people  of  the  little  town,  all  too  ready  to  recognize  weak 
ness  in  a  new  resident.  So  it  was  not  long  until  William  McKinley 
became  known  as  a  leader  in  affairs  of  his  adopted  town." 

He  Cherished  Her. — The  same  writer  says  that  on  the  evening 
of  Mr.  McKinley' s  marriage  to  Ida  Saxton,  Mrs.  Harriet  Whiting,  a 
friend  of  both  bride  and  groom,  took  Mr.  McKinley  aside,  and  said : 

"Major,  I  want  to  impress  one  word  of  this  marriage  service 
upon  you.  It  is  the  word  'cherish.'  You  are  worthy  of  Ida  and  she 
of  you,  so  really  cherish  each  other." 

A  few  months  ago,  during  the  nearly  fatal  illness  of  Mrs.  McKin 
ley  in  San  Francisco,  Mrs.  Whiting  related  the  conversation  and  said : 

"I  told  him  to  cherish  her,  and  he  has  done  it  to  the  full." 

This  sentence,  he  says,  might  also  typify  the  home  life  of  the 
President,  either  in  Canton  or  Washington.  Immediately  after  the 
wedding  ceremony  the  young  couple  took  the  cottage  they  still  occupy 
and  have  retained  it  practically  ever  since.  Mr.  Saxton,  father  of  Mrs. 
McKinley,  at  first  objected  to  his  daughter  leaving  his  home,  and 
proposed,  that  the  young  people  remain  under  the  Saxton  roof,  but 
the  mother,  with  a  keen  insight  into  the  young  woman's  character, 

"Nothing  so  brings  out  the  good  in  a  girl  as  life  alone  with  her 
husband.  If  there  is  strength  in  Ida,  life  under  her  own  roof  with  her 
mate  will  bring  it  to  the  front." 


And  so  the  early  trials  and  triumphs  were  experienced  in  the 
little  cottage;  here  the  two  little  ones  were  born,  and  lingered  only 
long  enough  to  leave  behind  them  the  pale  effulgence  of  infantile  inno 
cence,  to  bind  into  one  the  lives  of  wife  and  husband,  and  give  the 
world  the  proof  of  a  lasting  affection. 

Social  Tastes. — The  social  tastes  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley  were 
modest  in  the  extreme,  and,  as  a  rule,  were  limited  at  home  to  little 
musicales,  in  which  the  young  friends  entertained  their  host  and 
hostess  with  vocal  and  instrumental  music.  '  The  last  affair  of  the 
kind  the  President  attended  was  in  Canton  during  the  last  week  he 
was  there. 

Since  residing  at  the  White  House  little  modification  has  been 
made  in  the  mode  of  living  of  the  McKinleys.  The  friends  of  their 
early  married  life  were  invariably  received  as  freely  as  at  Canton. 
Little  evening  musicales  were  arranged,  and  no  matter  how  busy  the 
President  might  have  been,  he  always  managed  to  steal  a  few  minutes 
from  official  duties  to  come  and  sit  with  Mrs.  McKinley  for  a  short 
time.  His  own  greatest  pleasure  in  life  seemed  to  be  in  making  her 
happy;  he  never  forgot  to  "cherish"  her,  as  he  promised  to  do  thirty 
years  ago.  Their  guests  for  the  most  part  were  friends  from  Ohio — 
usually  nieces  and  nephews. 

One  little  duty  which  seemed  to  give  all  of  the  household  pleasure 
was  the  sending  of  flowers  to  all  the  Washington  hospitals  at  the  holi 
days.  The  hospitals  at  Canton  were  never  forgotten,  either,  and 
personal  friends  in  Washington,  Canton  and  Chicago  were  in  frequent 
receipt  of  floral  remembrances  from  the  White  House  conservatories 
when  bedridden  with  illness. 

The  great  dread  of  the  President  in  entering  the  White  House 
were  the  drafts  which  were  reported  to  sweep  through  the  wide  corri 
dors  and  apartments.  The  day  before  his  first  inauguration  he  read 
aloud  to  a  party  of  friends  an  article  declaring  that  Mrs.  McKinley 
could  not  survive  a  year  in  such  a  domicile.  There  was  a  marked 


vein  of  sarcasm  in  his  voice  as  he  read  the  lines,  but  he  evidently 
thought  of  the  matter  and  instructed  an  architect  to  prepare  plans 
by  which  the  drafts  might  be  obviated.  This  was  successfully  done, 
to  the  great  relief  of  all  who  were  cognizant  of  the  real  condition  of 
his  wife.  Few  social  functions,  aside  from  those  demanded  officially, 
have  marked  the  four  and  a  half  years  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  The 
great  thought  seemed  to  be  the  avoidance  of  ostentation  and  the  preser 
vation  of  the  sweet  domestic  relation  which  has  endeared  the  McKinleys 
to  all  thinking  people. 

Mother  McKinley's  Faith  in  Her  Son,— An  incident  is  related  to 
illustrate  the  simple  faith  the  mother  of  the  President  reposed  in  her 
great  son.  It  was  on  the  evening  of  his  first  election  to  the  Presidency. 
A  party  of  friends  were  expressing  their  confidence  in  his  selection, 
when  one,  to  guard  against  the  possible  disappointment  of  a  defeat, 

"Of  course,  he  may  be  beaten/' 

Drawing  herself  to  her  full  height,  the  mother  of  this  great  man 
said  simply,  yet  authoritatively : 

"It  makes  little  difference.    He  will  still  be  my  son." 

And  she  would  have  been  satisfied  to  have  him  as  her  own,  without 
the  honor  of  Chief  Magistrate. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  simplicity  of  the  home  life  and  small 
social  functions  of  the  President's  private  household,  the  American 
people  have  never  had  a  President  who  so  ably  acquitted  himself  at  the 
great  social  receptions  and  dinners  that  the  exalted  position  of  the 
Presidency  demanded.  Upon  the  occasion  of  brilliant  official  dinners, 
no  amount  of  form  or  display  was  omitted  that  would  add  to  the 
beauty  and  appropriateness  of  the  occasion. 

Not  even  Washington,  who  instituted  many  customs  which  prevail 
to  this  day,  knew  better  or  appreciated  more  «rhat  the  American  people 
expected  and  admired  in  the  President  than  did  William  McKinley. 

The  manner  in  which  the  diplomatic  guests  were  entertained  and 


seated  at  table  was  often  at  the  personal  suggestion  of  the  President. 
He  never  failed  to  visit  the  dining-room  in  company  with  Mrs.  McKin- 
ley  before  the  guests  arrived.  Even  at  the  last  moment  he  has  been 
known  to  change  the  location  of  some  diplomat  at  table  on  account  of 
some  small  disparity  of  opinion  or  a  personal  dislike  that  he  knew 
existed  as  to  the  affairs  of  the  countries  represented. 

When  some  noted  guest,  the  representative  of  a  foreign  nation, 
was  to  be  entertained,  the  President  especially  had  as  formal  an  array 
as  possible  with  the  somewhat  limited  facilities  at  the  White  House, 
that  the  true  dignity  of  the  position  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  country 
men  might  be  appreciated. 

In  meeting  the  public  at  receptions,  again  the  simplicity,  but 
great  dignity,  of  the  President  asserted  itself,  and  while  n  if  able  and 
agreeable,  extending  to  all  a  wholesome,  hospitable  greeting,  he  never 
once  lost  his  sense  of  the  lofty  position  to  which  he  had  been  exalted, 
and  those  who  met  him  never  forgot  that  he  was  the  President. 



On  Thursday  before  the  fatal  day  the  President  delivered  an 
address  at  the  Buffalo  Exposition  which  is  so  significant  in  many  ways 
that  I  cannot  refrain  from  quoting  it  here  in  full : 

Timekeepers  of  Progress. — "Expositions/'  he  said,  "are  the  time 
keepers  of  progress.  They  record  the  world's  advancement.  They 
stimulate  the  energy,  enterprise  and  intellect  of  the  people  and  quicken 
human  genius.  They  go  into  the  home.  They  broaden  and  brighten 
the  daily  life  of  the  people.  They  open  mighty  storehouses  of  informa 
tion  to  the  student.  Every  exposition,  great  or  small,  has  helped  to 
some  onward  step.  Comparison  of  ideas  is  always  educational,  and 
as  such  instructs  the  brain  and  hand  of  man.  Friendly  rivalry  follows, 
which  is  the  spur  to  industrial  improvement,  the  inspiration  to  useful 
invention  and  to  high  endeavor  in  all  departments  of  human  activity. 
It  exacts  a  study  of  the  wants,  comforts  and  even  the  whims  of  the 
people,  and  recognizes  the  efficacy  of  high  quality  and  new  prices  to  win 
their  favor.  The  quest  for  trade  is  an  incentive  to  men  of  business  to 
devise,  invent,  improve  and  economize  in  the  cost  of  production. 
Business  life,  whether  among  ourselves  or  with  other  people,  is  ever  a 
sharp  struggle  for  success.  It  will  be  none  the  less  so  in  the  future. 
Without  competition  we  would  be  clinging  to  the  clumsy  and  anti 
quated  processes  of  farming  and  manufacture  and  the  methods  of 
business  of  long  ago,  and  the  twentieth  century  would  be  no  further 
advanced  than  the  eighteenth  century.  But  though  commercial  com 
petitors  we  are,  commercial  enemies  we  must  not  be. 

"My  fellow  citizens,  trade  statistics  indicate  that  this  country  is 
in  a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  figures  are  almost  appalling. 
They  show  that  we  are  utilizing  our  fields  and  forests  and  mines,  and 


that  we  are  furnishing  profitable  employment  to  the  millions  of  work- 
ingmen  throughout  the  United  States,  bringing  comfort  and  happiness 
to  their  homes  and  making  it  possible  to  lay  by  savings  for  old  age 
and  disability.  That  all  the  people  are  participating  in  this  great  pros 
perity  is  seen  in  every  American  community  and  shown  by  the 
enormous  and  unprecedented  deposits  in  our  savings  banks.  Our  duty 
is  the  care  and  security  of  these  deposits,  and  their  safe  investment 
demands  the  highest  integrity  and  the  best  business  capacity  of  those 
in  charge  of  these  depositories  of  the  people's  earnings. 

A  Broad  and  Enlightened  Policy. — "We  have  a  vast  and  intricate 
business,  built  up  through  years  of  toil  and  struggle,  in  which  every 
part  of  the  country  has  its  stake,  which  will  not  permit  of  either  neglect 
or  of  undue  selfishness.  No  narrow,  sordid  policy  will  subserve  it. 
The  greatest  skill  and  wisdom  on  the  part  of  manufacturers  and  pro 
ducers  will  be  required  to  hold  and  increase  it.  Our  industrial  enter 
prises,  which  have  grown  to  such  great  proportions,  affect  the  homes 
and  occupations  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  of  the  country.  Our 
capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously  and  our  products  have 
so  multiplied  that  the  problem  of  more  markets  requires  our  urgent 
and  immediate  attention.  Only  a  broad  and  enlightened  policy  will 
keep  what  we  have.  No  other  policy  will  get  more.  In  these  times  of 
marvelous  business  energy  and  gain  we  ought  to  be  looking  to  the 
future,  strengthening  the  weak  places  in  our  industrial  and  commercial 
systems,  that  we  may  be  ready  for  any  storm  or  strain. 

A  Mutual  Exchange  of  Commodities. — "By  sensible  trade  arrange 
ments,  which  will  not  interrupt  our  home  production,  we  shall  extend 
the  outlets  for  our  increasing  surplus.  A  system  which  provides  a 
mutual  exchange  of  commodities,  is  manifestly  essential  to  the  con 
tinued  and  healthful  growth  of  our  export  trade.  We  must  not  repose 
in  fancied  security  that  we  can  forever  sell  everything  and  buy  little 
or  nothing.  If  such  a  thing  were  possible,  it  would  not  be  best  for  us 
or  for  those  with  whom  we  deal.  We  should  take  from  our  customers 


such  of  their  products  as  we  can  use  without  harm  to  our  industries 
and  labor.  Beciprocity  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful 
industrial  development  under  the  domestic  policy  now  firmly  estab 
lished.  What  we  produce  beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must  have 
a  vent  abroad.  The  excess  must  be  relieved  through  a  foreign  outlet, 
and  we  should  sell  everywhere  we  can  and  buy  wherever  the  buying 
will  enlarge  our  sales  and  productions,  and  thereby  make  a  greater 
demand  for  home  labor. 

The  Pressing  Problem. — "The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past. 
The  expansion  of  our  trade  and  commerce  is  the  pressing  problem. 
Commercial  wars  are  unprofitable.  A  policy  of  good  will  and  friendly 
trade  relations  will  prevent  reprisals.  Reciprocity  treaties  are  in  har 
mony  with  the  spirit  of  the  times ;  measures  of  retaliation  are  not. 

"If  perchance  some  of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed  for  revenue 
or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why  should  they 
not  be  employed  to  extend  and  promote  our  markets  abroad?  Then, 
too,  we  have  inadequate  steamship  service.  New  lines  of  steamers  have 
already  been  put  in  commission  between  the  Pacific  Coast  ports  of  the 
United  States  and  those  on  the  Western  coasts  of  Mexico  and  Central 
and  South  America.  These  should  be  followed  up  with  direct  steam 
ship  lines  between  the  Eastern  coast  of  the  United  States  and  South 
American  ports. 

Need  of  Direct  Commercial  Lines  to  New  Fields. — "One  of  the 
needs  of  the  times  is  direct  commercial  lines  from  our  vast  fields  of 
production  to  the  fields  of  consumption  that  we  have  but  barely 
touched.  Next  in  advantage  to  having  the  thing  to  sell  is  to  have  the 
convenience  to  carry  it  to  the  buyer.  We  must  encourage  our  merchant- 
marine.  We  must  have  more  ships.  They  must  be  under  the  Amer 
ican  flag,  built  and  manned  and  owned  by  Americans.  These  will  not 
only  be  profitable  in  a  commercial  sense ;  they  will  be  messengers  of 
peace  and  amity  wherever  they  go.  We  must  build  the  Isthmian  canal, 
which  will  unite  the  two  oceans  and  give  a  straight  line  of  water  com- 


munication  with  the  western  coasts  of  Central  and  South  America  and 
Mexico.  The  construction  of  a  Pacific  cable  cannot  be  longer  post 

A  Tribute  to  Elaine. — "In  the  furtherance  of  these  objects  of 
national  interest  and  concern  you  are  performing  an  important  part. 
This  exposition  would  have  touched  the  heart  of  that  American  states 
man  whose  mind  was  ever  alert  and  thought  ever  constant  for  a  larger 
commerce  and  a  truer  fraternity  of  the  republics  of  the  New  World. 
ITi?  broad  American  spirit  is  felt  and  manifested  here.  He  needs  no 
identification  to  an  assemblage  of  Americans  anywhere,  for  the  name  of 
Elaine  is  inseparabty  associated  with  the  Pan-Amerk'an  movement 
which  finds  this  practical  and  substantial  expression,  and  which  we 
all  hope  will  be  firmly  advanced  by  the  Pan-American  Congress  that 
assembles  this  autumn  in  the  capital  of  Mexico.  The  good  work  will 
go  on.  Tt  cannot  be  stopped.  These  buildings  will  disappear;  this 
creation  of  art  and  beauty  and  industry  will  perish  from  sight,  but 
their  influence  will  remain  to 

"  '  Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living, 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving.' 

Immortal  Words. — "Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been 
awakened,  the  ambitions  fired  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be 
wrought  through  this  exposition?  Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember 
that  our  interest  is  in  concord,  not  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence 
rests  in  the  victories  of  peace,  not  those  of  war.  We  hope  that  all  who 
are  represented  here  may  be  moved  to  higher  and  nobler  effort  for 
their  own  and  the  world's  good,  and  that  out  of  this  city  may  come, 
not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade  for  us  all,  but,  more  essential 
than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect,  confidence  and  friendship  which 
will  deepen  and  endure. 

"Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  prosper 
ity,  happiness  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors,  and  like  blessings  to  all 
the  peoples  and  powers  of  earth." 



On  the  twenty-ninth  of  April,  1901,  a  few  weeks  after  his  inau 
guration  for  a  second  term,  the  President,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  a  party  of  friends,  started  on  a  tour  across  the  continent. 

His  Triumphial  Tour. — From  beginning  to  end  the  tour 
was  one  great  triumph.  Never  before  had  there  been  accorded  to  any 
President  a  welcome  so  cordial  from  all  classes  of  people  in  all  sec 
tions.  Everywhere  he  went  he  sang  the  sweet  song  of  American 
prosperity  to  willing  ears  and  everywhere  he  was  received  with  remark 
able  demonstrations  of  good  will.  He  had  won  the  hearts  of  the  peo 
ple — all  of  the  people — and  it  was  realized  as  never  before  that  he 
was  the  President  of  all  the  people.  This  tour,  which  was  marred  by 
the  serious  illness  of  Mrs.  McKinley  in  California,  created  so  much 
enthusiasm  that  politicians  began  to  talk  of  a  third  term.  With  his 
usual  frankness  he  expressed  his  wishes  about  the  matter  in  no  uncer 
tain  terms: 

No  Third  Term. — "I  regret,"  he  wrote,  "that  the  subject  of  a  third 
term  has  been  made.  I  doubt  whether  I  am  called  upon  to  give  it  notice. 
But  there  are  now  questions  of  the  greatest  importance  before  the 
Administration  and  the  country,  and  their  just  consideration  should 
not  be  prejudiced  in  the  public  mind  by  even  the  suspicion  of  the 
thought  of  a  third  term.  In  view,  therefore,  of  the  reiteration  of  the 
suggestion  of  it,  I  will  say  now,  once  for  all,  expressing  a  long-settled 
conviction,  that  I  not  only  am  not  and  will  not  be  a  candidate  for  a 
third  term,  but  would  not  accept  a  nomination  for  it,  if  it  were  ten 
dered  me. 

"My  only  ambition  is  to  serve  through  my  second  term  to  the 
acceptance  of  my  countrymen,  whose  generous  confidence  I  so  deeply 


appreciate,  and  then  with  them  do  my  duty  in  the  ranks  of  private 

President's  Day  at  the  Exposition. — Shortly  after  returning  to 
Washington  the  President  and  his  wife  moved  to  Canton  for  the 
summer.  The  fifth  of  September  was  President's  Day  at  the  Buffalo 
Exposition.  President  McKinley  with  Mrs.  McKinley  at  his  side  and 
surrounded  by  eminent  persons  of  high  official  rank  in  the  service 
of  this  and  other  countries,  faced  a  vast  throng  on  the  Esplanade  at 
noon  and  delivered  an  address  that  was  received  with  tumultuous 

The  Tragedy. — The  following  day  he  held  a  reception  in  the 
Temple  of  Music.  It  was  shortly  after  four  o'clock.  He  was  in  a  notice 
ably  cheerful  mood  and  seemed  to  be  taking  unusual  pleasure  in 
the  cordial  expressions  of  good  will  with  which  he  was  greeted.  A 
little  girl  stepped  forward  in  the  line  and  stretched  out  her  hand. 
The  President  took  it  and  patting  her  affectionately  on  the  head 
turned  to  the  next  comer.  He  was  a  man  of  medium  size  who  had  the 
air  of  a  respectable  mechanic.  As  he  came  forward  it  was  noticed  that 
his  hand  was  swathed  in  a  handkerchief  as  if  to  hide  a  wound.  No 
one  dreamed  of  danger.  Secret  service  men  stood  around  the  Chief 
Executive,  but  it  was  only  the  usual  precaution. 

A  Modem  Iscariot. — Mr.  McKinley  smiled  and  extended  his 
hand.  Instead  of  grasping  it  the  fellow  threw  forward  his  bandaged 
hand  and  with  the  other  brushed  aside  the  President's  arm.  Instantly 
a  shot  rang  out;  then  another.  The  President  was  seen  to  raise  his 
right  hand  to  his  chest  while  a  look  of  bewilderment  passed  over  his 
face.  His  eyes  settled  upon  the  man  before  him. 

"That  look,"  said  an  eye  witness,  "I  can  never  describe,  but  I'll 
never  forget  it." 

The  next  moment  the  wounded  man  sank  back  into  the  arms  of  his 

"Cortelyou,"  he  gasped,  and  the  secretary  bent  over  him. 


"Cortelyou,  my  wife.    Be  careful  about  her.    Don't  let  her  know." 

A  Sublime  Exhibition  of  Moral  Grandeur. — As  he  turned  about 
in  his  pain  his  eyes  fell  upon  his  would-be  murderer  lying  on  the  floor 
in  the  clutches  of  the  officers.  Eaising  his  right  hand  and  placing 
it  on  the  shoulder  of  the  secretary,  he  whispered: 

"Let  no  one  hurt  him/7  and  then  sank  back  into  his  chair. 

As  has  been  often  remarked.,  there  is  no  finer  instance  of  moral 
grandeur  in  all  history  than  is  to  be  found  in  this  simple  recital.  That 
the  President,  in  his  hour  of  agony,  should  have  given  his  first  thought 
to  his  dear  wife  was  beautiful,  as  all  promptings  of  real  love  must  be ; 
that  his  second  feeling  should  have  been  one  of  pity  and  anxiety  for 
the  wretch  who,  without  cause  or  provocation  had  done  him  to  death, 
places  him  forever  upon  a  plane  of  moral  altitude  infinitely  removed 
from  that  attained  by  the  average  man. 

The  Mexican  Ambassador  broke  through  the  crowd  and  rushing 
up  cried: 

"My  God !    Mr.  President,  are  you  shot  ?" 

He  seemed  about  to  throw  himself  at  his  feet  but  was  restrained, 
and  Mr.  McKinley  answered  in  a  hesitating  voice: 

"Yes,  I  believe  I  am." 

A  few  moments  later  as  he  was  being  carried  away  to  the  ambu 
lance  he  turned  to  Mr.  Milburn,  the  President  of  the  Exposition,  and 

"I  am  sorry  to  have  been  the  cause  of  trouble  to  the  Exposition." 

A  Crazed  Multitude. — The  scene  which  followed  beggars  descrip 
tion.  For  a  moment  the  vast  throng  stood  still  in  a  daze;  then  it 
dawned  upon  those  around  the  President  that  the  bandaged  hand 
carried  not  a  wound  but  a  revolver,  and  instantly  a  dozen  men  sprang 
toward  the  assassin.  Two  secret  service  men  seized  him  and  a  negro 
confronted  him  and  struck  him  three  times  in  the  face.  There  was 
a  fierce  struggle  in  which  the  negro  and  the  assassin  rolled  over  together 
on  the  floor,  but  in  a  few  moments  the  officers  managed  to  pull  the 


prisoner  off  to  a  side  room  to  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Temple. 
In  the  meantime  the  great  crowd  had  utterly  lost  its  head  and  there 
was  a  wild,  mighty  roar  as  part  of  the  throng  rushed  toward  the  Presi 
dent,  others  toward  the  prisoner,  while  others  ran  screaming  from  the 
building.  The  news  spread  quickly  over  the  grounds  and  in  a  few 
moments  fifty  thousand  people  had  gathered.  The  crowd  followed 
the  ambulance  to  the  hospital  and  then  divided,  one  part  remaining 
to  learn  the  condition  of  the  President,  the  other  hastening  away  to 
find  the  assassin. 

Arrest  of  the  Assassin. — Czolgosz,  for  that  was  his  real  name, 
though  he  first  gave  the  name  of  Nieman,  was  kept  in  the  Temple 
until  a  company  of  soldiers  had  been  summoned,  when  he  was  placed 
in  a  carriage  and  driven  off.  The  great  throng  followed  him  with  cries 
of  "Lynch  him  !"  Men  sprang  at  the  horses  and  clutched  at  the  wheels 
of  the  carriage  while  the  assassin  huddled  back  between  two  detectives. 
Soldiers  fought  their  way  at  the  heads  of  the  horses  and  the  carriage 
hurled  across  the  Esplanade  and  out  of  the  grounds  to  the  police 
headquarters.  Throughout  the  night  the  crowd  remained  about  the 
police  station  and  it  was  only  when  announced  that  hope  was  enter 
tained  for  the  life  of  the  President  that  it  slowly  dispersed. 

An  Anarchist. — Czolgosz  was  searched,  but  nothing  was  found 
upon  him  except  a  letter  relating  to  lodging.  The  officers  questioned 
him  and  at  first  he  refused  to  say  anything  except  to  admit  that  he 
attempted  to  kill  the  President,  and  that  he  was  an  Anarchist.  Little 
by  little  bits  of  information  were  gotten  from  him  until  the  police  got 
the  impression  that  he  was  one  of  a  gang  of  Anarchists  who  had  plot 
ted  the  crime,  and  that  he  had  been  drawn  by  lot  to  kill  the  President. 
Later  he  declared  that  he  alone  was  responsible  for  the  deed,  and  that 
he  was  induced  by  the  teachings  of  Emma  Goldman,  a  notorious  An 
archist  incendiary,  to  decide  that  the  present  form  of  government  of 
this  country  was  all  wrong,  and  that  the  best  way  to  end  it  was  by  the 
killing  of  the  President. 


The  President's  Wound. — While  the  crowd  was  threatening  the 
life  of  the  assassin,  messengers  were  hurrying  to  bring  to  the  Presi 
dent's  side  the  best  surgeons  that  could  be  secured.  Within  thirty 
seconds,  it  is  said,  six  doctors,  who  happened  to  be  on  the  grounds, 
were  at  hand.  In  the  hospital  the  President  was  stripped,  and  it  was 
soon  seen  that  an  operation  was  necessary. 

When  he  was  placed  upon  the  operating  table  Dr.  Mann  said : 

"Mr.  President,  we  intend  to  cut  into  you  at  once.  We  allowed 
one  President  to  die,  but  we  don't  intend  to  lose  you." 

"I  am  in  your  hands,"  murmured  the  President.' 

The  story  is  told  by  an  eye-witness.  The  doctors  were  ready  to 
administer  ether.  The  President  opened  his  eyes  and  saw  that  he  was 
about  to  enter  a  sleep  from  which  he  might  never  wake.  He  turned 
his  great  hazel  eyes  sorrowfully  upon  the  little  group.  Then  he  closed 
his  lips.  His  white  face  was  suddenly  lit  by  a  tender  smile.  His  soul 
came  into  his  countenance.  The  wan  lips  moved.  A  singular  and 
almost  supernatural  beauty  possessed  him,  mild,  childlike  and  serene. 
The  surgeons  paused  to  listen. 

"Thy  Will  Be  Done."— "Thy  kingdom  come,  Thy  will  be  done." 
The  voice  was  soft  and  clear.  The  tears  rolled  down  Dr.  Mynter's  face. 
The  President  raised  his  chest  and  sighed.  His  lips  moved  once  more. 

"Thy  will  be  done—" 

Dr.  Mann  paused  with  the  keen  knife  in  his  hand.  There  was  a 
lump  in  his  throat. 

"For  Thine  is  the  kingdom  and  the  power  and  the  glory." 

The  eyelids  fluttered  faintly,  beads  of  cold  sweat  stood  on  the 
bloodless  brow — there  was  silence.  Then  science  succeeded  prayer. 

The  Operation. — The  operation  was  signally  successful ;  the  Presi 
dent's  respiration  remained  normal  throughout,  and  it  was  stated  that 
the  only  danger  would  be  from  complications  that  might  afterwards 
arise.  Mr.  McKinley  showed  no  indication  of  having  suffered  from 
the  shock  or  the  operation. 


When  it  was  learned  that  his  wounds  were  not  necessarily  fatal 
the  house  of  President  Milburii  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
patient,  and  it  was  at  once  transformed  into  a  well-guarded  sanitarium 
with  every  facility  for  caring  for  the  wounded  man. 

A  Heroic  Wife. — Mrs.  McKinley,  after  the  first  burst  of  grief, 
showed  wonderful  self-control,  though  probably  the  whole  truth  was 
not  told  her.     On  Sunday  afternoon  the  President  asked  to  see  her 
and  she  wras  allowed  to  enter  the  sick  room.    She  seated  herself  beside 
his  bed  and  took  his  hand.    Then  President  McKinley  said  quietly : 
"We  must  bear  up.     It  will  be  better  for  us  both." 
His  wife  bowed  her  head  and  quickly  left  the  room. 
A  Terror-Stricken  People. — When  the  news  of  the  attempted  assas 
sination  was  flashed  across  the  continent  it  struck  a  chill  to  the  heart 
of  the  whole  nation.    Everywhere  men  grew  dizzy  and  faint,  and  then 
recovering  from  their  bewilderment  sent  up  a  great  cry  of  horror  and 
indignation.    The  consternation  spread  through  every  village  and  ham 
let  in  the  land.    Nowhere  were  there  signs  of  deeper  grief  than  in  the 
South,  where  the  President  was  universally  loved.     The  first  meeting 
that  was  called  to  pray  for  his  recovery  was  held  in  Richmond,  Ya.,  the 
morning  after  the  shooting.    The  Virginia  Constitutional  Convention 
adjourned  for  a  day,  after  passing  resolutions  declaring  that  "the 
convention  views  with  horror  and  execration  the  blow  that  has  been 
struck  at  the  entire  nation  in  the  person  of  its  Chief  Magistrate." 

Sympathy  of  Confederate  Veterans. — Camps  of  Confederate  vet 
erans  all  over  the  South  called  special  meetings,  and  passed  resolutions 
of  sympathy  for  the  President  who  as  a  citizen  had  placed  before  the 
people  a  personal  character  which  commanded  respect,  and  who  "in  his 
relations  to  the  veterans  of  the  Confederate  armies,  has  evinced  a  spirit 
of  chivalric  gallantry  we  can  but  admire."  To  quote  the  words  of  one 
of  these  resolutions,  "our  prayers  with  those  of  all  good  citizens  will  go 
up  in  an  appeal  to  God  for  the  restoration  of  the  President,  who,  even 
in  this  distressing  misfortune,  draws  together  in  closer  bonds  of  union 
the  good,  the  true  and  the  brave  of  all  sections  of  our  country." 


Throughout  the  land  the  people  were  so  stunned  by  the  news  that 
business  was  almost  suspended  for  the  day.  In  Canada  there  were 
almost  as  many  demonstrations  of  irrief  as  in  the  United  States. 

How  the  News  Was  Received  in  England. — The  effect  abroad  was 
almost  as  profound.  "The  shot  that  struck  the  American  President," 
wrote  Mr.  William  Stead,  "was  felt  throughout  the  British  Empire 
with  a  shock,  while  horror  and  indignation  followed.  It  made  the 
whole  English  nation  feel  as  it  had  never  felt  before  the  unity  of  the 
English  race.  The  race  which  was  politically  cleft  in  twain  by  the  folly 
of  George  III.,  is  now  reunited  in  sympathy  and  in  community  of 

"England  Prays  for  McKinley,"  was  printed  in  great  black  type 
across  the  front  page  of  the  London  Evening  Star. 

The  Evening  News  said:  "That  he  may  be  spared  is  the  prayer 
of  every  Englishman  throughout  the  Empire." 

The  Sun  said:  "The  abhorrent  crime  was  committed  from  mere 

The  Eclio  eulogized  the  personal  traits  of  the  President  as  those 
upon  which  Englishmen  could  dwell  with  unaffected  appreciation. 

The  Pall  Mall  Gazelle  said:  "It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the 
whole  Anglo-Saxon  race  is  kneeling  at  the  President's  bedside." 

Telegrams  of  inquiry  and  sympathy  poured  into  London  from 
every  part  of  the  empire.  United  States  Ambassador  Choate  wrote 
that  the  citizens  of  London  had  received  with  profound  regret  and 
great  indignation  intelligence  of  the  dastardly  attack,  and  desired  to 
convey  their  sincere  sympathy  to  America  in  the  melancholy  event. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Ecumenical  Methodist  Conference  were 
suspended  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  read  the  telegrams  concerning 
the  condition  of  the  President,  and  special  prayers  were  offered  for 
the  preservation  of  his  life. 

King  Edward,  Lord  Eoberts  and  the  mayors  throughout  Great 
Britain  sent  messages  of  sympathy  to  Mrs.  McKinley.  The  feeling 


throughout  the  empire  was  only  second  to  that  which  followed  the 
death  of  Queen  Victoria. 

Sympathy  Throughout  the  World. — The  news  was  received  with 
many  expressions  of  horror  and  indignation  in  all  the  great  capitals  of 
the  world,  and  messages  were  sent  to  Washington  and  to  Mrs.  McKinley 
from  nearly  every  civilized  court  on  earth.  The  German  Emperor  and 
Empress  and  the  President  of  France  were  among  the  first  to  tender 




Monday,  the  third  day  after  the  tragedy,  which  was  regarded  as 
the  crucial  period,  was  awaited  with  intense  anxiety,  and  the  whole 
country  was  relieved  by  the  physicians'  bulletin,  which  declared  it  to  be 
a  day  of  steady  progress.  On  Tuesday  it  was  stated  that  convalescence 
had  begun,  and  that  every  one  around  the  President  and  the  President 
himself  was  sanguine  of  his  ultimate  return  to  health.  So  sure  were 
those  around  him  of  his  ultimate  recovery  that  Vice-President  Roose 
velt  and  several  members  of  the  official  family  took  their  departure. 
Reports  during  the  next  few  days  told  of  apparent  progress;  then 
came  a  note  of  alarm.  Bulletins  announced  that  the  President's  con 
dition  was  without  material  change  except  that  he  suffered  from 
fatigue.  "Fatigue"  was  a  new  word,  and  fear  gnawed  at  the  hearts 
of  the  people. 

Early  Friday  morning,  when  he  was  growing  rapidly  worse,  his 
grand  love  for  nature  asserted  itself.  "I  want  to  see  the  trees/'  he 
said;  "they  are  so  beautiful." 

"Towards  noon,"  writes  Mr.  Cromwell,  "when  Dr.  Rixey  was  at 
his  bedside,  lie  cast  his  eyes  up  at  his  faithful  friend  and  murmured, 
'It  is  very  gloomy,  doctor !  How  different  from  yesterday.  Is  the 
sunshine  all  gone  ?' 

"It  was  going,  for  him — mortal  sunshine — and  ere  another  dawn 
it  had  gone  from  a  nation.  Shortly  afterward  he  sank  into  uncon 
sciousness.  When  he  awoke  from  his  stupor,  about  seven  o'clock,  it 
was  to  take  an  earthly  farewell  of  her  whom  he  loved  best.  His  first 
thought  was  of  his  darling,  his  Idy,'  and  he  faintly  asked  to  see  her. 
She  was  led  to  his  side,  and  together  they  were  left  alone.  What  passed 
in  those,  the  holiest  moments  they  ever  spent  together,  no  mortal  mind 


will  ever  know.  She  had  taken  his  hand  when  she  entered  and  he  had 
looked  at  her  with  the  same  old  look  she  knew  so  well,  wherein  heart, 
soul,  being  beamed  the  message  of  devotion.  Who  shall  know  with 
what  tenderness  he  faintly  breathed  words  to  encourage  and  comfort 
her?  Who  shall  know,  but  God,  the  joint  prayers  they  offered  in  the 
sanctuary  of  death  ?  She  was  led  away,  and  lie  lapsed  into  unconscious 
ness  again." 

On  returning  to  consciousness  he  would  call  for  his  wife,  and  her 
presence  at  his  side  seemed  to  soothe  him. 

His  lips  were  seen  to  move,  and  an  attendant  bending  over  him 
heard  him  feebly  trying  to  chant  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  A  little 
later  he  said : 

"Good-bye  !  all ;  good-bye  !    It's  God's  way.    His  will  be  done." 

Then  lie  lapsed  into  unconsciousness  and  life  began  to  nicker. 
The  pulse  had  almost  ceased.  Still  he  lingered,  though  every  moment 
they  expected  him  to  go.  Finally,  when  the  night  was  wearing  away, 
at  2.30  o'clock  Saturday,  September  14,  1901,  he  passed  from  among 

"History,"  says  Mr.  Cromwell,  "teems  with  recitals  of  the  circum 
stances  attending  the  lives  of  the  great,  but  as  the  burial  of  Moses 
stands  out  in  solemn  grandeur  beyond  all  others,  so  the  death  of 
McKinley  is  unparalleled  in  the  mortuary  records  of  the  great.  Every 
characteristic  of  a  grand  nature  was  shown  in  some  accentuated  form 
during  that  brief  period  of  eight  days." 

At  the  autopsy  it  was  found  that  there  had  been  no  evidence  of 
any  attempt  at  repair  on  the  part  of  nature,  and  death  resulted  from 
gangrene  which  affected  the  stomach  and  the  bullet  wounds,  as  well 
as  the  tissue  around  the  further  course  of  the  bullet.  "Death  was 
unavoidable  by  any  surgical  or  medical  treatment,  and  was  the  direct 
result  of  the  bullet  wound." 

At  the  moment  the  martyred  President's  soul  took  its  flight,  a 
man  standing  at  a  telephone  in  Buffalo  cried: 


"The  President  is  dead  !" 

The  'phone  was  connected  with  all  the  large  cities  of  the  country, 
and  instantly  the  bells  all  over  i!  e  land  began  to  toll.  The  scenes 
which  followed  can  never  be  described.  Multitudes  of  strong  men  who 
had  stood  waiting  through  the  night  in  the  streets  of  cities  thousands 
of  miles  away  broke  down  and  cried  aloud  like  little  children. 

The  Nations  Mourn. — The  news  was  received  abroad  with  the  most 
remarkable  demonstrations  of  grief.  In  England  the  morning  papers 
appeared  in  mourning,  and  contained  dispatches  showing  that  the 
whole  world  mourned  with  America.  King  Edward,  after  sending  a 
message  of  sympathy  to  Buffalo,  ordered  his  court  in  mourning  for 
seven  days.  In  London  formal  signs  of  grief  were  displayed  on  thou 
sands  of  buildings,  and  great  throngs  of  people  called  upon  the 
American  Ambassador  to  express  their  heartfelt  sympathy.  The  Arch 
bishop  of  Canterbury  sent  a  dispatch  to  Ambassador  Choate,  express 
ing  in  behalf  of  the  Church  of  England  the  deep  grief  with  which  it 
had  heard  of  the  death  of  the  President.  "The  loss  of  so  great  a 
ruler,"  he  said,  "is  a  calamity  to  the  whole  world.  The  triumph  of 
wickedness  fills  us  with  sorrow.  Our  prayer  and  good-will  will  be  an 
earnest  for  the  American  people." 

The  Lord  Mayor  of  London  wrote  to  the  Ambassador  that  the 
citizens  of  London  were  profoundly  moved  and  deeply  affected  by  the 
sad  intelligence,  and  begged  in  their  name  to  tender  "heartfelt  sym 
pathy  to  be  conveyed  to  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  The  eminent  career  and  public  services  of  Mr.  McKinley," 
he  said,  "are  widely  appreciated  here,  and  will  long  be  remembered  by 
the  British  people,  who,  having  themselves  sustained  the  loss  of  a 
beloved  sovereign,  more  keenly,  sympathize  with  the  United  States  in 
the  sudden  removal  of  their  distinguished  President." 

The  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England,  on  behalf  of  the  Judges  of 
Great  Britain,  said :  "May  God  guide  the  nation,  and  lead  others  to 
follow  the  high  example  of  the  noble  life  set  by  him  whose  death  the 
world  mourns." 


Lord  Pauncef  ote  said :  "The  President  will  be  mourned  through 
out  the  civilized  world.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  express  my  sorrow  on  public 
and  private  grounds  and  my  profound  sympathy  with  the  American 
nation  in  its  affliction." 

On  Sunday,  the  day  after  his  death,  the  "Dead  March  in  Saul" 
was  played  in  hundreds  of  churches  throughout  Great  Britain,  while 
the  people  reverently  stood  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  the  dead  Presi 
dent.  A  minister  in  Wales,  while  speaking  of  Mr.  McKinley's  death, 
was  so  overcome  that  he  swooned  in  the  pulpit  and  had  to  be  taken 

Sympathy  on  the  Continent. — The  German  Emperor  cabled  a 
message  of  sympathy,  and  ordered  the  flags  on  all  government  build 
ings  at  half-mast.  Various  entertainments  were  canceled  throughout 
Germany  and  arrangements  were  made  for  memorial  services.  Multi 
tudes,  including  many  notable  German  personages,  called  at  the 
American  Embassy  and  tendered  their  sympathy.  The  chamber  of 
commerce  and  other  great  bodies  of  the  land  met  and  adopted  resolu 
tions  appreciative  of  the  dead  President. 

There  were  demonstrations  of  sorrow  throughout  France,  and 
the  President  of  the  French  nation  sent  a  message  of  sympathy  to 
Mrs.  McKinley. 

A  dispatch  from  Rome  stated  that  the  Pope  wept  with  uncon 
trollable  emotion  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  President's  death,  and 
that  he  spent  an  hour  during  the  day  praying  for  his  soul.  All  the 
audiences  at  the  Vatican  were  suspended. 

From  nearly  every  capital  on  earth  there  came  a  message  of 



On  Sunday  morning,  September  15,  a  private  funeral  service  was 
held  in  the  Milburn  home  in  Buffalo.  It  was  marked  by  an  absence  of 
pomp,  which  was  typical  of  the  unostentatious  life  of  the  dead  Presi 
dent.  Scarcely  two  hundred  persons  were  present,  including  the  new 
President,  Mr.  Eoosevelt,  his  Cabinet,  members  of  the  family  of  the 
deceased,  and  a  few  intimate  friends.  The  services  were  brief  and 
simple.  At  the  close  there  was  a  solemn  hush ;  for  a  moment  no  one 

Senator  Hanna's  Farewell. — "Then  a  man/'  says  one  who  wit 
nessed  the  scene,  "who  seemed  suddenly  to  have  grown  old,  arose  from 
his  seat  beside  Governor  Odell  and  slowly  walked  alone  past  the  line  of 
Cabinet  officers  to  the  side  of  the  new  President.  His  hands  clasped 
behind  his  back,  his  head  bent  down  on  his  great  chest,  Senator  Hanna 
stood  and  gazed  for  the  last  time  on  the  face  of  the  man  he  loved. 

"It  seemed  to  the  mourners  that  he  stood  looking  down  at  his 
dear  friend's  face  for  fully  five  minutes — in  reality  it  was  nearly  two 
minutes — before  he  turned  and  slowly,  sadly  retraced  his  steps  across 
the  room.  His  eyes  were  suffused  with  tears,  and  on  his  face  was  a 
drawn,  haggard  look  that  was  almost  startling  in  its  intensity.  His 
were  the  last  eyes  to  look  on  the  face  oi  the  martyred  President  in  the 
house  where  he  had  died." 

As  Senator  Hanna  turned  away  the  casket  was  closed,  and  the 
body-bearers,  four  soldiers  and  four  sailors,  advanced,  and  lifting  it 
gently  on  their  broad  shoulders,  slowly  began  their  solemn  march  to 
the  hearse,  which  stood  waiting  outside.  Close  behind  the  casket 
followed  President  Eoosevelt,  with  Secretary  Eoot  on  his  left  and  the 
other  members  of  the  Cabinet  following.  Slowly  they  made  their  way 


out  of  the  hall.,  down  the  steps  and  down  the  walk  to  the  hearse,  while 
a  band  posted  across  the  street  softly  played  "Nearer,  My  God,  to 

Lying  in  State. — The  procession  moved  through  a  vast  throng  to 
the  City  Hall,  where  the  body,  lying  in  state,  was  viewed  by  fully  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people.  There  were  many  affecting  inci 
dents  as  the  tearful  throng  passed  the  casket.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
afternoon  a  band  of  Indians  from  the  Exposition,  in  their  blankets  and 
feathers,  followed  by  their  squaws,  filed  by.  They  had  come  to  see  the 
Great  Father.  A  few  hours  before  they  had  sent  a  wreath  of  purple 
asters,  accompanied  by  a  pathetic  inscription: 

"Farewell  of  Chief  Geronimo,  Blue  Horse,  Flat  Iron  and  Red 
Shirt  and  the  seven  hundred  braves  of  the  Indian  Congress.  Like 
Lincoln  and  Garfield,  President  McKinley  never  abused  authority 
except  on  the  side  of  mercy.  The  martyred  great  white  chief  will 
stand  in  memory  next  to  the  Saviour  of  mankind.  We  loved  him 
living ;  we  love  him  still. " 

As  they  passed  each  of  them  dropped  a  white  carnation  upon  the 
President's  coffin. 

The  Start  for  Washington. — Early  Monday  morning  the  casket 
was  taken  from  the  City  Hall  and  carried  to  the  train  for  the  journey 
to  Washington.  Although  it  was  hardly  seven  o'clock  the  streets  along 
the  route  were  jammed  with  struggling  masses.  The  procession  was 
headed  by  a  squad  of  sailors,  and  behind  them  came  the  hearse  under 
the  guard  of  a  file  of  marines,  A  great  crowd  was  gathered  around 
the  station.  The  coffin  was  placed  on  a  bier  in  an  observation  car, 
whiled  the  band  played  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  the  hymn  that  was 
to  be  played  and  sung  thousands  of  times  before  the  body  should  reach 
the  distant  tomb. 

The  catafalque  had  been  raised  so  high  that  the  casket  was  visible 
from  the  roadside.  It  was  entirely  draped  in  a  great  flag,  only  a  sheaf 
of  ripened  grain  resting  on  the  top.  There  were  many  floral  wreaths, 


but  they  were  hung  around  the  coffin.  Only  the  car  containing  the 
casket  was  draped  and  the  engine,  which  was  covered  with  closely 
plaited-  crape. 

Sorrow  Everywhere. — Through  every  city  and  hamlet  that  the 
train  passed  some  emblem  of  sorrow  was  shown.  In  the  busy  places 
all  occupations  ceased,  and  man  and  woman,  boy  and  girl,  went  forth 
to  do  sad  homage.  In  the  remotest  spots  where  human  kind  was 
scarcely  suspected,  uncouth  and  often  solitary  figures  stood  uncovered 
and  watched  with  blank  and  ignorant  regret.  There  was  no  place 
where  living  creatures  gathered  that  did  not  in  some  sense,  however 
vague,  feel  grief  and  manifest  it  in  an  outward  token.  In  many  places 
for  hundreds  of  yards  fair  women  had  strewn  the  track  with  roses. 
There  were  twelve  long  hours  of  tolling  bells  and  glimpses  of  thousands 
and  thousands  of  men,  women  and  children  drawn  up  in  line  along 
both  sides  of  the  track,  of  crape-bound  banners  and  of  flowers,  and  the 
sound  of  muffled  drum-beats,  and  the  solemn  notes  of  "Nearer,  My 
God,  to  Thee,"  and  everywhere  bared  and  bowed  heads  and  faces  that 
showed  the  impress  of  an  unspeakable  sorrow. 

The  Last  Night  at  the  White  House. — It  was  night  when  the  train 
reached  Washington.  It  entered  silently  without  the  clanging  of  bells 
or  disturbing  escape  of  steam.  As  the  casket  was  placed  in  the  hearse 
the  bugle  sounded  "taps"  and  the  troops  presented  arms.  A  solemn 
procession  followed  the  body  to  the  White  House,  where  it  was  taken 
in  response  to  Mrs.  McKinley's  request  that  he  might  spend  one  night 
there  before  he  was  laid  to  his  final  rest. 

The  Vigil. — All  through  the  night  a  sentry  paced  back  and  forth 
on  the  portico,  while  in  the  East  room,  with' its  dim-burning  lights  and 
great  black  coffin,  the  guard  of  honor  stood  motionless  in  its  watch  over 
the  dead. 

Tuesday  morning  opened  drearily  enough,  with  clouds  hanging 
like  a  pall  over  the  city.  The  people  began  to  gather  early,  and  by 
nine  o'clock,  when  the  procession  started,  the  streets  were  jammed  with 


a  sorrowing  multitude.  The  body-bearers  silently  raised  the  coffin  to 
their  shoulders  and  moved  toward  the  main  door  of  the  White  House. 
Instantly  the  band  began  to  play  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  Slowly 
down  the  driveway,  through  a  dreary,  drizzling  rain,  the  procession 
wound  its  way  to  the  gate,  and  for  a  moment  halted  while  the  Artillery 
Band  began  the  "Dead  March  in  Saul."  The  blast  from  a  bugle 
sounded,  and  the  procession  moved  on  its  way  to  the  Capitol. 

At  the  Capitol. — At  10.12  the  head  of  the  procession  reached  the 
Capitol  plaza.  As  the  hearse  halted  in  front  of  the  main  stairway  the 
troops  presented  arms.  The  guard  of  honor  ascended  the  steps,  the 
naval  officers  on  the  right  and  the  army  officers  on  the  left,  forming  a 
cordon  on  each  side.  Behind  them  were  ranks  of  artillerymen,  seamen 
and  marines.  As  the  body-bearers  drew  the  coffin  from  the  hearse 
every  head  in  the  great  throng  was  bared,  and  the  bands  played 
"Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  With  solemn  tread  the  bearers  ascended 
the  stairway  and  bore  the  casket  to  the  catafalque  in  the  rotunda. 

The  State  Funeral. — The  funeral  services  were  simple  but  exceed 
ingly  impressive,  the  military  feature  being  preserved  in  every  par 
ticular  except  in  the  matter  of  the  funeral  oration,  which  was  deliv 
ered  by  Bishop  Andrews.  The  ritual  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  was  adhered  to  throughout. 

When  all  were  seated  a  solemn  hush  fell  upon  the  audience,  and 
the  choir  sang  softly  "Lead,  Kindly  Light."  The  Rev.  Dr.  Naylor, 
Presiding  Elder  of  the  Washington  District  of  the  Methodist  Epis 
copal  Church,  delivered  the  invocation.  The  lessons  were  then  read, 
and  the  choir  sang  "Some  Time  We'll  Understand."  Then  Bishop 
Andrews,  the  lifelong  friend  of  Mr.  McKinley,  arose,  and,  taking  his 
place  at  the  head  of  the  coffin,  delivered  the  sermon.  In  his  delineation 
of  the  character  of  the  dead  President,  which  was  extremely  touching, 
he  said : 

A  Touching  Tribute. — "The  kindly,  calm  and  equitable  tempera 
ment,  the  kindly  and  generous  heart,  the  love  of  justice  and  right 


and  the  tendency  toward  faith  and  loyalty  to  unseen  powers  and 
authorities — these  things  have  been  with  him  from  his  childhood,  from 
his  infancy,  but  upon  them  supervened  the  training  for  which  he  was 
always  tenderly  thankful  and  of  which  even  this  great  nation  from 
sea  to  sea  continually  has  taken  note. 

"It  was  an  humble  home  in  which  he  was  born.  Narrow  condi 
tions  were  around  him;  but  faith  in  God  had  lifted  that  lowly  roof, 
according  to  the  statement  of  some  great  writer,  up  to  the  very  heavens, 
and  permitted  its  inmates  to  behold  the  things  eternal,  immortal  and 
divine,  and  he  came  under  that  training. 

His  Reverence  for  His  Mother. — "It  is  a  beautiful  thing  that  to 
the  end  of  his  life  he  bent  reverently  before  that  mother  whose  exam 
ples  and  teaching  and  prayer  had  so  fashioned  his  mind  and  all  his 
aims.  The  school  came  but  briefly,  and  then  came  to  him  the  church 
with  ministration  of  power.  He  accepted  the  truth  which  it  taught. 
He  believed  in  God  and  in  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  God  was 
revealed.  He  accepted  the  divine  law  of  the  Scripture;  he  based  his 
hope  on  Jesus  Christ,  the  appointed  and  only  Eedeemer  of  man,  and 
the  church,  beginning  its  operation  upon  his  character  at  an  early 
period  of  his  life,  continued  even  to  his  close  to  mould  him.  He  waited 
attentively  upon  its  ministrations.  He  spoke  with  his  brethren  of  the 
sympathies  of  mysterious  passion  and  redeeming  love  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  He  was  helpful  in  all  of  those  beneficiencies  and  activi 
ties,  and  from  the  church  to  the  close  of  his  life  he  received  inspiration 
that  lifted  him  above  much  trouble  and  weakness  incident  to  our 
human  nature,  and,  blessings  be  to  God,  may  we  say,  in  the  last  and 
final  hour,  they  enabled  him  confidently,  tenderly,  to  say,  flt  is  His 
will,  not  ours ;  Thy  will  be  done/ 

No  Stain  Upon  His  Escutcheon. — "Such  influences  gave  to  us 
William  McKinley.  And  what  was  he  ?  A  man  of  incorruptible  per 
sonal  and  political  integrity.  I  suppose  no  one  ever  attempted  to 
approach  him  in  the  way  of  a  bribe;  and  we  remember,  with  great 


felicitation  at  this  time,  for  such  an  example  to  our  services  that  when 
great  financial  difficulties  and  perils  encompassed  him,  he  determined 
to  deliver  all  he  possessed  to  hi*s  creditors;  that  there  should  be  no 
challenges  of  his  perfect  honesty  in  the  matter.  A  man  of  immaculate 
purity  shall  we  say?  No  stain  was  upon  his  escutcheon;  no  syllable 
of  suspicion  that  I  ever  heard  was  whispered  against  his  character. 
He  walked  in  perfect  and  noble  control.  Beyond  that  this  man  had 
somehow  wrought  in  him — I  suppose  on  the  foundations  of  a  very  hap 
pily  constructed  nature — a  great  and  generous  love  for  his  fellowmen. 
He  believed  in  men.  He  had  himself  been  brought  up  among  the 
common  people.  He  knew  their  labors,  struggles,  necessities." 
The  Bishop's  concluding  words  will  never  be  forgotten : 
Memorable  Words. — "If  there  is  a  personal  immortality  before 
him,  let  us  also  rejoice  that  there  is  an  immortality  and  memory  in  the 
hearts  of  a  large  and  ever-growing  people,  who,  through  the  ages  to 
come,  the  generations  that  are  yet  to  be,  will  look  back  upon  this  life, 
upon  its  nobility  and  purity  and  service  to  humanity,  and  thank  God 
for  it.  The  years  draw  on  when  his  name  shall  be  counted  among  the 
illustrious  of  the  earth.  William  of  Orange  is  not  dead.  Cromwell  is 
not  dead.  Washington  lives  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  his  countrymen. 
Lincoln  with  his  infinite  sorrow  lives  to  teach  us  and  lead  us  on.  And 
McKinley  shall  summon  all  statesmen  and  all  his  countrymen  to  purer 
living,  nobler  aims,  sweeter  faith  and  immortal  blessedness." 

As  he  closed  the  entire  audience  joined  in  singing  "Nearer,  My 
God,  to  Thee."  In  the  midst  of  the  singing  Admiral  Evans  advanced 
and  placed  a  beautiful  blue  floral  cross  at  the  foot  of  the  coffin.  It  was 
from  ex-President  Cleveland.  Then  the  Benediction  was  pronounced 
by  Dr.  Chapman,  and  after  a  pause  for  a  few  moments  the  assemblage 
began  to  withdraw.  The  people  who  remained  in  the  rotunda  were 
now  formed  in  lines  to  view  the  features  of  the  dead  President.  At 
each  corner  of  the  catafalque  a  sailor  took  his  station  and  stood  at 
attention,  motionless,  while  on  either  side  eight  marines  were  drawn 


up.  The  crowd  passed  in  single  file  on  either  side  of  the  bier.  There 
was  a  thrill  of  pity  in  the  heart  of  every  one,  so  changed  were  the  fea 
tures  from  those  which  had  been  known  in  life;  and  those  who  had 
known  him  intimately  could  not  refrain  from  tears.  "How  pitiful !" 
they  whispered  as  they  passed. 

A  Last  Look. — Later  the  doors  were  opened,  and  from  that  time 
until  six  o'clock  a  vast  unbroken  stream  of  mourners  passed  the  coffin. 
They  poured  through  the  rotunda  in  thousands,  and  when  at  6.25  the 
doors  were  closed  there  were  still  many  thousands  struggling  to  get  in. 
Several  times  the  throng  was  swept  into  confusion,  and  in  the  struggle 
many  were  thrown  under  the  feet  of  the  mass. 

The  Last  Journey. — After  the  doors  were  closed  the  guards  who 
had  all  the  day  held  back  the  crowd  were  permitted  to  look  at  the  face  of 
the  President,  and  then  the  cover  of  the  casket  was  screwed  down  and 
lifted  once  more  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  body-bearers.  As  they 
descended  the  broad  stairway  the  time  was  marked  by  minute  guns, 
stationed  in  the  Capitol  grounds.  The  coffin  was  placed  in  the  hearse, 
and  was  escorted  on  its  journey  to  the  station  by  a  committee  from  the 
army  and  navy  and  two  squadrons  of  cavalry. 

At  8.20  o'clock  the  funeral  train  started  from  the  Pennsylvania 
Depot  on  its  final  journey.  Along  the  track  were  gathered  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  sorrowing  people.  In  the  observation  car  the  coffin, 
which  was  in  full  sight,  was  surrounded  by  great  banks  of  floral  offer 
ings.  The  guards  who  stood  on  either  side  of  the  bier  were  knee-deep 
in  flowers.  In  the  rear  section  of  the  car  the  marines  and  soldiery  sat 
motionless,  with  folded  arms. 

Sorrowing  Onlookers. — As  the  train  went  flying  past  the  villages 
and  hamlets  there  were  the  same  demonstrations  of  affection  and  grief 
that  had  marked  the  journey  from  Buffalo.  Though  the  rain  fell 
unceasingly,  and  though  the  train  went  so  fast  that  the  people  could 
scarcely  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  bier,  yet  the  throng  stood  waiting  in  the 
night  and  watching,  simply  to  uncover  their  heads  in  expression  of 
their  grief. 


Home  Again. — It  was  noon  on  Wednesday  when  the  funeral  train 
rolled  into  Canton.  Its  approach  was  unheralded.  No  whistle  was 
blown,  and  there  was  no  panting  of  the  exhaust  pipes.  At  the  mere 
sight  of  the  train  the  crowd  that  had  been  waiting  for  hours  broke 
down  and  sobbed.  When  the  engine  came  to  a  standstill,  Judge  Day 
and  the  Committee  of  Reception  moved  down  the  platform  to  the 
catafalque  car  and  waited.  Mrs.  McKinley,  overwhelmed  with  a  fresh 
burst  of  grief,  was  helped  from  the  train  and  hurried  to  a  carriage 
and  driven  rapidly  to  her  home.  The  coffin  was  lifted  from  the  car 
and  carried  to  the  waiting  hearse.  Mr.  McKinley  was  home  again. 

"This  is  the  most  beautiful  street  in  the  world,"  he  had  said  to  a 
friend  the  day  before  leaving  for  Buffalo.  And  he  added,  "I  shall 
spend  the  rest  of  the  summer  here  very  happily/' 

He  had  come  back  to  spend  the  rest  of  the  summer. 

The  soldiers  presented  arms  and  the  bugles  sounded  taps.  Presi 
dent  Eoosevelt  and  his  Cabinet  entered  carriages.  Then  came  the 
guard  of  honor  in  full  uniform,  and  the  procession  moved  toward  the 
Court  House  through  dense  masses  of  weeping  people.  Here  the  body 
lay  in  state  until  night. 

The  collection  of  floral  tributes  had  now  grown  to  be  the  largest 
ever  seen  in  America.  The  conservatories  of  the  whole  country  had 
been  taxed  to  supply  them.  The  great  monarchs  of  the  world,  the 
presidents  of  republics,  the  governors  of  distant  colonies  had  cabled 
directions  to  adorn  the  bier  of  the  dead  President  with  the  sweetest 
and  most  fragrant  of  flowers.  Numerous  as  these  tributes  were,  how 
ever,  they  were  scarcely  noticeable  by  the  side  of  the  tons  of  flowers 
that  had  been  sent  by  the  President's  own  countrymen.  It  is  said  that  a 
list  of  those  who  sent  them  would  be  almost  a  complete  roster  of  all  the 
prominent  people  in  official,  commercial  and  social  life  in  America. 
Among  these  tributes  was  a  cradle  made  of  white  roses,  which  was 
brought  in  a  procession  of  one  hundred  men  and  women  from  Niles, 
where  Mr.  McKinley  was  born. 


Among  Those  Who  Loved  Him  Best. — When  everything  was  ready 
for  the  people  of  Canton  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  face  of  their  best 
loved  citizen,  Joseph  Saxton,  uncle  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  a  man  bowed 
deeply  with  the  weight  of  years,  entered  from  the  east  hall  and  stood 
by  the  casket  gazing  into  the  face  of  his  distinguished  kinsman.  It 
was  a  touching  sight.  Then  the  door  was  opened  and  the  people  began 
to  file  past.  By  night  practically  the  entire  population  of  Canton  had 
passed  the  bier. 

A  Touching  Incident, — Many  pathetic  incidents  occurred.  A 
little  girl  in  passing  stopped  to  press  a  kiss  upon  the  glass  and  then 
ran  away  with  streaming  eyes.  One  of  the  guards  thought  he  saw 
her  drop  something,  and  looked.  He  found,  hidden  away  among  the 
costly  wreaths,  a  little  cluster  of  common  garden  flowers,  and  through 
it  was  tied  with  a  piece  of  thread  a  note  written  in  a  childish  hand : 

"Dear  Mr.  McKinley:  I  wish  I  could  send  you  some  prettier 
flowers,  but  these  are  all  I  have.  I  am  sorry  you  got  shot." 

At  six  o'clock  the  doors  were  closed  and  the  body  was  removed  to 
the  McKinley  home.  Mrs.  McKinley  had  expressed  a  desire  that  he 
should  spend  one  more  night  there. 

Canton  was  grieving  for  the  loss  of  the  man,  not  the  President. 
The  newspaper  correspondents  found  the  town  brimful  of  reminis- 
iscences.  The  very  walls  and  trees  seemed  to  vibrate  with  stories  of 
Ohio's  favorite  son.  "He  was  never  the  President  here/'  said  his 
neighbors,  "but  just  'The  Major/  the  same  Major  we  knew  when  he 
marched  home  from  the  wars." 

One  story  that  was  told  to  a  correspondent  was  peculiarly  inter 
esting,  as  it  showed  why  Canton  that  knew  the  dead  so  well  loved  him 
so  much. 

Just  a  few  days  before  the  President  and  his  wife  left  for 
Buffalo,  there  was  a  picnic  of  the  Catholic  Orphan  Asylum,  at  Lewis- 
ville,  about  seven  miles  from  here.  In  the  afternoon  the  President 
drove  over  to  say  a  word  of  good  cheer  to  the  children.  The  first  to 



greet  him  was  a  man  wrinkled  with  age,  the  barber  who  had  shaved 
his  father  before  him,  and  shaved  the  President  in  his  younger  days. 

"How  do,  Peter,"  was  the  President's  greeting.  "Why,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,"  began  the  aged  barber;  but  the  President's  hand  was  raised 
in  protest.  "No,  no,  Peter,"  he  laughingly  explained,  "I  am  never 
the  President  here  at  home.  I  am  still  the  Major  that  I  always  was." 

"It  was  for  its  beloved  Major  that  Canton  so  often  honored  that 
the  pillows  are  wet  with  tears.  Woe  to  the  man  who  whispers  an 
ill  word  on  her  streets  to-night.  One  tried  it  this  afternoon.  The 
simple  words,  'Canton  should  be  happy  now/  had  scarcely  left  his 
lips  before  he  was  felled  with  a  blow  that  left  him  senseless.  He  would 
have  been  killed  had  not  police  and  soldiers  interfered." 

The  town  was  a  mass  of  black.  Business  had  been  suspended. 
Arches  of  mourning  rose  where  once  stood  arches  of  triumph.  These 
solemn  loops  of  black  reached  from  station  to  courts,  out  beyond  the 
McKinley  cottage,  and  stretched  on  the  other  side  to  the  gates  of 
West  Lawn  Cemetery. 

At  1.45  o'clock  on  Thursday  the  final  services  for  the  dead  Presi 
dent  were  begun  in  the  First  Methodist  Church  of  Canton.  A  great 
crowd  of  former  army  comrades,  political  and  official  associates,  and 
distinguished  men  from  every  part  of  America  followed  the  body 
from  his  home  to  the  church. 

Becoming  Simplicity. — The  services  were  simple.  The  strains 
of  Beethovan's  funeral  march  were  followed  by  the  singing  of  an 
anthem  by  a  quartette.  The  Eev.  0.  B.  Milligan  prayed.  The  Nine 
tieth  Psalm  was  read  by  Eev.  John  A.  Hall,  of  the  Trinity  Lutheran 
Church,  and  a  portion  of  the  first  chapter  of  the  First  Corinthians 
by  the  Eev.  E.  P.  Herbruck,  of  the  Trinity  Eeformed  Church.  After 
the  President's  favorite  hymn,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  had  been  sung, 
Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester  delivered  a  memorial  address. 

The  People  Believed  in  Him. — He  said  that  it  was  characteristic 
of  our  beloved  President  that  men  met  him  only  to  love  him.  "They 


might  indeed  differ  with  him,,  but  in  the  presence  of  such  dignity 
of  character  and  grace  of  manner  none  could  fail  to  love  the  man. 
The  people  confided  in  him,,  believed  in  him.  It  was  said  of  Lincoln 
that  probably  no  man  since  the  days  of  Washington  was  ever  so  deeply 
embedded  and  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  but  it  is  true  of 
McKinley  in  a  larger  sense.  Industrial  and  social  conditions  are  such 
that  he  was,  even  more  than  his  predecessors,  the  friend  of  the  whole 

Grief  of  Italian  Workingmen. — Dr.  Manchester  told  of  a  touch 
ing  scene  that  was  enacted  in  that  church  on  the  Sunday  night  previ 
ous.  "The  services  had  closed.  The  worshippers  were  gone  to  their 
homes.  Only  a  few  lingered  to  discuss  the  sad  event  that  brings  us 
together  to-day.  Three  men  in  working  garb,  of  a  foreign  race  and 
unfamiliar  tongue,  entered  the  room.  They  approached  the  altar, 
kneeling  before  it  and  before  his  picture.  Their  lips  moved  as  if  in 
prayer,  while  tears  furrowed  their  cheeks.  They  may  have  been  think 
ing  of  their  own  King  Humbert  and  of  his  untimely  death.  Their 
emotion  was  eloquent  beyond  speech,  and  it  bore  testimony  to  their 
appreciation  of  manly  friendship  and  of  honest  worth." 

Continuing,  he  said: 

"Not  only  was  our  President  brave,  heroic  and  honest;  he  was 
as  gallant  a  knight  as  ever  rode  the  lists  for  his  ladylove  in  the  days 
when  knighthood  was  in  flower.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks  since  the 
nation  looked  on  with  tear-dimmed  eyes  as  it  saw  with  what  tender 
conjugal  devotion  he  sat  at  the  bedside  of  his  beloved  wife,  when  all 
feared  that  a  fatal  illness  was  upon  her.  No  public  clamor  that  he 
might  show  himself  to  the  populace,  no  demand  of  social  function 
was  sufficient  to  draw  the  lover  from  the  bedside  of  his  wife.  He 
watched  and  waited  while  we  all  prayed — and  she  lived. 

"This  sweet  and  tender  story  all  the  world  knows,  and  the  world 
knows  that  his  whole  life  has  run  in  this  one  groove  of  love.  It  was 
a  strong  arm  that  she  leaned  upon,  and  it  never  failed  her.  Her  smile 


was  more  to  him  than  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude,  and  ior  nur 
greeting  his  acknowledgments  of  them  must  wait.  After  receiving 
the  fatal  wound,,  his  first  thought  was  that  the  terrible  news  might 
be  broken  gently  to  her.  May  God  in  this  deep  hour  of  sorrow  comfort 
her.  May  His  grace  be  greater  than  her  anguish.  May  the  widow's 
God  be  her  God. 

"Another  beauty  in  the  character  of  our  President,  that  was  a 
chaplet  of  grace  about  his  neck,  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  In  the 
broadest,  noblest  sense  of  the  word  that  was  true.  His  confidence  in 
God  was  strong  and  unwavering.  It  held  him  steady  in  many  a  storm." 

After  speaking  of  the  tragic  cause  of  his  death,  he  said : 

"In  the  midst  of  our  sorrow  we  have  much  to  console  us.  He 
lived  to  see  his  nation  greater  than  ever  before.  All  sectional  lines 
are  blotted  out.  There  is  no  South,  no  North,  no  East,  no  West. 
Washington  saw  the  beginning  of  our  national  life.  Lincoln  passed 
through  the  night  of  our  history  and  saw  the  dawn.  McKinley 
beheld  his  country  in  the  splendor  of  its  noon.  Truly  he  died  in  the 
fullness  of  his  fame. 

"I  do  not  ask  you  in  the  heat  of  public  address,  but  in  the  calm 
moments  of  mature  reflection,  what  other  man  ever  had  such  high 
honors  bestowed  upon  him,  and  by  so  many  people?  What  pageant 
has  equalled  this  that  we  look  upon  to-day?  We  gave  him  to  the 
nation  but  a  little  more  than  four  years  ago.  He  went  out  with  the 
light  of  the  morning  upon  his  brow,  but  with  his  task  set,  and  the 
purpose  to  complete  it.  We  take  him  back  a  mighty  conqueror/' 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  address,  Bishop  Joyce,  of  Minneapolis, 
prayed,  and  the  hymn,  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee/5  was  sung  by  the 
entire  congregation,  after  which  the  benediction  was  pronounced  by 
monseignor  T.  P.  Thorpe,  of  Cleveland. 

There  was  a  moment's  silence,  and  then  the  body-bearers  lifted 
their  sad  burden  and  bore  it  tenderly  down  the  aisle.  As  they  appeared 
at  the  door,  the  great  crowd  outside,  uncovered,  stood  in  silence  while 


the  funeral  procession  formed.  It  was  a  great  parade  of  military,  but 
it  was  intensely  solemn.  Slowly  through  the  streets  the  solemn  cortege 
moved  to  the  sound  of  the  dead  march,,  while  a  pall  of  grief  seemed 
to  settle  upon  the  vast  throng  through  which  it  passed. 

The  Last  Rest. — It  was  after  three  o'clock  when  the  procession 
reached  the  vault  in  Westlawn  Cemetery.  On  all  sides  of  the  vault 
were  laid  the  tributes  of  flowers  which  had  been  sent  by  men  and  the 
rulers  of  almost  every  nation  of  the  globe.  The  casket  was  carried 
within,  and  President  Eoosevelt  and  his  Cabinet  and  others  grouped 
themselves  about  the  door.  A  Knights  Templar  quartette  sang,  and 
Bishop  Joyce  prayed.  There  was  a  sound  of  "taps,"  and  the  great 
doors  closed  amid  the  strains  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  and  the 
sobbing  of  men  and  women.  It  was  the  end. 



At  the  moment  the  casket  was  placed  in  the  vault  an  honor  was 
paid  to  the  memory  of  the  dead  President  such  as  was  never  paid 
before  to  any  man  in  the  history  of  the  world.  At  that  instant,  by 
preconcerted  arrangement,  all  America  stood  still. 

A  Solemn  Hush. — All  the  great  activities  of  American  life  paused 
in  a  solemn  hush.  Wheels  ceased  to  turn.  The  railway  trains  speed 
ing  across  the  country  were  arrested  in  their  flight.  The  screws  of 
great  steamships  ceased  to  turn;  the  murmur  and  clang  of  the  trolley 
car  was  hushed.  Even  the  cabmen  on  the  street  all  stopped;  and  for 
one,  two,  three,  four,  five  minutes  scarcely  a  sound  was  heard  except 
the  subdued  notes  of  the  hymn  that  had  been  sung  so  often  during 
the  week,  while  millions  of  people  stood  with  uncovered  and  bowed 
heads,  thinking  of  him  whom  they  loved.  It  was  perhaps  the  most 
impressive  incident  ever  witnessed  by  man. 

Pulseless  Cables. — The  entire  telegraph  system  of  the  country 
was  hushed,  and  in  all  the  huge  network  of  wires  from  one  end  of  the 
land  to  the  other  there  was  not  a  single  tick.  Even  the  great  ocean  cables 
were  pulseless.  In  the  Western  Union  Chicago  office  the  hundreds  of 
operators  all  arose  at  their  desks  and  joined  with  deep  feeling  in  the 
President's  hymn,  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee/'  The  same  hymn  was 
sung  in  New  York  City  by  the  gathered  crews  of  steamships  and  rail 
way  trains.  There,  the  policemen  were  lined  up,  and  with  uncov 
ered  heads  followed  their  sergeant  in  repeating  the  words  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer.  Ten  thousand  men,  women  and  children  massed  in 
Herald  Square  listened  for  ten  minutes  to  the  tolling  of  the  bells, 
and  for  half  that  time  the  place  was  as  silent  as  a  country  churchyard. 
The  clang  of  the  trolley  gong  was  missing.  Some  magic  spell  all  in 
a  moment  had  quieted  the  ceaseless  whir  of  the  surface  car  and  the 


rattle  and  din  of  the  elevated  trains.  It  was  as  though  the  hand  of 
death  itself  had  suddenly  clutched  the  throbbing  heart  of  the  mighty 
city  and  stilled  its  beating  pulse. 

The  same  scenes  were  repeated  in  a  lesser  degree  in  all  the  cities 
of  the  land.  In  Philadelphia  the  old  Liberty  Bell  tolled  out  its 
solemn  requiem.  In  Jersey  City  seven  hundred  Italians  belonging 
to  uniformed  organizations  participated  in  a  memorial  parade.  At 
the  head  of  the  procession  four  men  bore  a  floral  temple  of  fame,  in 
which,  in  flowers,  was  the  word,  "McKinley."  Following  this  was 
a  band,  and  then  a  heavily  draped  hearse,  inside  of  which  was  a  hand 
some  casket,  flag-draped.  The  paraders  attended  divine  services  after 
which  all  attended  a  public  meeting,  at  which  eulogistic  addresses 
were  made  in  Italian. 

All  the  World  Murmurs  "Rest." — ''When  murdered  Caesar  was 
buried,"  said  the  New  York  Journal,  "only  the  people  of  a  single 
city  knew  what  was  happening.  When  Washington  was  laid  to  rest 
the  toiling  messengers  were  still  galloping  over  muddy  roads  with 
the  direful  news  of  his  death.  The  people  of  the  United  States  were 
mourners  at  the  tomb  of  Lincoln,  but  there  was  no  cable  to  bring 
them  into  communication  with  sympathic  hearts  in  Europe.  But  now 
the  whole  earth  quivers  with  a  single  emotion.  A  shot  was  fired  in 
Buffalo,  and,  as  if  by  an  electric  impulse,  flags  dropped  to  half-mast 
by  the  Ganges,  the  Volga  and  the  Nile.  The  captive  Filipino  chief 
tain  laid  his  tribute  of  homage  on  the  tomb  of  a  magnanimous  con 
queror.  Boer  and  Briton  joined  in  sorrow  for  the  distant  ruler  who 
had  sympathized  with  the  sufferings  of  both.  All  the  world  murmurs 
to-day :  'Rest  in  Peace/  And  the  American  people — his  own  people — 
to  whom  he  gave  his  love  and  his  life,  echo,  reverently :  'Rest/ ': 

In  Westminster  Abbey. — In  London,  memorial  services,  held  in 
Westminster  Abbey  by  command  of  King  Edward,  were  attended  by 
throngs  almost  as  deeply  moved  as  those  who  filled  our  own  churches. 
A  most  impressive  moment  of  the  service  was  a  pause  for  silent 


prayer  in  behalf  of  the  widow  and  family  of  the  President.  As  the 
great  organ's  note,  like  a  deep  sigh,  faded  into  solemn  silence,  the 
last  jarring  clang  of  the  chimes  outdoors  momentarily  punctured  the 
stillness,  as  though  for  a  record  of  passing  time.  "Then  a  hush  fell 
upon  the  densely  thronged  church,  and  for  fully  five  minutes  every 
head  was  bowed  in  silent  prayer — hushed  and  silent  as  the  unnum 
bered  dead  who  sleep  beneath  the  Abbey  stones.  It  was  an  awful, 
soul-stirring  moment.  One  could  not  help  recalling  the  scene  five 
years  ago,  at  St.  Louis,  when  at  the  mention  of  the  name  of  McKinley 
ten  thousand  men  had  cheered  like  half-demented  savages  for  half  an 
hour  by  the  clock.  Some  of  those  present  on  that  occasion  were  even 
now  kneeling  with  bowed  heads,  their  subdued  attitude  beneath  the 
Abbey's  towering  roof  being  more  expressive  of  genuine  feeling  than 
the  wildest  cheers  and  frantic  nag-waving  in  that  memorable  yellow 
pine  board  convention  hall." 

The  Westminster  Gazette  said :  "To  us  in  this  country  the  loss 
of  President  McKinley  is  a  family  bereavement.  We  have  had  our 
differences  with  the  American  people.  We  know  full  well  how  more  true 
it  becomes  every  day  that  they  are  our  keenest  and  most  dangerous 
outstanding  fact  that  they  are  our  next  of  kin.  We  are  linked  by 
trade  competitors,  but  above  and  beyond  the  conflict  of  competition  is 
the  common  ties  that  exist  nowhere  except  with  the  United  States. 
Just  as  Queen  Victoria  was  sincerely  mourned  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  so  now  we  claim  a  special  right  to  share  the  sorrow  and  indig 
nation  which  the  American  feels  at  the  death  of  its  President." 

In  Paris  there  was  a  great  crush  in  the  effort  of  the  populace 
to  reach  Ihe  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  where  a  distinguished 
assemblage  was  gathered  to  honor  the  memory  of  our  dead. 

The  Paris  Gaulois  said:  "The  death  of  President  McKinley  will 
have  a  greater  reverberation  throughout  Europe  than  that  of  Garfield, 
Lincoln  or  Carnot." 

Salutes  on  Distant  Seas. — The  warships  of  Great  Britain  and 
Germany  throughout  the  world  joined  in  the  salute  due  to  the  heaci 


of  our  stricken  Republic.  In  every  capital  of  Europe  and  in  nearly 
every  civilized  country  in  the  world  there  were  displayed  symbols  of 
grief.  An  Austrian  paper  said :  "The  ocean  is  not  wide  enough  to 
hold  all  the  sympathy  that  is  streaming  from  the  Old  to  the  New." 

In  far-away  India  commerce  was  stopped,  batteries  were  fired, 
flags  were  half-masted,  and  there  was  general  mourning.  Solemn, 
weeping  crowds  assembled  in  Berlin,  Brussels,  Dresden,  Vienna, 
Copenhagen  Cologne,  Rio  Janeiro,  Kingston,  Pekin,  Constantinople, 
St.  Petersburg,  Rome,  Manila,  San  Juan,  Havana,  almost  every  city 
of  consequence  in  the  world,  and  took  part  in  the  most  impressive 
memorial  services  ever  rendered  in  honor  of  any  dead. 

Among  the  incidents  of  the  day  in  America  none  perhaps  was 
more  touching  or  more  significant  than  the  tribute  which  came  from 
the  heart  of  a  little  Atlanta  girl.  The  story,  as  told  by  the  Consti 
tution,  forms  a  fitting  close  for  this  chapter: 

"Just  about  a  half  an  hour  before  the  shadows  of  twilight  com 
menced  to  shroud  the  silent  tombs  of  Oakland  Cemetery,  a  minister 
of  one  of  Atlanta's  churches  had  occasion  to  pass  the  enclosure  of  this 
city  of  the  dead. 

"As  he  reached  the  main  entrance,  on  Hunter  street,  the  clergy 
man's  attention  was  drawn  to  a  little  girl  of  probably  not  more  than! 
nine  years,  who  was  standing  outside  the  gate.  Although  a  tired  look, 
as  though  from  some  long  vigil,  was  to  be  plainly  seen  upon  the 
child's  face,  there  was  an  eager,  expectant  look  in  her  bright  eyes  as 
they  were  directed  inquiringly  toward  his. 

"  'Please,  sir/  she  asked  of  the  clergyman,  as  she  saw  his  kindly 
faced  turned  toward  her,  'can  you  tell  me  how  long  it  will  be  until  the 
funeral  comes?7 

"  'What  funeral,  my  dear  ?'  he  answered,  thinking  it  might  be 
that  of  some  friend  or  relative  of  hers. 

"The  minister  was  scarcely  prepared  for  the  reply  the  little  girl 
made,  for,  with  the  sweet  and  absolute  simplicity  of  childhood  she 
answered ; 


"  '1  mean  our  President's  funeral.  Can't  you  tell  me,  sir,  how 
long  it  will  be  until  it  comes  ?' 

"The  clergyman  was  too  bewildered  for  a  moment  by  the  reply 
of  the  child  to  speak,  and  when  a  full  realization  of  her  meaning  did 
dawn  upon  him  it  was  a  strange  sort  of  choking  in  his  throat  that 
kept  him  from  finding  speech  for  a  good  many  more  than  one  moment. 

"Not  waiting  for  a  reply,  the  little  lass  continued: 

"  'I've  been  waiting  here  such  a  long  time — I  know  it  must  be 
three  hours — and  I  am  so  tired  I  don't  know  what  to  do.  I  brought 
these  to  put  on  his  grave,  and  I  just  can't  leave  until  they  come. 
Nobody  at  home  knew  I  was  coming,  and  they'll  be  uneasy  about  me 
if  the  funeral  don't  come  soon,  so  I  can  get  home  before  dark/' 

"As  she  spoke  she  held  up  for  the  clergyman's  inspection  a  fast 
wilting  bunch  of  blossoms — a  pitiful  little  fading  bunch,  but  the  best 
that  she  could  find,  and  shaped  into  the  only  fashion  her  tiny  hands 
could  devise.  She  had  gathered  them  herself  and  brought  them  to 
place  them  as  her  offering  at  the  tomb  of  the  nation's  martyr. 

"Brushing  a  tear  from  his  cheek,  the  clergyman  placed  his  arm 
about  the  child  and  drew  her  tenderly  toward  him.  There  was  a 
moment  of  silence,  and  then  he  told  her  of  the  burial  that  had  occurred 
hours  before  in  the  far  away  Ohio  city. 

"She  could  not  conceal  the  disappointment  she  felt,  and,  as  there 
came  a  pause,  she  slowly  replied :  'I'm  sorry  I  didn't  get  to  put  them 
on  his  grave.  I  wanted  to — but  I  guess  I'll  go  home.' 

"  'Little  one,'  he  said,  as  they  started  together  toward  the  child's 
home,  'you  have  this  day  offered  to  the  memory  of  a  great  man  the  best, 
the  truest  tribute  that  could  be  paid.' 

"When  they  reached  the  home  of  the  child  and  she  had  left  him 
with  a  'Thank  you,  sir,  for  bringing  me  home,'  the  man  of  God  stood 
for  a  moment  in  silence,  then  slowly  resumed  the  journey  that  had 
been  so  strangely  interrupted.  In  his  hand  he  held  a  tiny  blossom, 
one  of  those  that  had  faded  from  'waiting  for  them  to  come.' '; 



After  Mr.  McKiniey's  election  to  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Charles 
M.  Pepper,  a  well-known  newspaper  correspondent,  was  sent  by  the 
New  York  Herald  to  Canton,  with  instructions  to  remain  until  the 
President  should  leave  for  Washington  to  be  inaugurated.  This  gave 
Mr.  Pepper  an  opportunity  to  see  Mr.  McKinley  daily  for  nearly  four 
months,  and  he  has  furnished  the  Christian  Herald  with  some  exceed 
ingly  interesting  recollections  of  that  memorable  period. 

"I  remember,"  he  writes,  "one  evening  in  the  library  at  Canton, 
when,  quite  unconsciously  and  unintentionally,  he  gave  some  of  us  a 
little  talk  on  faith.  It  was  at  the  hour  when  he  was  in  the  habit  of  see 
ing  those  who  were  privileged  to  call  on  him,  and  in  whose  judgment 
he  could  confide  and  talk  freely.  Some  of  the  persons  present  had 
intimated  their  disbelief  in  the  efficacy  of  faith  and  trust.  Without 
saying  a  word  on  the  incident  which  had  caused  the  discussion,  and 
without  giving  any  opinion,  Major  McKinley  related  a  number  of 
instances  which  had  come  under  his  personal  attention,  and  which 
showed  the  comfort  of  faith  and  of  prayer.  It  was  all  done  so  gently 
and  without  any  intention  of  rebuke,  but  that  little  talk  made  clear  his 
own  supreme  faith. 

"The  uncertainties  of  power  and  position  also  once  formed  the 
text  for  a  little  sermon.  One  evening,  in  driving  around  Canton  just 
at  dusk,  I  noticed  a  funeral  taking  place  at  the  County  Infirmary, 
or  poorhouse.  The  same  evening,  some  chance  observation  regarding 
the  incident  was  made  in  Major  McKinley's  library,  and  one  of  those 
present  began  to  wonder  on  the  circumstances  which  had  caused  the 
funeral.  Major  McKinley  himself  told  them.  A  once  wealthy  and 
prominent  citizen,  through  a  series  of  reverses,  had  become  an  inmate 


of  the  poorhouse.  Though  Major  McKinley  did  not  himself  state  it, 
I  learned  afterwards  that  it  was  through  the  kindness  of  himself  and 
other  friends  that  the  last  months  of  this  man's  life  had  been  made 
comfortable.  But  the  moral  he  drew  was  that  worldly  prosperity  was 
fleeting,  and  that  it  was  during  the  reverses  that  the  true  qualities 
of  manhood  were  shown. 

On  another  evening  there  were  with  Mr.  McKinley  three  or  four 
United  States  Senators,  half  a  dozen  Representatives  in  Congress, 
two  or  three  governors,  and  several  party  leaders,  when  a  poor  woman, 
with  her  daughter,  asked  an  interview.  She  had  with  her  a  number 
of  papers,  and  she  told  the  secretary  that  it  was  a  pension  case.  The 
President-elect  saw  her  at  once.  "He  looked  over  the  papers,"  says 
Mr.  Pepper,  "explained  very  patiently  how  the  case  would  have  to  be 
sent  to  the  Pension  Office  in  Washington,  and  what  course  it  would 
have  to  follow  there.  He  also  promised  her  that  it  should  receive 
prompt  attention.  Whether  it  would  be  allowed  or  not,  of  course  he 
could  not  say,  but  he  called  a  stenographer  and  dictated  a  letter  which 
at  least  would  insure  for  it  an  early  hearing.  All  this  took  ten  or 
fifteen  minutes,  but  Major  McKinley  manifested  no  annoyance,  and 
by  his  own  patient  forbearance  he  rebuked  the  distinguished  visitors 
who  showed  signs  of  impatience  because  their  business  was  not  given 
preference  over  that  of  the  poor  woman  with  the  pension  case." 

Mr.  Pepper  says  that  nothing  in  all  the  world  could  have  afforded 
Mr.  McKinley  such  gratification  at  his  first  inauguration  as  the 
presence  of  the  two  persons  he  most  loved  of  all  human  beings. 
These  were  his  wife  and  his  mother.  During  the  period  between 
election  and  inauguration  at  times  in  Canton  there  would  be  some 
uncertainty  about  the  health  of  one  or  the  other,  and  those  were  the 
only  periods  when  Major  McKinley  showed  depression. 

After  he  became  President,  Mr.  Pepper  saw  him  occasionally  at 
the  White  House,  and  found  him  always  with  the  same  serene  faith 
and  the  same  world-wide  charity.  Human  suffering  anywhere  appealed 


to  him.  "The  Cuban  reconcentrados,  the  famine-stricken  natives 
of  India,  or  the  starving  wretches  of  China,  all  enlisted  his  sympathy, 
and  I  pleasantly  recall  the  keen  interest  he  showed  in  the  relief 
measures  of  Dr.  Klopsch  and  the  aid  which  he  gave  to  those  measures.'7 

The  correspondent  last  saw  President  McKinley  a  few  weeks 
before  his  death  in  his  home  at  Canton,  spending  an  hour  with  him 
in  the  library,  where,  more  than  four  years  ago,  so  many  interviews 
were  held  with  him.  He  was  full  of  life  and  vigor  and  hope.  "He 
talked  to  me  chiefly  of  measures  of  public  policy,  but  throughout  it 
all  was  the  ringing  note  of  faith  which  I  have  before  remarked  was 
the  keynote  of  his  character.  The  memory  of  that  last  talk  will  remain 
with  me  always." 

In  a  letter  to  the  Manufacturers'  Record,  Senator  J.  L. 
McLaurin,  of  South  Carolina,  tells  of  an  interview  he  had  with 
President  McKinley  one  day  during  the  early  days  of  the  Span 
ish  war.  "One  afternoon/'  he  writes,  "during  the  early  days  of 
the  Spanish  war.  I  called  by  appointment  upon  the  Presi 
dent.  After  my  business  was  concluded  we  drifted  into  a  long  talk 
upon  national  affairs.  We  had  already  had  several  conversations  upon 
the  situation  in  the  South,  and  he  asked  me  a  great  many  questions, 
which  led  to  my  giving  him  a  full  account  of  the  difficulties  undefc 
which  we  labored.  I  told  him  of  the  humiliation  and  misgovernment, 
the  pride  and  patriotism  of  a  great  people,  how  we  misunderstood  the 
North,  and  how  the  North  misunderstood  us.  He  spoke  beautifully 
and  tenderly  of  the  Southern  people,  and  of  how  he  intended  to  use 
the  power  and  influence  of  his  great  office  to  reunite  our  country.  He 
said  that  he  had  appointed  General  Lee,  and  had  promised  to  appoint 
General  M.  C.  Butler  to  a  place  in  the  army,  and  intended  to  make 
no  discrimination  on  account  of  politics  or  sections. 

"I  can  recall  the  words,  but  who  can  paint  the  earnestness  and 
eloquence,  as,  raising  one  hand  on  high,  he  said:  'Senator,  by  the 
help  of  God,  I  propose  to  be  the  President  of  the  whole  country,  the 


South  as  much  as  the  North,  and  before    the  end  of    my    term  the 
South  will  understand  this/ 

"No  wonder,  as  a  true  Southern  man,  I  loved  and  trusted  Presi 
dent  McKinley.  I  stood  by  him  in  the  Senate  and  elsewherq,  and  I 
thank  God  that  I  did. 

"Patriotic  in  purpose  and  pure  in  heart,  his  noble  soul  is  now 
with  Him  whom  the  hate  of  man  nailed  to  the  cross.  Like  Lincoln, 
who  saved  the  country,  McKinley,  who  reunited  it,  dies  a  martyr  to 
envy  and  hate." 

In  an  address  to  the  school  children,  Congressman  J.  A.  T.  Hall, 
of  Des  Moines,  Iowa,  said  that,  during  the  interim  between  the  blowing 
up  of  the  "Maine"  and  the  declaration  of  war  against  Spain,  five 
Congressmen  called  upon  the  President  with  a  view  to  inducing  him 
to  precipitate  hostilities.  He  persisted  that  diplomacy  should  be  used 
in  the  hope  of  averting  a  conflict,  whereupon  one  of  the  Congressmen 
exclaimed : 

"Mr.  President,  the  charge  is  often  made  that  you  are  influenced 
by  the  big  moneyed  interests  of  this  country,  and  your  attitude  in  this 
matter  is  such  that  I  arn  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  you  are  in  reality 
their  tool." 

The  President  was  manifestly  affected,  but  exhibited  no  anger 
as  he  replied,  with  a  trace  of  pride : 

"My  whole  past  life  shall  defend  me  against  such  a  charge." 

Few  stories  that  have  been  told  about  Mr.  McKinley  more  beauti 
fully  illustrate  the  tender  side  of  his  character,  his  spirit  of  forgive 
ness,  charity  and  brotherly  love,  than  one  which  a  watchman  of  one 
of  the  public  buildings  in  Washington  related  to  a  correspondent  of 
the  Charlestown  (W.  Va.)  Gazette. 

Though  now  growing  old  and  somewhat  broken  by  misfortune, 
he  was  an  editor  of  prominence  and  power  years  ago  in  the  dis 
trict  that  McKinley  represented  in  Congress.  "He  was  at  the  head 
of  a  Eepublican  paper,"  says  the  correspondent,  "but  suspecting 


McKinley  of  instigating  a  libel  suit  against  him,  he  fought  his  party's 
choice  for  Congress  with  all  his  strength  and  power  at  his  command. 
For  years  he  held  McKinley  a  bitter  enemy,  and  did  his  utmost  to  pre 
vent  his  rising. 

"Then  it  was  disclosed  that  McKinley  had  no  part  in  the  libel 
suit,  and  had  never  attempted  to  wrong  the  man  who  once  fought  him 
so  fiercely.  The  editor,  full  of  remorse,  went  to  Mr.  McKinley  and 
begged  forgiveness.  Mr.  McKinley  forgave  not  in  word  only,  as  time 
was  to  show. 

"The  editor  met  reverses.  His  paper  and  all  that  was  his  were 
swept  away,  and  as  a  last  resort  he  came  to  Washington  and  went  to 
work  as  a  laborer.  He  is  a  religious  man  and  attended  the  late 
President's  church. 

"It  was  during  the  first  administration  of  President  McKinley 
that  the  editor  became  the  laborer.  The  President  always  recognized 
him  at  church  with  a  nod  and  a  smile.  Later  the  President  made 
inquiries,  learned  of  the  man's  position,  and  sent  word  for  him  to 
visit  the  White  House. 

"But  the  laborer's  pride  forbade  him.  'No/  he  stubbornly  told 
his  friends,  'McKinley's  up  and  I  am  down  now.  He  was  always 
good  to  me,  and  I  treated  him  shabbily.  I'll  not  seek  more  favors.' 
The  laborer  stayed  away. 

"His  impulses,  however,  led  him  to  attend  the  last  New  Year's 
reception.  McKinley  recognized  him  at  once,  and  extended  both 
hands.  The  line  was  delayed  while  the  President  of  the  United 
States  urged  a  humble  citizen  to  visit  him,  and  then  the  laborer  went 
away  proud,  but  troubled. 

"'You  see/  he  explained  to  his  friends,  'ifs  not  only  that  I 
acted  wrong  years  ago ;  it's  this — I'm  not  with  McKinley  now.  I  am 
for  free  silver.  I  have  no  right  to  accept  favors  from  him/ 

"The  laborer  was  getting  old.  His  work  was  growing  too  heavy 
a  burden.  Many  friends  pressed  him  to  visit  the  President,  and  so, 
at  last,  he  went. 


"Just  what  happened  there  has  not  been  told.  But  one  thing  is 
certain — the  ex-editor  ceased  to  be  a  laborer  from  that  day.  He  has  a 
comfortable  berth  for  his  declining  years. 

"And  during  the  services  held  for  two  weeks  past  at  the  Metro 
politan  Church  one  bowed,  gray-haired  man  near  the  "'President's  pew1 
has  sent  many  a  fervent  prayer  for  the  martyr,  and  has  wept  many 
bitter  tears  for  the  man  he  once  fought  so  fiercely/' 

Welcome  of  the  West. — During  his  recent  tour  across  the  conti 
nent  there  was  nothing  which  Mr.  McKinley  enjoyed  more  than  the 
familiar  greetings  of  uncouth  but  sincere  individuals  who  were  always 
popping  up  in  unexpected  places. 

"  'McKinley,  you  are  all  right,  old  boy.  I  am  glad  you  have  come, 
and  blow  me  full  of  holes  if  I  don't  hope  you  will  come  again/  This," 
wrote  a  Cabinet  officer,  "was  the  welcome  of  the  West  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States."  He  was  an  ex-roughrider  who  had  climbed  upon 
the  rear  platform  of  the  car.  As  he  uttered  the  good  wishes  Mr. 
McKinley  grasped  his  hand,  smiled  and  thanked  him.  This  was  at 
Bowie,  Arizona.  Another  cow-puncher  in  the  crowd  at  the  station 
cried :  "Glad  to  see  you,  Bill,  but  I'll  be  hanged  if  you  ain't  got  a  soft 
snap  of  a  job/'  running  his  eyes  significantly  along  the  length  of  the 
Pullman  train  as  he  spoke. 

Always  Happy. — "The  President,"  says  the  same  writer,  "was 
always  considerate,  always  good-natured,  always  happy.  He  rises  each 
morning  apparently  refreshed,  facing  life  with  a  smiling  face.  I  think 
this  is  one  of  the  chief  secrets  of  the  President's  success.  His  disposi 
tion  is  naturally  kind.  He  wants  to  make  everyone  around  him  happy." 

Few  stories  that  have  been  told  about  the  late  President  give  a 
better  insight  into  his  character  than  the  account  which  the  boy 
reporter  of  the  New  York  World  gave,  of  a  visit  which  he  made  to  Mr. 
McKinley's  home  at  Canton  in  the  fall  of  1896.  It  has  been  often 
repeated,  but  I  feel  that  this  chapter  would  hardly  be  complete  with 
out  it. 


Interviewed  by  a  Boy  Reporter. — "I  have  been  down  to  Ohio  to 
see  Mr.  McKinley,  the  big  Republican,"  he  wrote.  "As  I  have  visited 
many  men  who  are  great,  and  as  Mr.  McKinley  seems  to  be  the  great 
est  of  all  at  present,  I  wanted  to  see  him  bad,  so  I  took  a  call  on  him  at 
Canton,  Ohio,  the  town  he  lives  in. 

"When  a  man  gets  big  like  him  he  ought  to  be  able  to  tell  boys  how 
to  become  great  too,  so  I  thought  it  would  pay  me  to  go  down  there  and 
ask  of  him  some  advice  on  how  a  young  boy  can  start  in  life  and  become 
a  great  man. 

"Canton  isn't  as  big  a  town  as  New  York,  and  everybody  in  the 
place  knows  Mr.  McKinley  and  the  family. 

"It  isn't  easy  to  ask  Major  McKinley  things  lor  the  newspapers. 
I  knew  that  before  I  started,  so  I  found  Mr.  Boyle,  his  Private  Secre 
tary,  and  told  him  I  was  the  boy  reporter  for  the  Sunday  World,  and 
all  the  boys  wanted  to  hear  about  Mr.  McKinley,  and  would  he  please 
fix  it  so  I  could  see  him.  Mr.  Boyle  was  a  newspaper  man  and  he  knew 
all  about  it,  so  I  told  him  I  didn't  want  to  talk  politics,  and  that  I 
wanted  to  ask  Mr.  McKinley  how  I  or  other  boys  could  get  to  be  as 
famous  as  he  was. 

"Then  Mr.  Boyle  laughed,  and  said  that  Major  McKinley  was  a 
very  busy  man  all  the  time,  but  as  he  liked  boys  awful  well,  I  might 
call  around  to  his  house  and  see  him  in  the  morning.  As  I  had  come 
all  the  way  from  New  York  and  wanted  to  do  so,  so  much. 

"Then  I  was  glad.  So  when  morning  came  I  got  up  early  and 
started  for  McKinley's  house,  one  thing  struck  me  awfully  funny  on 
the  road  there,  it  was  that  they  were  painting  all  the  telegraph  poles, 
and  everything  else  in  the  town,  white  and  blue;  they  seemed  tickled 
about  something  by  the  way  they  were  slapping  the  paint  all  over  the 
street,  and  I  guess  paint  is  cheap  in  Ohio,  so  I  asked  a  man  what  they 
were  painting  up  for,  and  he  said  they're  getting  ready  to  celebrate 
McKinley's  nomination. 

"So  I  knew  everybody  in  Canton  liked  the  big  Republican,  and  I 



hurried  on.  His  house  is  a  pretty  one,  made  of  wood  and  painted  white, 
on  a  fine  broad  street,  and  there  wasn't  any  basements  or  steps,  like 
we  see  in  New  York  houses. 

"It's  a.  fine  place  to  live  in,  and  I'd  like  to  live  there  myself. 

"I  knew  right  away  that  it  was  where  Mr.  McKinley  and  his  wife, 
Mrs.  McKinley,  lived,  for  Mr.  Boyle  had  told  me  what  it  looked  like; 
he  said  there  were  two  big  urns  painted  white  standing  in  the  big  lawn 
in  front  of  the  house.  They  weren't  anything  but  two  big  flower-pots, 
as  big  as  I  am. 

"I  went  up  to  the  door  and  pressed  the  button,  and  inquired  as  to 
see  Mr.  McKinley.  Its  an  electric  bell,  and  I  suppose  it  will  be  worn 
out  soon,  if  there's  many  callers  come  every  day  as  come  and  wanted  to 
see  him  as  while  1  was  there. 

"A  young  man  who  was  another  private  secretary  came  to  the  door. 
Major  McKinley  has  two  private  secretaries. 

"  'Come  right  in,'  says  he,  and  he  took  my  card,  and  went  into  a 
room  right  by  the  door.  I  asked  for  Mr.  Boyle,  but  the  young  man  took 
my  card  to  a  large  man,  in  the  front  room,  and  when  he  came  out  and 
said,  'step  right  in  here  and  sit  down/  I  walked  in,  and  there  was  a  big 
man  sitting  in  the  corner.  I  knew  him  right  off  as  soon  as  I  seen  him, 
and  I  sat  there  in  a  rocking  chair,  sizing  him  up  and  the  room  I  was  in. 

"It  was  Major  McKinley. 

Mr.  McKinley  at  Home. — "I  seen  he  had  a  round  head  with  not 
much  hair  on  the  top,  and  I  knew  it  was  him,  because  he  looked  like 
the  pictures  of  Napoleon  at  the  elevated  stations,  which  the  newspaper 
artists  make  him  look  like. 

"He  wore  eye-glasses  and  a  black  coat,  and  had  awful  big  eye 
brows,  and  he  didn't  look  like  as  if  he  was  in  a  great  hurry,  and  I  hoped 
he'd  talk  to  me  a  good  deal. 

"He  was  at  a  little  desk  looking  over  some  letters. 

"I  liked  him  right  oil,  and  then  I  looked  at  the  room.  It  was  his 
library  and  he  uses  it  as  his  office,  it  is  very  large  with  plenty  of  book- 


shelves,  which  are  full  of  his  favorite  authors,  Grant,  Lincoln  and  him 

"Pictures  were  hanging  on  the  walls  of  Grant,  Lincoln,  and  a  lot 
of  other  great  men  and  also  a  large  beautiful  picture  of  his  wife,  Mrs. 
McKinley  and  himself. 

"Then  I  looked  at  Mr.  McKinley  again,  and  I  seemed  to  be  getting 
almost  afraid  to  talk  to  him  for  I  thought  he  was  such  a  big  man,  wise 
and  great,  but  I  thought  to  myself  that  there  wasn't  any  use  for  me  to 
come  all  the  way  from  New  York  and  not  talk  to  him. 

"So  I  got  my  senses  together  and  just  then  Mr.  Boyle  came  down 
stairs  and  stepped  over  to  the  Major,  and  said  right  off  that  there  was  a 
boy  there  to  see  him.  Mr.  McKinley  got  right  up  from  his  chair  and 
stared  at  me  with  a  very  pleasant  smile  on  his  face. 

"  "This  is  Harry  Wilson/  said  Mr.  Boyle,  'who  has  come  from 
New  York  to  see  you/ 

"  Tm  pleased  to  see  you/  said  Mr.  McKinley,  and  he  gave  me  his 
hand  for  to  shake,  and  I  liked  him  more  than  ever,  because  he  acted  as 
if  he  was  real  pleased  to  see  me. 

"  'Sit  down/  said  he,  and  he  pointed  to  my  rocking  chair,  and  then 
he  sat  down  in  front  of  me  in  one  of  them  chairs  that  whirl  around 
like  the  editor's  chair.  . 

"And  I  said  to  him,  'Mr.  McKinley  I  am  more  than  pleased  to 
meet  you,  as  I  think  that  not  more  than  one  of  a  thousand  boys  could 
see  you  and  talk  with  you,  and  I'm  proud.' 

"Then  I  told  him  at  once  what  I  had  come  for,  because  I  didn't 
want  to  keep  him  from  his  work,  writing  letters  and  such  things. 

Telling  a  Boy  How  to  Become  a  Great  Man.—"  cMr.  McKinley/ 
I  said,  'I  come  to  ask  you  if  you  would  give  me  some  advice  as  to  how  a 
young  boy  can  start  in  life  and  become  a  great  man  ;  I  thought  you 
could  tell  me.' 

"I  wondered  what  he  was  going  to  say,  as  I've  asked  a  lot  of  big 
men,  like  Chauncey  Depew  and  Alderman  Muh,  the  same  thing.  He 


sat  still  for  a  moment,  holding  his  eye-glasses  with  his  right  hand  and 
pushing  the  black  bead  on  the  cord  with  his  other  hand.  T  saw  ha 
wears  a  gold  ring  on  the  left  hand  and  a  pair  of  great  big  cuff- 
buttons — not  link  buttons.,  like  the  swells  wear;  I  guess  his  wife  must 
have  given  them  to  him. 

"He  thought  a  long  time  and  then  talked  very  slowly,  and  his 
voice  was  deep. 

"  'Well/  he  said,  'first  a  boy  must  be  a  good  boy — honest,  always 
do  what  is  right,  pay  attention  to  what  he  is  doing,  and  be  a  student; 
he  must  go  to  school  all  he  can,  learn  all  his  lessons,  and  he  mustn't 
be  afraid  to  study/ 

"Then  I  thought  to  myself  what  Mr.  McKinley  had  said  was  per 
fectly  right;  then  I  paused  for  a  moment,  thinking  what  I  should 
ask  him  next.  I  had  never  been  far  outside  of  New  York  before,  and 
Canton  looked  like  a  very  small  town  to  me,  and  I  wondered  if  it  was 
a  good  place  to  make  smart  men  in. 

"  'Mr.  McKinley/  I  said,  'will  you  please  tell  me  do  you  think  a 
boy  has  as  much  chance  to  study  and  make  a  great  man  out  of  himself 
in  a  small  place  like  this  as  the  boys  in  great  cities  like  New  York 

"That  made  him  smile,  but  he  said  right  off:  'A  boy  can  make 
anything  out  of  himself  that  he  pleases,  and  he  has  just  as  much 
chance  to  do  it  in  the  country  as  in  the  city;  there  are  good  colleges 
in  small  places,  just  the  same  as  in  New  York,  and  a  boy,  if  he  wants 
to,  can  make  what  he  will  out  of  himself/ 

"He  was  beginning  to  get  warmed  up  and  was  beginning  to  talk 
fast.  He  went  on: 

"  'It  don't  make  much  difference  where  it  is  or  how  great  the  part 
he  plays,  but  it's  the  way  he  plays  it.  The  other  night  I  saw  a  play  at 
the  theatre  called  "The  Kivals."  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  Mr.  Drew,  and 
Mrs.  Drew,  and  Mrs.  Tabor,  and  Mr.  Crane,  and  Goodwin,  the 
Holland  brothers  and  Francis  Wilson  played  the  parts.  Every  one 


of  them  was  great  and  used  to  be  stars,  but  they  were  content  to  take 
some  parts  that  were  very  small  in  "The  Eivals ;"  but  they  played  them 
just  as  well  as  if  they  had  been  big. 

(e  'That  is  the  way  with  boys  and  men ;  it  isn't  so  much  to  be  great 
as  to  do  whatever  you  have  to  do  well — that  is  being  great/ 

"I  began  to  feel  as  if  I  was  hearing  a  sermon,  and  the  Major 
McKinley  looked  very  sober. 

"Then  he  got  in  a  good  word  for  Canton.  'It  isn't  such  a  small 
place/  he  said,  'and  it's  a  very  nice  town  to  live  in.  Some  of  the  best 
farms  are  out  this  way.  Before  you  go  back  to  New  York  you  had 
better  take  a  look  around/ 

"But  I  wasn't  through  with  him  yet.  I  said:  'Mr.  McKinley, 
would  you  please  be  so  kind  as  to  tell  me  when  a  boy  should  go  into 
politics  ?' 

A  Glimpse  of  Mrs.  McKinley. — "Then  he  laughed  again  and 
looked  at  his  secretary,  Mr.  Boyle,  who  looks  a  good  deal  like  Mr. 
McKinley.  Mr.  Boyle  was  going  to  say  something,  when  Mr.  McKin 
ley  suddenly  sprang  from  his  chair  into  the  hall  and  came  in  in  a  few 
moments  with  a  lady  leaning  on  his  arm. 

"It  was  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  she  was  very  sweet  looking,  and  I 
was  delighted  to  see  her,  and  I  think  she  would  make  folks  com 
fortable  if  she  lived  in  the  White  House  in  Washington. 

"Mr.  McKinley  is  very  fond  of  her,  I  am  sure,  and  he  escorted 
her  to  the  carriage,  and  she  was  going  out  for  a  morning  ride. 

"Then  he  came  back  and  sat  down  with  a  smile  on  his  face. 
When  he  was  about  to  begin  to  talk  to  me  he  was  called  away  again, 
and  stayed  away  a  few  moments  and  then  came  in  again  and  sat  down 
and  then  laughed,  and  began  to  ask  me  questions  before  I  could  ask 
him  some  more. 

"  'How  old  are  you  ?  How  long  have  you  been  working  ?'  I 
then  told  him,  and  he  wanted  to  know  how  long  I  had  been  reporting. 
I  said,  'Eight  months/ 


"He  then  said  to  me :  'Harry,  I  believe  you  must  have  a  great  deal 
of  good  advice  by  this  time/  and  the  Major  laughed.  So  did  all  the 
rest  in  the  room. 

"I  said :  'If  I  could  follow  all  I've  been  told  I'd  be  a  great  man 
pretty  quick/ 

A  Boy's  Mother. — "Mr.  McKinley  is  very  fond  of  his  mother, 
who  is  eighty-seven  years  old  and  lives  near  him,  so  I  said:  'Can  a 
boy  neglect  his  mother  and  get  along  and  be  great,  Mr.  McKinley?' 

"He  looked  very  grave  and  sad,  and  then  said: 

"  'Harry,  a  boy  should  always  be  good  to  his  mother  and  do  every 
thing  in  the  world  he  can  and  love  her.  He  must  comfort  her,  be  kind 
and  gentle  to  her,  and  not  only  do  all  he  can  to  make  her  happy,  but 
he  should  make  opportunities  to  try  and  do  everything  he  can  do/ 

"That's  just  the  Major  McKinley's  words,  because  I  wrote  them 
down  when  I  came  out  of  the  home. 

"  'A  boy  cannot  expect  to  succeed  if  he  isn't  good  to  his  mother/ 
the  Major  says.  'A  boy  should  do  all  the  work  for  her,  because  when 
the  time  comes  that  she  has  got  to  leave  for  a  greater  world  than  this, 
and  if  he  has  done  what  is  right  towards  her  all  the  time,  then  when 
the  time  comes  for  her  to  go  he  will  never  regret  the  good  he  has  done 
towards  her.' 

"Then  I  said :  'I  have  done  everything  in  the  world  I  can  do  for 
my  mother/  and  then  he  said : 

"  'That's  right,  Harry ;  do  all  you  can  at  all  times.' 

"Then  I  stopped  for  a  moment  and  said:  'If  every  boy  would 
follow  the  advice  which  you  have  given  me  he  never  will  feel  sorry  for 
the  good  work  he  has  done  for  her  when  the  end  comes.' 

"Then  I  stopped  a  moment  and  thought  that  Mr.  McKinley 
hadn't  told  me  when  a  boy  should  go  into  politics,  and  I  said: 

"  'Mr.  McKinley,  will  you  tell  me  when  a  boy  ought  to  study 
politics  ?' 

"He  then  stopped  a  moment  and  then  said  to  me : 


"  'Harry,  first  a  boy  should  study  the  history  of  his  country,  and 
learn  all  the  political  history  of  the  country.  He  should  learn  what 
the  leaders  have  done  for  their  country,  so  that  when  the  time  comes 
for  him  to  vote  he  will  be  able  to  do  so  intelligently/ 

"Then  some  more  people  came  in  to  see  him,  and  the  Major 
McKinley  went  out  into  the  hall  again,  and  I  knew  he  was  in  a  hurry, 
so  I  said  that  I  wished  to  ask  one  more  thing.  I  remember  I 
had  nearly  forgotten  one  of  the  most  important  questions. 

"I  then  said,  after  he  had  returned  from  outside  of  the  hall : 

"  'Mr.  McKinley,  I  have  just  one  more  question,  and  it  is  an 
important  one/  I  then  said:  'Would  you  tell  me  how  you  earned 
your  first  dollar?' 

"He  sank  back  in  his  chair  and  looked  as  if  that  wasn't  what  he 
expected  me  to  ask  him;  then  he  put  his  hand  up  to  the  side  of  his 
head,  as  if  to  recall  the  years  which  had  passed  by,  and  then,  with  a 
smile,  said: 

"  'Really,  I  can't  recall  the  first  dollar  that  I  earned/  He  keeped 
on  thinking,  and  I  tried  to  make  him  think  a  little  harder. 

"Then  I  said :  'Did  you  have  to  saw  wood,  did  you  have  to  drive 
oxen  all  day  long,  or  did  you  have  to  work  in  the  field  all  day  ?  Can't 
you  remember  what  you  used  to  do  to  earn  money  ?' 

"He  then  said  to  me :  'Why,  Harry,  I  did  anything  a  boy  would 
do  around  the  house.  When  I  was  a  boy  money  was  very  scarce,  and 
you  had  to  work  hard  for  what  little  money  you  got.  But  I  can't 
remember  the  first  dollar.  You  have  to  ask  me  something  easy/ 

"  'What  kind  of  books  should  a  boy  who  wants  to  be  great  read  ?' 

"  'Ah !  now  I  have  to  refer  you  to  my  private  secretary ;  he  has  a 
lecture  which  he  speaks  on  the  stage  that  tells  all  that  and  much 

"So  then  I  knew  my  talk  was  over  with  him.  I  felt  very  sorry 
to  say  good-bye,  but  I  said: 

"  'Mr.  McKinley,  I  want  to  thank  you,  for  it  was  very  good  in 
you  to  stop  to  talk  to  a  boy,  and  I  am  very  grateful/ 


"  'And  I  am  very  glad  that  you  came  to  see  me/  says  he.  Tm 
always  glad  to  talk  with  boys.  I  like  them  and  like  to  be  with  them. 
What  is  there  in  all  the  world  nicer  than  a  boy,  except  a  sweet  young 
girl  ?  Come  again,  Harry,  and  I  hope  you'll  have  the  best  of  luck  and 
do  some  good  in  the  world  with  your  work.  Send  me  a  paper.' 

"Then  we  shook  hands  again,  and  Mr.  Boyle  went  out  on  the 
porch  with  me,  and  there  was  a  lot  of  big  men — politicians,  I  guess — 
and  I  think  Mr.  McKinley  was  very  nice. to  talk  to  me  and  keep  them 
waiting  so  long. 

"I  guess  all  the  boys  who  knows  Mr.  McKinley  like  Mr.  McKin 
ley  as  well  as  he  likes  them,  because  the  boys  of  Canton.,  Ohio,  have 
already  formed  a  drum  corps.  It's  the  first  campaign  club  in  the 
country,  and  the  boys  are  very  proud  of  it.  I'd  join  if  I  lived  in 
Canton.  The  boys  all  wear  white  suits  and  drill,  and  are  going  to 
march  for  McKinley." 



While  this  sketch  was  being  prepared  the  author  wrote  to  a 
number  of  eminent  men  throughout  the  world,  asking  for  a  word  of 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  dead  President.  To  this  request  there 
was  a  most  cordial  response,,  and  it  is  a  pleasure  to  present  in  this  clos 
ing  chapter  some  valuable  estimates  prepared  especially  for  this 
volume,  along  with  other  choice  tributes  which  were  spoken  on  the  plat 
form  or  have  appeared  in  the  public  prints. 

President  Eoosevelt. — "President  McKinley  crowned  a  life  of 
largest  love  for  his  fellowmen,  of  most  earnest  endeavor  for  their  wel 
fare,  by  a  death  of  Christian  fortitude ;  and  both  the  way  in  which  he 
lived  his  life  and  the  way  in  which,  in  the  supreme  hour  of  trial,  he 
met  his  death,  will  remain  forever  a  precious  heritage  of  our  people." 

President  Diaz  (Mexico). — "I  have  been  deeply  shocked  by  this 
horrible  crime,  which  has  not  even  the  excuse  that  the  anarchist  is 
persecuted  in  the  United  States,  since,  as  is  well  known,  freedom  and 
tolerance  are  there  extended  to  him.  NOT  has  it  the  excuse  that  Presi 
dent  McKinley  was  a  ruler  of  exclusive  or  aristocratic  tendencies,  for 
he  was  by  reason  of  his  position  as  a  popular  ruler  and  his  own  per 
sonal  feelings,  sympathies  and  habits  a  good  friend  of  the  people,  a 
genuine  democrat  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  so  that  this  crime  was 
as  useless  and  unprovoked  as  it  is  abominable  in  every  respect.  With 
regard  to  Mexico,  President  McKinley  had  ever  evidenced  such 
friendly  sentiments  that  his  death  will  be  mourned  in  this  country 
hardly  less  keenly  than  in  the  United  States;  for  myself,  it  is  a  loss 
of  a  warm  personal  friend." 

Cardinal  Gibbons. — "Few  Presidents  were  better  equipped  than 
Mr.  McKinley  for  the  exalted  position  which  he  filled.  He  was  thor- 


oughly  conversant  with  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  could  enter  into 
its  most  minute  details.  His  characteristic  virtues  were  courtesy  and 
politeness,  patience  and  forbearance  and  masterly  self-control  under 
very  trying  circumstances. 

"The  domestic  virtues  of  Mr.  McKinley  were  worthy  of  all  praise. 
He  was  a  model  husband.  Amid  the  pressing  and  engrossing  duties 
of  his  official  life  he  would  from  time  to  time  snatch  a  few  moments 
to  devote  to  the  invalid  and  loving  partner  of  his  joys  and  sorrows. 
Oh !  what  a  change  has  come  over  this  afflicted  woman !  Yesterday  she 
was  the  first  lady  of  the  land.  To-day  she  is  a  disconsolate  and 
broken-hearted  widow.  Let  us  beseech  Him  who  comforted  the  widow 
of  Nain  that  He  console  this  lady  in  her  hour  of  desolation." 

Grover  Cleveland. — "He  passes  from  the  public  sight,  not  bearing 
the  wreaths  and  garlands  of  his  countrymen's  approving  acclaim,  but 
amid  the  sobs  and  tears  of  a  mourning  nation.  The  whole  nation 
loved  their  President.  His  kindly  disposition  and  affectionate  traits, 
his  amiable  consideration  for  all  around  him,  will  long  be  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen.  He  loved  them  in  return  with  such  patriotism 
and  unselfishness  that  in  this  hour  of  their  grief  and  humiliation  he 
would  say  to  them,  'It  is  God's  will,  I  am  content.  If  there  is  a 
lesson  in  my  life  or  death,  let  it  be  taught  to  those  who  live  and  have 
the  destiny  of  their  country  in  their  keeping.' 

"First  in  my  thoughts  are  the  lessons  to  be  learned  from  the 
career  of  William  McKinley  by  the  young  men  who  make  up  the  stu 
dents  to-day  of  our  university.  They  are  not  obscure  or  difficult. 
The  man  who  is  universally  mourned  to-day  was  not  deficient  in  edu 
cation,  but  with  all  you  will  hear  of  his  grand  career,  and  his  services 
to  his  country,  you  will  not  hear  that  what  he  accomplished  was  due 
entirely  to  his  education.  He  was  an  obedient  and  affectionate  son, 
patriotic  and  faithful  as  a  soldier,  honest  and  upright  as  a  citizen, 
tender  and  devoted  as  a  husband,  and  truthful,  generous,  unselfish, 
moral  and  clean  in  every  relation  of  life.  He  never  thought  any  of 


those  things  too  weak  for  his  manliness.  Make  no  mistake.  Here  was 
a  most  distinguished  man,  a  great  man,  a  useful  man,  who  became  dis 
tinguished,  great  and  useful  because  he  had,  and  retained  unimpaired, 
qualities  of  heart  which  I  fear  university  students  sometimes  feel  like 
keeping  in  the  background  or  abandoning. 

"There  is  a  more  serious  lesson  for  all  of  us  in  the  tragedy  of  our 
late  President's  death.  If  we  are  to  escape  further  attacks  upon  our 
peace  and  security  we  must  boldly  and  resolutely  grapple  with  the 
monster  of  anarchy.  It  is  not  a  thing  that  we  can  safely  leave  to  be 
dealt  with  by  party  or  partisanship.  Nothing  can  guarantee  us 
against  its  menace  except  the  teaching  and  the  practice  of  the  best 
citizenship,  the  exposure  of  the  ends  and  aims  of  the  gospel  of  discon 
tent  and  hatred  of  social  order,  and  the  brave  enactment  and  execu 
tion  of  repressive  laws. 

"The  uinversities  and  colleges  cannot  refuse  to  join  in  the  battle 
against  the  tendencies  of  anarchy.  Their  help  in  discovering  and 
warring  against  the  relationship  between  the  vicious  councils  and 
deeds  of  blood,  and  their  steadying  influence  upon  the  elements  of 
unrest,  cannot  fail  to  be  of  inestimable  value. 

"By  the  memory  of  our  martyred  President,  let  us  resolve  to  culti 
vate  and  preserve  the  qualities  that  made  him  great  and  useful,  and 
let  us  determine  to  meet  the  call  of  patriotic  duty  in  every  time  of  our 
country's  danger  and  need." 

Archbishop  Ireland. — "He  was  the  noble  citizen,  proud  of  being 
a  son  of  the  people,  brave  in  the  battlefield  amid  his  country's  peril, 
zealous  of  its  glory,  unswervingly  loyal  to  its  honor  and  its  interests. 
He  was  the  typical  President  of  the  Eepublic.  Large  minded  in  his 
vision  of  the  questions  bearing  upon  the  country's  fortune,  resolute  in 
using  the  authority  for  what  seemed  to  him  its  best  weal,  ready  as  the 
leader  of  a  self-governing  people  to  hearken  to  the  popular  voice  and 
so  far  as  principle  and  conscience  permitted,  to  obey  its  behests,  even 
to  the  sacrifice  of  his  personal  views. 


"Political  opponents  differed  from  him  in  matters  of  public 
policy.  They  did  not,  they  could  not.,  mistrust  his  sincerity  or  his  spirit 
of  justice  and  patriotism.  William  McKinley  is  now  dead,  stricken 
down  by  the  hand  of  a  vile  assassin.  This  makes  the  nation's  sorrow 
doubly  deep,  for  to  sorrow  is  added  shame — shame  before  her  own  eyes, 
before  those  of  the  world — that  in  this  land  of  civil  liberty  there  should 
have  been  found  a  man  so  overwhelmingly  bad  as  to  murder  her  Presi 
dent;  to  murder  him  who  served  so  well  his  fellow-men;  to  murder 
lii  111  who  cherished  so  tenderly  the  free  institutions  of  America;  shame 
that  within  her  own  borders  the  majesty  of  the  republic  should  have 
been  outraged  and  its  name  disgraced,  the  honor  of  humanity  assailed 
and  its  most  sacred  rights  imperiled." 

Andrew  Carnegie.— "President  McKinley  passes  into  his  place  in 
history  as  one  of  the  greatest  rulers  of  men,  through  their  affections, 
and  beloved  by  his  countrymen,  and  he  stands  forever  with  Lincoln 
and  Garfield  in  the  temple  of  martyrs,  wearing  like  them  the  holy 
crown  of  sacrifice  for  the  Republic.  Our  first  duty  in  this  crisis  is  to 
give  to  his  successor  under  the  Constitution  our  loyal  support,  in  the 
hope  and  belief  that  power  will  impress  him,  as  it  may  great 
characters  known  lo  history,  and  keep  him  in  the  path  of  his  good  and 
great  predecessor." 

General  John  B.  Gordon. — "It  was  my  privilege  to  know  William 
McKinley  well  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  I  knew  him  as  a  member 
of  Congress,  as  Governor  of  a  great  State,  and  finally  as  the  President 
of  this  great  Republic.  Through,  all  these  eventful  years  my  personal 
relations  to  him  were  most  cordial.  In  official  conferences  and  in  the 
freedom  and  abandon  of  private  intercourse  I  learned  to  admire  and 
to  love  him  ;.and  now  that  the  beatings  of  his  great  heart  are  stilledi 
forever,  I  wish  to  tell  you,  my  Southern  countrymen,  that  no  words 
of  bitterness  escaped  his  lips,  and  no  sectional  bigotry  narrowed  his 
vision  or  dwarfed  his  soul.  As  in  death  his  faith  in  God  placed  him 
near  his  Divine  Master's  side,  so  in  life  his  faith  in  his  fellow 


countrymen  lifted  him  far  above  the  passions  of  the  partisans  to  the 
high  plane  of  universal  American  brotherhood. 

"Is  it  any  wonder  then  that  such  a  man  should  be  honored  and 
loved  as  few  men  have  ever  been?  Is  it  any  wonder  that  this  city 
should  pay  him,  when  living,  the  tribute  of  her  respect,  and,  when 
dead,  the  tribute  of  her  tears?  It  was  here  that  he  uttered  those 
memorable  words  which  thrilled  through  Southern  hearts  and  homes 
as  the  heavenly  message  'Peace  on  earth  and  good  will  toward  men' 
rang  through  the  Judean  hills.  And,  my  countrymen,  it  was  no 
thoughtless  impulse  that  evoked  this  utterance.  It  was  the  sober 
expression  of  matured  convictions.  These  words  were  not  the  plea  of 
a  political  adventurer,  seeking  to  -capture  votes  by  the  demagogue's 
devices.  He  was  the  idol  of  a  victorious  political  party,  and  the 
chosen  executive  of  the  proudest  and  freest  government  on  earth.  Is 
it  any  wonder  that  Confederates  honor  this  knightly  soldier,  who,  at 
the  very  zenith  of  political  power,  paid  the  loftiest  possible  tribute  to 
former  foes  by  invoking  the  power  of  the  government  to  honor  and  pro 
tect  the  graves  of  our  immortal  dead  ?  Is  it  any  wonder  that  as  citi 
zens  of  the  reunited  republic  we  applaud  him  as  the  exemplar  of 
personal  and  social  integrity,  stainless  in  all  relations,  noble,  generous 
and  true  ?  Peace  to  his  honored  ashes !" 

Attorney-General  Griggs. — "Hear  the  concordance  of  praise  that 
comes  from  every  mind  under  the  heavens ! 

"The  East  cries,  'We  loved  him,  for  he  was  of  our  stock.  He 
thought  with  us.  He  brought  us  prosperity.  We  knew  him:  there 
fore  we  loved  him.7 

"The  West:  'He  was  of  us;  he  was  our  perfect  product.  We 
knew  him;  therefore  we  loved  him/ 

"The  North  cries :  'He  fought  for  us ;  he  wrought  for  us.  We 
understood  him ;  he  was  loyal  and  true ;  therefore  we  loved  him/ 

"The  South  cries :  'We  loved  him,  for  he  was  magnanimous  and 
just  to  the  South ;  in  war  an  honorable  f oeman,  in  peace  a  friend  and 
a  brother/ 


"Gallant  soldier,  successful  politician,  wise  legislator,  powerful 
debater,  matchless  orator,  courtly  gentleman;  courtly  in  manner 
because  courteous  in  feeling. 

"If  I  were  to  seek  a  phrase  to  describe  his  public  demeanor,  I 
would  say  it  was  'simple  greatness/ 

"And  he  was  no  mere  theoretical  academic  statesman,  filled  with 
great  zeal  and  small  sense.  His  mind  and  methods  were  of  the  prac 
tical  kind.  Xo  man  ever  appreciated  more  truly  than  he  the  real 
nature  and  quality  of  public  sentiment,  and  none  ever  understood 
better  how  to  mould  and  use  it  for  the  public  good.  He  had  faith  in 
the  common  sense  of  the  average  citizens,  and  it  was  to  their  reason, 
not  their  passion  or  their  prejudice,  that  he  always  made  his  appeals — 
and  rarely  in  vain. 

"He  was  no  trimmer,  watching  the  shifting  impulses  of  the  popu 
lace  that  he  might  trim  his  sails  to  the  momentary  gusts,  but  a  great 
pilot  scanning  always  the  waters  ahead  to  shun  the  rocks  and  whirl 
pools  and  discover  where  the  deep,  safe  channel  of  national  progress 
lay.  His  pilot  stars  were  truth  and  loyalty. 

"He  was  the  sanest  man  and  the  one  most  free  from  hasty  impulse 
and  unreasoning  prejudice  that  ever  graced  so  high  a  station." 

Senator  Hoar. — "Everything  wakes  this  morning  but  the  eyes 
for  whose  waking  all  mankind  were  praying.  Nobody  can  put  in 
words  the  national  sorrow.  I  cannot  put  in  words  my  own  for  the 
friend  I  loved,  and  who  loved  me.  We  shall  think  of  the  graver 
matters  of  state  in  due  time.  The  courage  and  wisdom  of  the  people 
will  not  fail.  But  to-day  is  given  to  pouring  out  the  mighty  love  of 
the  Republic  for  the  son  best  beloved,  who  so  loved  her  and  so  well 
served  her. 

"'Thank  God  there  is  no  division  in  the  people  to-day.  Rich  and 
poor,  Democrat  and  Republican,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  native-born 
and  foreign-born  are  mingling  their  sorrow.  The  coward  blow  that 
has  stricken  down  one  noble  life  has  strengthened  the  life  of  the 


Governor  Beckham  (Kentucky). — "He  was  a  great  and  good 
man.  His  private  life  was  pure  and  stainless  and  worthy  the  emula 
tion  of  any  man.  His  public  life,  even  to  those  who,  like  myself, 
differed  from  him  in  politics,  was  a  model  of  patriotism  and  statesman 
ship.  Big-hearted  and  broad-minded,  he  never  showed  any  of  that 
bitterness  and  prejudice  usually  engendered  by  sectional  warfare  or 
political  contests,  and  to-day,  regardless  of  politics  or  creed,  in  the 
South  as  well  as  the  North,  in  the  West  as  well  as  in  the  East,  the 
heart  of  every  good  American  citizen  is  bowed  deep  in  grief  over  the 
death  of  our  honored  and  beloved  President." 

Governor  Geer  (Oregon). — "President  McKinley  stood  in  life,  as 
he  will  forever  stand  in  the  history  of  his  country,  as  a  model  product  of 
American  citizenship,  and  the  high  standard  he  reached  and  main 
tained,  both  in  his  domestic  life  and  in  the  public  service,  will  be  a 
guide  for  American  homes  and  an  inspiration  in  governmental  affairs 
for  generations  to  come.  He  had  been  constantly  before  the  American 
people  as  their  servant  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  his  continually 
growing  popularity  only  reached  its  summit  on  the  day  of  his  death. 
The  common  people  of  the  country  have  lost  a  lifelong  friend  and  the 
spirit  of  government  an  able  advocate  and  an  unfaltering  devotee." 

Governor  Candler  (Georgia). — "The  death  of  President  McKinley 
is  one  of  the  greatest  calamities  which  has  ever  befallen  this  country. 
There  is  not  one  of  the  80,000,000  people  of  this  great  nation  but  has 
a  personal  grief  because  of  his  untimely  taking  off.  He  was  a  great 
and  good  man. 

"Great  as  a  soldier,  great  as  a  citizen,  great  as  a  statesman,  broad 
and  liberal  in  all  his  views — the  first  of  all  the  chief  magistrates  of 
this  Eepublic  for  forty  years  to  come  among  us  with  his  heart  in  his 
hand — he  did  more  to  bridge  the  bloody  chasm  than  all  the  men  in  the 
Republic.  He  was,  therefore,  more  honored  by  the  people  of  this  sec 
tion  than  any  chief  magistrate  we  have  had  for  these  forty  years. 

"He  was  great  intellectually  and  morally.    In  his  domestic  rela- 


tiojis  ho  was  great.  The  devotion  he  manifested  to  his  stricken  wii'e 
and  his  loving  mother  was  sublime.  The  immortal  Washington  was 
slandered  and  maligned;  Jefferson  v\as  denounced;  every  President 
and  every  candidate  for  President  has  heen  assailed  with  calumny 
except  William  ILcKinlcy  and  the  man  who  lias  run  against  him, 
William  J.  Bryan.  They  were  not  maligned.  Xo  voice  was  raised 
against  their  private  lives,  and  they  merited  the  treatment  they  thus 
received  at  the  hands  of  their  countrymen.  President  McKinley  was 
as  broad  as  the  entire  Republic/' 

Governor  Heard  (Louisiana). — "The  South  has  lost  a  friend 
and  the  country  a  great  and  good  man.  Xo  President  since  the  Civil 
War  has  done  more  to  destroy  the  feeling  resulting  from  that  strife 
and  unite  the  two  sections  in  cordial  friendship  than  President 
McKinley.  He  had  great  faith  and  confidence  in  the  mass  of  the 
people,  and  it  is  dreadful  to  contemplate  that  he  should  lose  his  life 
while  exhibiting  that  confidence  by  mingling  with  the  people.  His 
home  life  was  beautiful,  and  his  devotion  to  his  invalid  wife  won  for 
him  the  affectionate  regard  of  all  good  people." 

Governor  Toole  (Montana) . — "History  will  accord  the  late  Presi 
dent  a  high  niche  in  the  gallery  of  statesmen.  His  messages  and 
public  documents  reflect  a  wide  range  of  experience,  a  fluency  of  learn 
ing  and  copiousness  of  thought.  His  broad,  generous,  hospitable 
nature  invited  confidence  and  suffered  no  official  distance  of  age  or 
station  to  intervene  between  himself  and  his  countrymen,  who  pro 
foundly  respected  him.  He  wras  void  of  dogmatism  and  intolerance, 
as  he  was  of  indolence  and  selfishness.  He  leaves  in  the  hearts  of  all 
who  knew  him,  and  the  most  with  those  who  knew  him  best,  profound 
regrets  and  tear-honored,  hallowed  memories/' 

Governor  Tyler  (Virginia). — "His  courtesy  and  kindness  and  his 
desire  to  help  Virginia  will  not  be  forgotten.  He  was  a  man  without 
bitterness,  whose  life  was  crowned  by  his  effort  to  abolish  sectional  lines 
and  whose  death  cements  the  completion  of  his  cherished  work.  By 


his  wise  and  statesmanlike  policy  our  people  are  brought  closer 
together,  and  the  flag  of  our  common  country  is  made  dearer  to  the 
hearts  of  all." 

Governor  Hunn  (Delaware). — "The  earthly  career  of  William 
McKinley  is  closed,  but  in  the  loving  memory  of  his  country  it  has 
just  begun.  Men  will  strive  to  emulate  him;  he  needs  no  special 
eulogy ;  his  life  as  a  soldier,  a  statesman  and  a  husband  was  conspicuous 
for  bravery,  high  ability  and  loving  devotion ;  he  was  one  of  the  ablest 
executives  our  great  nation  has  ever  had,  a  nobleman  of  nature,  by 
nature  richly  endowed." 

Governor  Jordan  (New  Hampshire) , — "The  people  of  New  Hamp 
shire  knew  of  William  McKinley;  of  his  soldier  life,  as  he  was  fol 
lowing  and  supporting  the  flag  of  his  country  on  many  battlefields; 
of  his  brilliant  career  in  the  popular  branch  of  Congress;  of  his 
splendid  record  as  the  chief  executive  of  his  native  State;  of  his  great 
work  upon  the  platform  in  advocacy  of  home  markets,  home  industries 
and  home  protection  before  he  was  twice  triumphantly  elected  to  the 
highest  office  in  the  gift  of  any  people.  They  know  that  as  President 
of  our  Republic  he  has  modestly,  but  yet  bravely,  met  and  wisely  solved 
greater  questions,  national  and  international,  than  came  to  any  other 
of  our  Presidents,  save  the  immortal  Lincoln;  that  his  last  message 
to  the  public,  uttered  upon  the  threshold  of  eternity,  was  one  of  peace, 
reciprocity,  good  faith  and  good-will;  that  he  was  the  embodiment  of 
all  that  was  good  and  true  in  the  home  circle;  the  personification  of 
honor  and  honesty  in  private  and  in  public ;  that  he  has  so  borne  him 
self  in  the  affairs  of  men  and  nations  as  to  unite  all  sections  of  his 
own  loved  country,  make  friends  and  admirers  of  all  his  people,  and 
win  the  respect  of  all  the  great  powers  of  the  world." 

Senator  Foster. — "I  believe  that  President  McKinley  was  a  friend 
of  the  South.  I  do  not  think  that  in  any  sense  of  the  word  he  was  a 
sectional  President.  I  believe  especially  in  his  last  term  of  office  he 

felt  an  interest  in  the  development  of  the  South  and  the  upbuilding 


of  its  industries;  and  when  in  the  last  Congress  sectional  legislation 
was  suggested  against  our  people  on  political  lines,  as  evidenced  by  the 
Crumpacker  bill,  he  emphatically  discouraged  and  opposed  such  a 
course  on  the  part  of  his  party,  and  the  South  can  still  feel  grateful 
to  him  for  his  patriotic  stand. 

"During  his  visit  to  New  Orleans,  by  his  courtly  bearing,  pleasing 
address  and  affable  manners,,  he  gained  the  good  will  and  the  good 
wishes  of  our  entire  population.  The  people  of  this  State,  in  common 
with  those  of  our  whole  country,  mourn  his  untimely  death  in  heart 
felt  grief." 

David  B.  Hill. — "Every  good  citizen  laments  the  death  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley.  Death  by  assassination  is  always  terrible,  and  the 
country  is  to-day  staggering  under  the  severe  shock.  The  President 
deserved  to  live.  He  was  just  entering  upon  a  career  of  usefulness 
greater  than  he  had  ever  known  before.  As  an  official  he  was  distin 
guished  as  safe  and  conservative,  always  ready  to  respect  the  popular 
will.  He  was  a  model  citizen  in  all  his  relations  in  life.  He  cherished 
no  animosities,  and  well  understood  and  observed  the  amenities  which 
should  always  accompany  political  differences  in  a  free  country  like 
ours.  He  has  shown  his  greatness  and  patriotism  in  his  recent 
announcement  that  under  no  circumstances  would  he  tolerate  the  sug 
gestion  of  a  third  term  for  the  Presidency,  thereby  loyally  adhering 
to  the  best  traditions  of  the  Republic." 

Congressman  Sulzer  (New  York). — "As  a  member  of  Congress  I 
knew  President  William  McKinley  well.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
amiable  gentlemen  I  ever  met  in  public  life.  It  was  very  difficult  for 
him  to  say  no  even  to  a  political  opponent.  His  kindly  manner  and 
genial,  sunshiney  disposition  disarmed  political  criticism  and  turned 
foes  into  friends.  He  probably  had  fewer  political  enemies  than  any 
other  President  of  the  United  States.  To  see  him  was  to  admire  him, 
to  know  him  was  to  love  him. 

"Although  often  compelled  to  differ  with  him  in  the  performance 


of  my  legislative  duty,  as  I  sa^  it,  I  always  admired  and  respected  him 
as  a  man  and  the  Chief  Executive  of  this  great  Republic. 

"He  was  a  politician  in  the  best  sense  of  the  term,  and  had  states 
manlike  qualities  of  a  very  high  order.  He  exemplified  in  his  per 
sonality,  more  than  any  other  man  in  public  life,  the  principles  of  his 
party,  adhered  to  them  most  tenaciously,  and  his  monument  will  rest 
on  the  great  work  he  did  in  carrying  them  out  and  placing  them  on  the 
statute  books  of  his  country. 

"He  was  farseeing,  wise,  brave,  considerate  and  sagacious.  He 
did  things,  and  he  always  did  them  at  the  opportune  time.  He  was 
probably  the  greatest  opportunist  this  country  has  ever  produced. 

"He  was  an  absolutely  honest  man,  a  true  and  tried  and  trusted 
friend,  a  loving  husband,  a  soldier,  a  diplomat,  and  a  statesman. 

"His  cruel,  appalling  and  uncalled-for  assassination  made  Chris 
tendom  mourn. 

"Impartial  history  will  give  him  a  high  niche  in  its  temple  of 
fame,  his  works  will  live,  and  his  virtues  ever  shine  in  the  loyal  hearts 
of  his  patriotic  countrymen." 

Senator  Dolliver  (Iowa).  —  "A  long  acquaintance  with  the  late 
President,  in  the  intimacy  of  a  personal  friendship  which  ended  only 
with  his  life,  has  always  saved  me  from  that  error  of  judgment  which 
has  in  some  quarters  underrated  his  abilities  and  underestimated  the 
value  of  his  public  services,  but  standing  here  before  yet  the  flowers 
have  withered  which  cast  their  faded  beauty  upon  his  grave,  I  declare 
my  solemn  belief  that  no  achievement  of  his  great  career,  no  triumph 
of  his  speech  will  weigh  so  much  for  the  welfare  of  the  world  as  the 
everlasting  ministry  of  the  stainless  life  which  he  lived  in  the  faith  of 
the  mother  who  taught  him  first  to  repeat  the  words  of  the  Master,, 
'Thy  will  be  done/  " 

Senator  Clay  (Georgia).  —  "I  shall  never  forget  the  impression 
he  made  upon  me  when  I  first  met  him.  He  then  steadily  grew  in 
my  esteem,  and  I  say  that  I  loved  him  as  a  pure,  good  and  just  man. 


He  was  universally  popular  with  both  branches  of  Congress,  regardless 
of  politics,  because  he  demonstrated  to  them  all  that  he  loved  his  fel- 
lowman.  No  man  can  be  great  unless  he  is  good.  Even  his  political 
enemies  accorded  to  him  the  greatest  integrity  and  the  most  scrupu 
lous  honor. 

"Go  to  those  who  know  him  best.  They  loved  him,  they  honored 
him ;  they  believed  he  was  entitled  to  every  trust  and  every  confidence. 
What  higher  tribute  could  be  paid  to  his  memory  ? 

"I  can  never  forget  his  love  and  affection  for  the  American  people. 
We  all  feel  sad  that  he  is  gone;  but,  my  friends  his  life  and  death 
teach  us  a  lesson.  His  life  had  been  as  tender  and  as  guileless  as  that 
of  a  child.  His  death  was  that  of  a  saint."  .... 

"President  McKinley  would  have  been  great  even  if  he  had  never 
been  associated  with  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
because  he  was  pure  and  good  and  just.  The  loveliness  of  his  domestic 
life  has  been  the  theme  of  every  tongue.  On  all  occasions  and  every 
where  he  was  ready  to  administer  to  his  beloved  wife.  It  was  ever 
thus,  and  the  bravest  of  men  are  always  the  tenderest  men  in  their 
homes.  Let  us  teach  our  sons  and  daughters  to  emulate  his  home  life. 

"President  McKinley  illustrated  in  his  public  and  private  life 
his  faith  and  love  for  Christianity.  He  loved  little  children,  he  loved 
his  home,  he  loved  humanity,  he  loved  God  and  he  practiced  the  teach 
ings  of  the  meek  and  lowly  Nazarene.  He  was  great  in  his  life,  but 
surpassingly  great  in  his  death.  Bowing  to  the  decision  of  the  Master, 
his  noble  spirit  took  its  flight  to  a  sweeter  and  better  land/' 

Senator  Pettus  (Alabama). — "It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to 
know  every  President  of  the  United  States  from  Andrew  Jackson  down 
to  the  present  presiding  officer — I  have  known  them  all,  like  a  private 
citizen — but  I  say  here  to-day  that  unless  General  Jackson  was  so,  I 
have  never  seen  a  man  in  the  President's  chair  who  conducted  himself 
so  graciously,  so  kindly,  so  politely,  to  every  man  of  every  class  and 
description  who  had  to  come  before  him.  He  was  a  gracious,  gentle, 


kind  man  in  all  his  relations  of  life,  especially  so  in  his  personal  asso 
ciations.  He  was  a  good  man;  all  his  instincts  were  those  of  benefit 
to  man.  I  really  believe  he  loved  his  fellowmen,  and  according  to  his 
opinion  tried  to  benefit  them." 

John  Wanamaker. — "I  am  speechless  with  sorrow  that  another 
American  President  must  lie  with  Lincoln  and  Garfield  in  a  martyr's 
grave.  His  vision  of  the  glory  of  America  in  the  near  future,  by  the 
completion  of  the  public  measures  of  his  administration  outlined  in 
his  last  public  address  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition  nine  days 
ago,  deepens  the  sorrow  that  will  be  universal  that  he  is  not  to  live 
to  finish  the  great  work  in  hand.  I  cannot  think  of  any  other  event 
that  could  plunge  the  nation  in  such  grief  or  touch  the  liberty-loving 
world  so  profoundly  with  regret  as  this  sudden,  uncalled-for  sacrifice 
of  our  President." 

Governor  Voorhees  (New  Jersey). — "A  pure-minded  man  and 
noble  patriot  is  dead,  but  the  world  is  better  because  he  has  lived. 
The  President's  death  is  a  great  calamity,  and  the  grief  of  his  coun 
trymen  will  be  universal  and  sincere.  He  was  a  man  of  broad  mind, 
and  his  love  for  his  country  was  unbounded.  The  purity  of  his  life 
and  his  able  statesmanship  will  be  held  in  the  memory  of  his  country 
men  for  all  time." 

Joseph  H.  Manley. — "We  shall  now  realize  what  a  supremely 
good  man  was  our  beloved  President,  and  appreciate  how  great  is  our 
loss.  Every  one  feels  that  he  increased  the  happiness  of  all  mankind 
and  added  to  the  glory  and  advancement  of  all  the  world." 

Congressman  Sperry  (Connecticut). — "Great-hearted,  noble- 
minded  and  loyal  to  his  country,  his  death  is  a  great  blow,  and  we  shall 
realize  it  more  and  more  as  the  years  roll  on." 

Mayor  Mims  (Atlanta). — "Brightly  shines  the  light  that 
illumines  the  names  of  his  predecessors;  but  forever  resplendent  in 

living  letters  will  be  the  name  of  William  McKinley His 

last  visit  to  Atlanta  was  as  the  guest  of  the  city,  as  President,  to 


attend  our  notable  Peace  Jubilee.  Perhaps  even  more  than  the  peace  we 
were  called  to  celebrate  was  the  actual  peace  message  he  declared 
in  yonder  capitol,  when  he  pronounced  the  doom  of  sectionalism 
throughout  the  country,  when  he  declared  that  Confederate  graves 
and  cemeteries  should  have  the  same  governmental  care  as  others; 
then  he  made  himself  especially  beloved,,  not  only  by  every  true  South 
ern  man,  but  good  men  everywhere.  Oh,  there  is  the  sentiment  in  all 
this  too  deep  for  utterance,  for  thus  he  touched  the  great  warm  beating 
heart  of  the  South  in  its  tenderest  spot — the  respect  and  care  for  their 
honored  dead — but  as  the  President,  not  of  a  section,  but  the  whole 
people,  a  united  people,  and  by  this  speech  more  united  than  ever 
before.  Here  was  the  exhibition  of  true  greatness;  nay,  more,  he 
restored  back  to  the  nation  our  true  Southern  soldiers  as  brigadiers 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States — Fitzhugh  Lee  and  Joe  Wheeler. 
They  have  proven  to  the  country  his  patriotic  wisdom.  History  will 
forever  perpetuate  his  fame,  unborn  generations  will  call  him  blessed, 
and  here  on  this  spot,  sacred  above  all  others  for  the  utterances  he 
has  given,  let  a  fitting  monument,  pointing  heavenward,  be  reared 
on  which,  in  enduring  letters,  shall  be  inscribed  the  name  of  William 

Senator  Cockrell. — "In  all  essential  characteristics  of  the  true 
American  Christian  citizen,  soldier,  statesman  and  official,  President 
McKinley  was  the  best  and  most  illustrious  exemplar  of  this  genera 
tion  for  the  guidance  of  the  people  of  all  ages." 

Hon.  Hoke  Smith  (Georgia). — Mr.  McKinley  rose  from  simple 
walks  and  through  many  public  trusts  to  the  highest  office.  His 
record  will  stand  severest  scrutiny.  It  shines  with  the  noblest  of 
human  traits. 

"He  loved  with  all  the  ardor  of  his  nature  his  God,  his  country 
and  his  fellowmen. 

"We  of  this  section  owe  him  a  special  debt.  It  needed  not  Car 
denas  and  Santiago  to  remove  all  bitterness  from  the  Southern  heart. 


We  had  been  at  home  in  our  father's  house  for  thirty  years,  and  we 
loved  all  its  inmates;  but  we  needed  the  great  brain  and  warm  heart 
and  fervent  words  of  this  loyal  lover  of  all  States  to  free  every 
thought  of  criticism;  to  show  the  American  people  the  patriotism  of 
their  brethren. 

"His  public  services  have  been  great;  his  private  services  not  less 
so.  In  the  home  life  must  be  preserved  the  safeguard  of  our  country's 
future.  What  an  example  he  has  set !  What  a  standard  he  has  raised ! 

"How  thoughtful,  how  pure,  how  tender,  as  he  fell  back  with  the 
very  wound  that  slew  him,  asking  that  the  news  be  not  exaggerated 
to  the  partner  of  his  trials  and  his  joys. 

"He  had  lived  the  life  of  an  earnest  professor  of  faith  in  Jesus 
Christ.  The  highest  honors  could  not  shake  his  faith,  or  move  his 
trust  or  hopes. 

"To  his  fellowmen  he  did  his  greatest  service  as  he  died.  The 
greatest  of  earthly  rulers,  he  yielded  without  a  murmur  to  the  Heavenly 
Kuler.  From  his  lofty  elevation,  from  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate 
over  80,000,000  people,  his  answer  to  the  call  was:  'It  is  God's 
way;  His  will,  not  ours,  be  done/  and  then,  with  his  last  breath,  he 
sang  'Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee/ 

"It  was  his  last  message  to  the  American  people  and  to  the 
civilized  world  and  it  will  be  repeated  and  heard  and  known  for  years 
and  years  to  come.  His  greatest  message,  his  greatest  service  to  his 
fellowmen,  his  country  and  his  God. 

"He  has  given  up  the  corruptible  to  put  on  incorruption.  He 
has  given  up  the  mortal  to  put  on  immortality,  and  that  which  was 
written  has  been  brought  to  pass,  death  is  swallowed  up  in  victory. 

"Thanks  be  to  God,  death  had  for  him  no  sting,  and  even  the 
grave  was  to  him  a  victory." 

Judge  Emory  Speer  (Georgia). — "Of  the  man  himself  it  is  freely 
conceded  by  those  who  were  his  foemen  in  war,  and  who  are  his  oppo 
nents  in  peace,  that  his  is  the  highest  type  of  the  American  citizen.  In 


his  personal  characteristics,  he  is,  of  Washington,  the  noble  and 
serene;  of  Madison,  the  persuasive  and  indefatigable;  of  Jackson,  the 
fiery  and  fearless;  of  Lincoln,  the  mighty-souled  and  humane;  of 
Grant,  the  stern  and  silent  in  battle,  and  the  gentlest  to  the  van 
quished  in  victory;  of  Arthur,  the  exquisite  charm  of  whose  graceful 
and  gentle  manners  will  linger  ever  in  the  memory  of  those  who 
knew  him :  of  these  illustrious  Presidents,  this  unpretentious  American 
gentleman  by  all,  save  an  occasional  craft}''  and  ungenerous  partisan, 
is  deemed  the  worthy  and  meritorious  successor.  .  .  .  The  admin 
istration  of  William  McKinley  and  its  great  achievements  will  receive 
proud  recompense.  He  will  live  in  history  as  the  first  President  who 
directed  the  energies  of  this  nation  in  a  great  and  successful  war 
beyond  the  seas.  Greater  civic  renown  may  yet  be  his,  but  to  my 
mind  the  crowning  glory  of  his  life  will  be  found  in  those  simple 
words  of  proffered  kindly  national  recognition  of  the  honor  due  the 
sacred  ashes  of  his  once  incomparable  foes." 

Ex-Congressman  H,  St.  George  Tucker. — "I  served  with  Presi 
dent  McKinley  in  the  House  in  the  stormy  Eeed  Congress,  when 
feeling  between  the  opposing  parties  was  intense,  but  Major  McKinley, 
by  his  uniform  courtesy  and  kindness  of  manner,  was  never  the 
object  of  personal  animosities.  He  was  my  personal  friend,  and  I 
shall  always  retain  with  increasing  pleasure  the  many  evidences  of 
his  friendship  and  his  kindness  of  heart." 

Senator  Foraker. — "His  fame  will  be  chiefly  associated  with  his 
conduct  of  the  Spanish-American  war,  the  freedom  of  Cuba,  the 
acquisition  of  our  insular  territories  and  the  solution  of  the  many 
difficult  and  far-reaching  problems  arising  therefrom. 

"He  did  not  seek  war ;  on  the  contrary,  he  did  all  he  could  honor 
ably  to  avert  it;  but  when  it  came  he  did  not  shrink  from  its  require 

"He  met  them  with  a  purpose  unselfishly  consecrated  to  the 
honor  and  glory  of  the  Republic. 


"He  was  in  reality,  as  in  name,  the  Commander-in- Chief  of  the 
army  and  the  navy  of  the  United  States.  He  marshaled  our  forces 
on  land  and  on  sea  and  struck  quick  and  hard  and  everywhere. 

"Not  a  regiment  was  organized,  not  a  ship  was  put  in  commission, 
not  a  movement  was  made,  not  a  battle  was  fought,  except  with  his 
personal  knowledge,  approval  and  direction. 

"The  unbroken  series  of  victories  that  crowned  our  arms  and 
glorified  our  flag  were  his  as  well  as  those  of  our  gallant  soldiers  and 

Governor  Odell  (New  York). — "I  had  known  the  President  in 
his  official  position,  and  had  learned  to  respect  him  for  his  many 
good  qualities  and  for  his  devotion  to  duty.  It  seemed  to  me  that 
now,  when  he  was  about  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  wise  policies,  and 
when  the  care  and  anxiety  incident  to  his  first  term  were  to  be  followed 
in  his  second  term  by  the  consummation  to  the  full  of  these  policies, 
it  was  lamentable  that  he  could  not  have  been  spared  to  rejoice  with 
the  American  people  over  the  wisdom  of  his  course." 

Senator  Platt, — "In  President  McKinley's  death  the  country  has 
sustained  a  distinct  and  overwhelming  loss,  and  those  who  have  been 
associated  with  him  in  his  administration,  both  in  the  advisory  and 
in  the  legislative  capacity,  feel  a  most  poignant  sorrow.  During  the 
past  four  years  and  a  half  I  have  become  greatly  impressed  by  his 
admirable  personality,  and  my  respect  and  regard  for  him  as  a  Presi 
dent  and  as  a  man  were  becoming  more  intense  with  the  passage  of  time 
and  the  occurrence  of  opportunities  for  contact  with  him.  His 
national  spirit  was  patriotic  and  tolerant  in  the  extreme.  He  has 
created  a  place  in  the  affections  of  the  people  seldom  acquired  by 
presidents  or  kings,  and  his  untimely  demise  leaves  us  all  crushed 
under  a  burden  of  grief  and  sorrow." 

John  D.  Long,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. — "Our  mourning  is  great, 
but  our  mourning  for  his  death  should  be  less  than  our  gratitude 
for  his  life.  It  is  fitting  that  all  denominations  of  the  Christian 


Church  are  one  in  the  recognition  of  his  virtues  and  the  examples 
of  his  life.  His  was  a  life  of  modesty  and  virtue,  typical  of  the  best 
that  is  in  American  manhood.  His  was  an  administration  more 
significant  than  any  since  the  time  of  Lincoln,  with  whom  he  ranks. 
But,  amid  all  the  strenuous  strife  and  turmoil  of  the  last  war,  it  is 
as  a  man  of  peace  that  we  think  of  McKinley.  The  residents  of 
Washington  will  mourn  less  the  death  of  the  statesman  than  the 
passing  away  of  the  fellow-citizen.  It  is  for  his  many  traits  of  kindness 
that  he  was  dearly  loved.  The  lawyer,  the  statesman,  the  President 
are  revered  and  appreciated,  but  his  simple  human  qualities  cause 
McKinley  to  be  loved  most.  His  greatest  impulse  was  always  to  do 
all  in  his  power  to  make  his  fellowmen  better  and  happier." 

Dr.  F.  P.  Venable,  President  University  of  North  Carolina. — 
"William  McKinley  proved  himself  a  good  President,  administering 
all  of  the  affairs  of  his  great  office  with  conscientious  fidelity  to  duty 
and  with  a  quiet  wisdom  which  has  steadied  the  people  under  trying 
circumstances.  He  showed  also  in  his  life  a  high  type  of  Christian 
manhood,  true  to  his  country,  his  loved  ones  and  his  God/' 

Senator  J.  C.  Burrows. — "It  may  be  said  with  truth.  I  think, 
that  few  men  either  in  public  or  private  life  ever  held  so  large  and  so 
secure  a  place  in  the  affections  of  a  people  as  did  William  McKinley. 
This  is  deservedly  so.  In  private  life  and  personal  character  he  was 
an  exemplar,  and  his  public  career  was  marked  by  sincerity,  patriotism 
and  fidelity  to  duty.  Above  all  he  was  a  Christian  gentleman.  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  administration  will  be  assigned  a  place  in  American 
history  scarcely  less  important  than  that  of  Washington  and  Lincoln. 
Washington  guided  the  Ship  of  State  in  the  beginning  of  our  national 
voyage  and  with  steady  hand  and  matchless  wisdom  set  its  course. 
Lincoln  with  exalted  patriotism  and  sublime  courage  rescued  it  from 
the  perils  of  tempestuous  seas  threatening  to  engulf  it.  McKinley, 
with  a  love  of  humanity  and  a  faith  which  laid  hold  on  the  Infinite, 
turned  its  prow  in  a  new  and  untried  course  and  although  the  port  of 


our  destiny  is  not  yet  in  view  we  have  gone  far  enough  to  discover 
that  it  brings  to  us  a  broader  horizon,  enlarged  opportunities  and  a 
more  exalted  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Congressman  Champ  Clark  (Missouri). — "The  twice-elected  Chief 
of  this  puissant  Eepublic  is  dead  and  the  people  mourn.  The  wail 
of  the  nation's  sorrow  rolls  over  the  land  like  the  voice  of  many  waters. 

"Moved  by  that  wondrous  touch  of  nature  which  makes  the  whole 
world  kin,  the  people  of  every  civilized  country,  from  the  king  upon 
his  throne  to  the  peasant  in  his  hovel,  obeying  St.  Paul's  injunction : 
'Rejoice  with  them  that  do  rejoice  and  weep  with  them  that  weep' — 
look  toward  our  shores  this  day  with  saddened  hearts  and  tearful  eyes. 

"The  murder  of  no  other  public  man  would  have  astonished  and 
shocked  the  people  so  much — for  McKinley  was  one  of  the  most 
lovable  of  all  the  sons  of  men.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  no  man  ever  had 
the  kindly  side  of  his  nature  more  fully  developed. 

"Considering  the  length  and  eminence  of  his  public  service  and 
the  many  contests  in  which  he  participated,  he  aroused  personal 
animosities  in  a  singularly  small  degree.  Men  fought  his  policies 
tooth  and  nail,  while  retaining  respect  and  fondness  for  him.  Most 
of  his  competitors  for  the  prizes  great  and  small  of  politics  were 
counted  among  his  friends.  In  the  private  relations  of  life  he  was 
an  ideal  citizen — an  affectionate  son,  a  devoted  husband,  a  loyal  friend 
and  he  discharged  his  official  duties  with  such  dignity  and  courtesy 
that  his  virtues  did  plead  like  angels,  trumpet-tongued,  against 
the  deep  damnation  of  his  taking  off. 

"He  was  a  cordial  host  and  dispensed  the  traditional  hospitalities 
of  the  White  House  in  such  hearty  fashion  that  the  humblest  of  his 
guests  felt  welcome  within  those  historic  walls.  He  was  a  gracious, 
graceful,  amiable,  handsome,  tactful  gentleman,  with  a  rare  faculty 
of  rendering  comfortable  all  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  popular  men  ever  domiciled  in  that  greatly 
coveted  mansion — being  much  stronger  than  his  party. 


"From  early  boyhood  to  the  day  of  his  death  he  acted  upon 
King  Solomon's  precept,  'Whatsoever  thy  hand  findeth  to  do,  do  it 
with  thy  might/ 

"'Seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  business?  He  shall  stand 
before  kings' — not  only  before  kings  but  in  this  instance  above  them, 
for  it  is  a  higher  honor  to  be  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  Eepublic  than 
to  occupy  any  hereditary  throne  in  Christendom  or  out  of  it;  and 
what's  more,  a  President  who  possesses  the  love  and  confidence  of  the 
American  people,  who  is  animated  by  their  spirit  and  who  voices  their 
will,  exercises  greater  power  than  any  potentate  on  the  whole  face 
of  the  earth.  This  is  not  an  idle  boast  but  is  a  sober  and  pregnant  his 
toric  fact. 

"Whether  country  schoolmaster,  private  soldier,  sergeant,  lieu 
tenant,  captain  or  major,  prosecuting  attorney,  representative  in 
Congress,  governor  or  president,  Mr.  McKinley  measured  up  to  the 
duties  of  his  station. 

"While  having  no  claims  to  eloquence,  he  was  a  terse,  luminous, 
forceful  and  impressive  speaker. 

"He  loved  learning,  but  one  of  the  misfortunes  of  public  life 
is  that  it  affords  little  leisure  for  literary  pursuits.  Lord  Bacon 
declared  that  he  took  all  knowledge  for  his  province.  That  was  a 
gorgeous  conception  and  it  is  an  immeasurable  loss  to  humanity  that 
Bacon  turned  his  colossal  intellect — the  most  exquisite  ever  housed  in 
human  skill — from  literary  and  philosophic  ends  to  seeking  the 
paltry  rewards  of  law  and  the  fleeting  honors  of  politics. 

"The  public  man  must  be  content  to  cultivate  an  infinitesimal 
corner  of  the  rich  and  boundless  domain  which  the  Father  of  the 
Inductive  Philosophy  pre-empted  as  his  own. 

"Events  of  gravest  import  and  of  far-reaching  consequences 
occurred  during  Mr.  McKinley's  administration  and  beyond  all  cavil 
he  will  occupy  a  large  place  in  history.  For  weal  or  woe  his  Presi 
dency  marks  a  most  memorable  epoch  in  our  annals,  To  undertake 


to  fix  his  status  among  presidents  and  statesmen  would  be  the  merest 
guess  work  and  a  sheer  waste  of  time. 

"We  are  too  close  to  him. 

"A  man's  just  and  ultimate  place  in  history  is  not  determined 
amid  the  clangor  of  factional  strife,  the  frenzy  of  partisan  triumphs, 
or  the  solemn  scenes  of  the  funeral  time. 

"As  the  race  of  prophets  is  extinct,  the  results  of  the  policies  of 
which  Mr.  McKinley  was  the  most  masterful  proponent  can  not  be 
foretold  with  anything  approximating  certainty. 

"The  contemporary  opinion  in  his  own  country  touching  any 
prominent  actor  in  earthly  affairs  frequently  varies  widely  from  the 
verdict  of  posterity.  The  latter  is  the  award  of  the  court  of  last 
resort  as  to  all  human  achievement  and  reputation. 

"When  Lord  Bacon,  who  richly  deserves  the  title  of  'The  Modern 
Solomon/  came  to  write  his  will,  he  incorporated  into  it  this  philo 
sophic  and  prophetic  sentence — the  most  pitiful  and  pathetic  in  our 
vernacular :  'For  my  name  and  memory,  I  leave  it  to  men's  charitable 
speeches  and  to  foreign  nations  and  the  next  age/ 

"Mr.  McKinley,  unlike  the  great  Lord  Chancellor,  was  not  com 
pelled  to  leave  his  'name  and  memory  to  men's  charitable  speeches' — 
for  there  was  nothing  base  or  sordid  in  his  nature  and  career  as  there 
were  in  Bacon's  — and  every  tongue  has  something  to  utter  in  praise 
of  him;  but  he  can  not  escape — perhaps  he  need  not  fear — the  judg 
ment  of  'foreign  nations  and  the  next  age,'  whose  good  opinion  the 
illustrious  Englishmen  so  proudly  and  so  confidently  challenged. 

"Benjamin  Disraeli,  Lord  Beaconsfield,  the  most  brilliant  Eng 
lishman  of  the  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  stoutly  maintained 
that,  'the  contemporary  verdict  of  foreign  nations  is  identical  with 
the  verdict  of  posterity/  If  that  be  true,  Mr.  McKinley  will  rank  in 
history  with  the  great  American  statesmen,  for  that  appears  to  be 
the  position  to  which  contemporary  foreign  opinion  has  assigned  him. 

"In  the  fullness  of  his  fame — at  the  zenith  of  his  powers — at  the 


floodtide  of  such  popularity  as  has  been  vouchsafed  to  few  of  the  sons 
of  Adam — he  was  assassinated,  not  because  he  was  William  McKinley 
the  man,  but  solely  because  he  was  the  President  of  the  American 
Eepublic.  Therefore,  he  died  literally  for  his  country  and  his  country 
will  remember  him  gratefully  and  tenderly  forever. 

"When  Joseph  Addison  was  upon  his  deathbed,  he  sent  for  his 
wayward  stepson,  a  young  peer  of  the  realm,  to  see  not  how  a  Prime 
Minister  of  England  or  the  Chief  of  the  Republic  of  letters  could 
die  but  'how  a  Christian  could  die/ 

"When  the  final  summons  came  to  William  McKinley  he  died  as 
he  had  lived  in  the  simple  faith  of  a  Christian,  peacefully  murmur 
ing:  'It  is  God's  way;  His  will  be  done.' 

President  Roosevelt. — "Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt  succeeds  to 
the  Presidency  under  most  melancholy  circumstances  and  in  most 
unexpected  manner.  He  is  the  youngest  man  upon  whom  the  tremen 
dous  responsibilities  of  that  high  station  have  ever  fallen. 

"To  borrow  his  own  favorite  phrase,  he  has  led  a  'strenuous  life' 
— not  so  strenuous,  however,  as  lies  before  him  till  high  noon,  March 
4,  1905. 

"He  is  an  enigma  as  a  public  man — an  unascertained  quantity 
in  the  equation  of  our  politics — up  to  this  time  a  brilliant  and  por 
tentous  comet  of  most  eccentric  orbit.  He  has  been  talked  about  and 
written  about  as  much  as  any  American  now  living.  Indeed  he  has 
done  a  vast  deal  of  talking  and  writing  himself.  He  has  done  more 
things  than  most  men  and  has  done  them  all  well.  For  several  years 
he  has  been  much  under  the  lime  light  and  has  kept  himself  well 
towards  the  centre  of  the  stage.  He  has  played  many  parts  ranging 
from  cowboy  and  broncho-buster  to  literatus,  warrior  and  governor — 
all  with  success.  Nevertheless  by  reason  of  the  very  multifariousness 
of  his  pursuits  any  prediction  as  to  how  he  will  conduct  himself  in 
the  White  House  would  be  wild  conjecture.  Sobered  by  his  onerous 
duties,  he  may  settle  down  and  pull  steadily  in  the  traces  like  an  old 
horse  or  he  may  kick  and  buck  like  an  unruly  colt. 


"He  pulled  off  his  part  of  the  inaugural  show  with  such  eclat 
as  to  increase  the  respect  of  all  men  for  him.  From  that  day  to  this  he 
has  grown  steadily  in  public  esteem.  Mr.  Vice-President  Eoosevelt 
was  a  great  and  gratifying  improvement  on  Mr.  Candidate  Roosevelt. 
It  is  to  be  sincerely  hoped  both  for  his  own  sake  and  the  country's 
that  he  will  make  a  model  President.  Whatever  he  may  do  or  leave 
undone  one  thing  can  be  implicitly  relied  upon — his  robust  and 
thoroughgoing  Americanism.  He  is  a  patriot  to  the  very  core.  He  is 
emphatically  a  man  of  his  own  head,  courageous,  resolute,  honest, 
ambitious,  self-reliant  and  many  sided.  Unless  he  belies  his  entire 
record,  he  will  be  the  puppet  of  no  man  and  of  no  set  of  men.  With 
the  hopefulness  of  youth,  with  broad  scholarship,  with  perfect  health, 
with  indefatigable  habits  of  industry,  with  an  engaging  personality, 
with  happy  domestic  environments,  with  a  spectacular  and  variegated 
career  behind  him,  this  soldier,  statesman,  author,  hunter,  athlete 
holds  the  greatest  office  known  among  men  and  has  it  absolutely  in  his 
own  hands  to  become  a  great  historic  figure.  He  has  every  imaginable 
incentive  to  spur  him  upward  and  onward  along  the  difficult  but 
shining  pathway  of  glory  which  stretches  away  before  him.  All 
good  citizens,  without  regard  to  political  alignment,  wish  him  well. 
The  prayer  of  the  whole  people  is  that  he  will  prove  equal  to  his 
great  opportunity  and  so  administer  the  affairs  of  his  exalted  station 
as  to  increase  the  love  for  representative  government  and  to  leave 
behind  him  a  spotless  and  a  splendid  name. 

The  Conclusion  of  the  Whole  Matter,-— "How  utterly  futile  is 
the  attempt  of  anarchists  to  destroy  this  government,  of  the  people,  by 
the  people  and  for  the  people  was  thoroughly  demonstrated  at  Buffalo 
when  Theodore  Roosevelt  became  our  Chief  Magistrate  with  no  pomp 
and  with  the  simple  ceremony  of  taking  an  oath  to  'faithfully  execute 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  and  to  preserve,  protect 
and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.' 

"Men  may  come  and  men  may  go,  but  thanks  be  to  Almighty 


God!  this  great  Eepublic — the  light  and  hope  of  the  world — goes  on 

"The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  can  not  be  better  expressed 
than  in  the  sublime  declaration  of  James  A.  Garfield,  himself  destined 
to  a  martyr's  death,  upon  the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
our  first  martyred  President:  'God  reigns  and  the  government  at 
Washington  still  lives  !'  " 





As  monuments  reared  by  grateful  hands  to  the  memory  of  heroes 
testify  to  the  virtues  of  the  living  as  well  as  to  the  services  of  the 
dead,  so  the  sorrow  that  has  overwhelmed  our  nation,  obliterating  the 
distinctions  of  party,  race  and  religion,  is  as  complimentary  to  the 
patriotism  of  our  people  as  to  our  departed  Chief  Magistrate.  But 
it  is  not  strange  that  the  people  bow  as  one  man  over  the  bier  of  their 
illustrious  fellow-citizen — not  strange  that  the  solemn  stillness  is 
broken  only  by  the  chanting  of  the  sacred  hymns  which  he  was  wont 
to  sing — not  strange  that  all  hearts  turn  in  sympathy  to  the  husband- 
less  home  in  Canton. 

An  Attack  Upon  the  Whole  People. — Neither  is  it  strange  that 
all  view  with  equal  abhorrence  the  foul  and  bloody  deed  that  robbed 
the  nation  of  its  executive,  nor  that  all  demanded  with  equal  earnest 
ness  the  speedy  punishment  of  the  offender  and  of  any  others  who 
may  have  aided  or  counseled  the  commission  of  the  crime.  It  would 
be  more  than  strange — it  would  be  a  reproach  to  our  people — if 
there  were  differences  among  us  so  radical  that  they  could  not  be 
softened  by  the  tragedy  of  death.  It  would,  indeed,  be  a  disgrace  to 
our  nation  if  the  murder  of  a  President  concerned  only  the  members 
of  the  dominant  party.  While  no  recent  campaigns  have  aroused 
deeper  feeling  than  those  through  which  Mr.  McKinley  passed,  yet 
in  no  contests  did  the  minority  more  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the  will  of 
the  majority  as  expressed  at  the  polls.  He  was  the  President  of  all 
the  people,  and  their  dignity  and  sovereignty  were  attacked  when  he 
was  assaulted. 



No  Man  Dieth  Unto  Himself. — We  are  all  so  linked  together  in 
this  worlci,,  and  our  joys  and  sorrows  are  so  interwoven  with  the  joys 
and  sorrows  of  others  that  no  one  liveth  unto  himself  or  dieth  unto 
himself.  Even  the  humblest  citizen  cannot  withdraw  from  earth 
without  bringing  grief  to  some  heart,  and  the  number  of  those  who 
mourn  is  increased  as  the  circle  of  acquaintance  and  influence  is 

The  President's  position  made  him  a  part  of  the  life  of  all  his 
countrymen,,  and  the  circumstances  which  attended  his  taking-off 
added  indignation  to  grief — indignation  that  even  one  murderous 
heart  could  be  found  in  all  the  land,  and  grief  that  the  wicked  purpose 
of  that  heart  should  have  been  consummated  against  one  so  gentle  in 
spirit  and  so  kind  in  word  and  deed. 

Government  a  Necessity. — Anarchy  can  have  no  defenders  in  the 
United  States.  Government  is  a  necessity,  and  the  delusion  that 
society  can  exist  without  it  is  harmful  even  when  no  violence  is  advo 
cated,  for  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  a  republic  to  strive  to  make 
his  government  perfect  in  every  detail,  and  this  purpose  is  not  only 
weakened,  but  entirely  destroyed  by  the  doctrine  that  all  governments 
are  bad  and  should  be  overthrown.  He  is  a  friend  of  the  government 
who  seeks  to  reform  every  abuse  and  make  the  government  an  unalloyed 
blessing,  but  he  is  a  public  enemy,  and  should  be  treated  as  such,  who 
weakens  the  authority  of  the  law  by  denying  that  government  is 
desirable  or  necessary. 

If  to  theoretical  opposition  to  all  forms  of  government  is  added 
the  counseling  of  murder  as  a  means  of  removing  officials,  then  the 
advisor  becomes  equally  guilty  with  the  assassin. 

I  yield  to  none  in  my  appreciation  of  the  private  character  and 
public  virtues  of  William  McKinley;  I  rejoice  that  his  career  so  fully 
demonstrates  the  possibilities  of  American  citizenship.  The  young 
men  of  the  country  can  find  inspiration  and  encouragement  in  the  fact 
that  he  made  his  own  way  from  obscurity  to  fame.  Those  who  are 


nearing  the  boundary  of  life  can  find  consolation  and  example  in  the 
superb  manner  in  which  he  fought  his  final  battle — his  courage  and 
fortitude  in  the  closing  hours  recalling  the  bravery  which  he  displayed 
as  a  soldier.  Domestic  happiness  has  never  been  better  illustrated  than 
in  his  home  life,  and  Christian  faith  and  trust  never  better  exemplified 
than  in  the  way  he  met  death. 

Influence  as  a  Statesman. — Few,  if  any,  of  our  public  men  have 
been  more  approachable,  and  his  generous  conduct  and  genial  ways 
held  to  the  last  the  friends  whom  his  genius  attracted.  His  associates 
early  recognized  his  qualities  of  leadership,  and  no  statesman  has 
exerted  greater  influence  upon  his  party  or  upon  the  politics  of  his 
generation.  He  possessed  rare  ability  in  presenting  and  defending 
his  views  and  has  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  history  of 
his  time. 

The  Best  Things  in  Life  are  Above  Politics. — The  universality 
of  the  respect  shown  for  the  deceased  and  the  genuineness  of  the  good 
will  manifested  toward  him  teach  a  lesson  that  should  not  be  for 
gotten,  namely,  that  the  best  things  in  life  are  above  and  beyond  the 
domain  of  politics.  In  campaigns  the  points  of  difference  between 
citizens  are  emphasized  and  ofttimes  exaggerated,  but  the  points  of 
similarity  are  really  more  numerous,  more  important  and  more  per 
manent.  In  stature  and  in  strength,  in  plans  and  in  purpose,  in  love, 
in  hope,  in  fear,  and  in  all  human  needs  we  are  much  the  same.  A 
man's  party  affiliations  may  depend  upon  environment  or  even  upon 
inheritance,  but  his  character  depends  upon  his  own  conduct  and  his 
morals  are  within  his  own  keeping.  It  is  not  possible  that  all  good 
should  be  confined  to  one  party  and  all  evil  to  another.  It  would 
be  a  sad  day  for  the  country  if  all  the  virtue,  all  the  intelligence  and 
all  the  patriotism  were  to  be  found  in  one  political  organization  if 
there  were  another  organization  of  any  considerable  size  having  the 
allegiance  of  all  the  vicious,  ignorant  and  unpatriotic.  It  is  unfortu 
nate  that  in  the  heat  of  political  controversy  partisanship  sometimes 


becomes  so  strong  as  to  cause  injustice  to  be  done  to  the  motives  of 
political  opponents,  and  it  should  be  our  constant  aim  to  place  our 
campaigns  upon  so  high  a  plane  that  personalities  will  be  eliminated 
and  the  issues  made  to  turn  upon  the  principles  involved. 

Let  us  hope  that  this  national  affliction  which  unites  all  factions 
in  a  common  sorrow  will  result  in  a  broader  charity  and  a  more 
liberal  spirit  among  those  who  by  different  policies  and  through  differ 
ent  parties  seek  to  promote  the  welfare  and  increase  the  glory  of  our 
common  country. 



The  day  after  the  tragedy  at  Buffalo  the  assassin,  Czolgosz,  made 
the  following  statement,  to  which  he  signed  his  name : 

"I  was  born  in  Detroit  nearly  twenty-nine  }Tears  ago.  My  parents 
were  Eussian  Poles.  They  came  here  forty-two  years  ago.  I  got  my 
education  in  the  public  schools  of  Detroit  and  then  went  to  Cleveland, 
where  I  got  work.  In  Cleveland  I  read  books  on  socialism  and  met  a 
great  many  socialists.  I  was  pretty  well  known  as  a  socialist  in  the 
West.  After  being  in  Cleveland  for  several  years  I  went  to  Chicago, 
where  I  remained  seven  months,  after  which  I  went  to  Newburg,  on 
the  outskirts  of  Cleveland,  and  went  to  work  in  the  Newburg  Wire 

"During  the  last  five  years  I  have  had  as  friends  anarchists  in 
Chicago,  Cleveland,  Detroit  and  other  Western  cities,  and  I  suppose 
I  became  more  or  less  bitter.  I  know  I  was  bitter.  I  never  had  much 
luck  at  anything,  and  this  preyed  upon  me.  It  made  me  morose  and 
envious,  but  what  started  the  craze  to  kill  was  a  lecture  I  heard  some 
little  time  ago  by  Emma  Goldman.  She  was  in  Cleveland,  and  I  and 
other  anarchists  went  to  hear  her.  She  set  me  on  fire. 

Her  Words  Set  Him  on  Fire. — "Her  doctrine  that  all  rulers  should 
be  exterminated  was  what  set  me  to  thinking,  so  that  my  head  nearly 
split  with  the  pain.  Miss  Goldman's  words  went  right  through  me,  and 
when  I  left  the  lecture  I  had  made  up  my  mind  that  I  would  have  to  do 
something  heroic  for  the  cause  I  loved. 

"Eight  days  ago,  while  I  was  in  Chicago,  I  read  in  a  Chicago 
newspaper  of  President  McKinleVs  visit  to  the  Pan-American  Expo 
sition  at  Buffalo.  That  day  I  bought  a  ticket  for  Buffalo  and  got  here 
with  the  determination  to  do  something,  but  I  did  not  know  just  what. 
I  thought  of  shooting  the  President,  but  I  had  not  formed  a  plan. 


Nowak  Knew  Nothing. — "1  went  to  live  at  1078  Broadway,  which 
is  a.  saloon  and  hotel.  John  Xowak,  a  Pole,  a  sort  of  politician,  who 
lias  led  bis  people  here  for  years,  owns  it.  I  told  Nowak  that  I  came 
to  see  the  fair.  He  knew  nothing  about  what  was  setting  me  crazy.  I 
went  to  the  Exposition  grounds  a  couple  of  times  a  day. 

"Xot  until  Tuesday  morning  did  the  resolution  to  shoot  the  Presi 
dent  take  a  hold  of  me.  It  was  in  my  heart;  there  was  no  escape  for 
me.  I  could  not  have  conquered  it  had  my  life  been  at  stake.  There 
were  thousands  of  people  in  town  on  Tuesday.  I  heard  it  was  Presi 
dent's  Day.  All  those  people  seemed  bowing  to  the  great  ruler.  I 
made  up  my  mind  to  kill  that  ruler.  I  bought  a  thirty-two  calibre 
revolver  and  loaded  it. 

Tried  Once  Before. — "On  Tuesday  night  I  went  to  the  fair 
grounds  and  was  near  the  rear  gate  when  the  Presidential  party 
arrived.  I  tried  to  get  near  him,  but  the  police  forced  me  back.  They 
forced  everybody  back  so  that  the  great  ruler  could  pass.  I  was  close 
to  the  President  when  he  got  into  the  grounds,  but  was  afraid  to 
attempt  the  assassination,  because  there  were  so  many  men  in  the  body 
guard  that  watched  him.  I  was  not  afraid  of  them  or  that  I  should 
get  hurt,  but  afraid  I  might  be  seized  and  that  my  chance  would  be 
gone  forever. 

"Well,  he  went  away  that  time  and  I  went  home.  On  Wednesday 
I  went  to  the  grounds  and  stood  right  near  the  President,  right  under 
him  near  the  stand  from  which  he  spoke. 

Afraid  He  Would  Miss. — "I  thought  half  a  dozen  times  of  shoot 
ing  while  he  was  speaking,  but  I  could  not  get  close  enough.  I  was 
afraid  I  would  miss,  and  then  the  great  crowd  was  always  jostling,  and 
I  was  afraid  lest  my  aim  fail.  I  waited  until  Wednesday,  and  the  Presi 
dent  got  into  his  carriage  again,  and  a  lot  of  men  were  about  him  and 
formed  a  cordon  that  I  could  not  get  through.  I  was  tossed  about  by 
the  crowd,  and  my  spirits  were  getting  pretty  low.  I  was  almost  hope 
less  that  night  as  I  went  home. 


"Yesterday  morning  I  went  again  to  the  Exposition  grounds. 
Emma  Goldman's  speech  was  still  burning  me  up.  I  waited  near  the 
central  entrance  for  the  President,  who  was  to  board  his  special  train 
from  that  gate,  but  the  police  allowed  nobody  but  the  President's  party 
to  pass  where  the  train  waited.  So  I  stayed  at  the  grounds  all  day 

The  Diabolical  Plot. — "During  yesterday  I  first  thought  of  hid 
ing  my  pistol  under  my  handkerchief.  I  was  afraid  if  I  had  to  draw  it 
from  my  pocket  I  would  be  seen  and  seized  by  the  guards.  I  got  to 
the  Temple  of  Music  the  first  one  and  waited  at  the  spot  where  the 
reception  was  to  be  held. 

"Then  he  came,  the  President — the  ruler — and  I  got  in  line  and 
trembled  and  trembled  until  I  got  right  up  to  him,  and  then  I  shot 
him  twice  through  my  white  handkerchief.  I  would  have  fired  more, 
but  I  was  stunned  by  a  blow  in  the  face — a  frightful  blow  that 
knocked  me  down — and  then  everybody  jumped  on  me.  I  thought  I 
would  be  killed,  and  was  surprised  the  way  they  treated  me." 

Really  Meant  to  Kill. — Czolgosz  ended  his  story  in  utter  exhaus 
tion.  When  he  had  about  concluded  he  was  asked : 

"Did  you  really  mean  to  kill  the  President?" 

"I  did,"  was  the  cold-blooded  reply. 

"What  was  your  motive;  what  good  could  it  do?"  he  was  asked. 

"I  am  an  anarchist.  I  am  a  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman.  Her 
words  set  me  on  fire,"  he  replied,  with  not  the  slightest  tremor. 

"I  deny  that  I  have  had  an  accomplice  at  any  time,"  Czolgosz  told 
District  Attorney  Penney.  "I  don't  regret,  my  act,  because  I  was  doing 
what  I  could  for  the  great  cause.  I  am  not  connected  with  the  Pater- 
son  group,  or  with  those  anarchists  who  sent  Bresci  to  Italy  to  kill 
Humbert.  I  had  no  confidants;  no  one  to  help  me.  I  was  alone 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  President,  one  of  the  staff 
physicians  in  attendance  on  the  President  reported  the  opinion  that 


the  bullets  may  have  been  poisoned.  District  Attorney  Penney,  who 
had  possession  of  the  assassin's  revolver,  ordered  careful  and  thorough 
examination  made.  Dr.  Hill  was  directed  to  make  a  chemical  examina 
tion  of  the  bullets  and  chambers  and  barrel  of  the  revolver,  and  Dr. 
Herman  G.  Matzinger,  one  of  the  physicians  who  performed  the 
autopsy  upon  the  President's  body,  was  ordered  to  make  a  bacterio 
logical  examination.  Dr.  Hill  reported  to  the  district  attorney  that 
his  work  showed  no  poison  had  been  used. 

Within  a  week  after  the  President  was  laid  to  rest  Czolgosz  was 
put  on  his  trial.  He  was  convicted  of  murder  in  the  first  degree,  and 
sentenced  to  death. 

The  trial  consumed  only  two  days.  It  was  announced  by  the 
attorneys  for  Czolgosz  that  the  eminent  specialists  summoned  by  the 
Erie  County  Bar  Association  and  by  the  District  Attorney  to  examine 
Czolgpsz  and  to  determine  his  exact  mental  condition  had  declared  him 
to  be  perfectly  sane.  This  destroyed  the  only  chance  of  a  defence, 
and  the  prisoner's  attorneys,  Judges  Lewis  and  Titus  (who  had  been 
appointed  by  the  court),  called  no  witnesses.  The  address  by  Judge 
Lewis  will  long  be  remembered.  After  explaining  at  length  why  it 
was  proper  that  a  defence  should  be  interposed,  even  when  a  plea  of 
guilty  has  been  entered,  he  said : 

"Here  was  a  man  occupying  an  exalted  position,  a  man  of  irre 
proachable  character.  He  was  a  man  who  had  come  here  to  assist  us 
in  promoting  the  prosperity  of  our  great  exposition,  and  he  was  shot 
down  while  holding  a  reception. 

"His  death  has  touched  every  heart  in  this  community  and  in 
the  whole  world,  and  yet  we  sit  here  and  quietly  consider  whether 
this  man  was  responsible  for  the  act  he  committed.  That  question 
is  one  you  are  called  on  to  decide. 

"The  law  presumes  the  defendant  innocent  until  he  is  proven 
guilty,  and  we  start  with  the  assumption  that  the  defendant  was  not 


mentally  responsible  for  the  crime  he  committed.  We  have  not  been 
able  to  present  any  evidence  upon  our  part.  The  defendant  has  even 
refused  on  almost  every  occasion  to  talk  with  his  counsel.  He  has 
not  aided  us,  so  we  have  come  here  unaided  to  consider  this  important 
question.  But  I  know  there  is  in  every  human  being  a  strong  desire 
to  live.  Death  is  a  spectre  that  we  all  dislike  to  meet,  and  here  this 
defendant  without  having  any  animosity  against  our  President,  with 
out  any  personal  motive,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  committed  the  act 
which,  if  he  was  sane,  must  cause  his  death.  How  can  a  man  with  a 
sane  mind  perform  such  an  act?  The  rabble  in  the  streets  will  say, 
no  matter  whether  he  is  insane  or  not,  he  deserves  to  be  killed. 

"The  law,  however,  says  that  you  must  consider  the  circum 
stances  and  see  if  he  was  in  his  right  mind  or  not  when  he  committed 
the  deed.  If  you  find  he  was  not  responsible  you  will  aid  in  lifting  a 
great  cloud  from  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  country.  If  the  be 
loved  President  had  met  with  a  railroad  accident  and  been  killed  our 
grief  could  not  compare  with  what  it  is  now.  If  you  find  he  met  his 
fate  through  the  act  of  an  insane  man  it  is  the  same  as  though  he  met 
it  by  accident.  I  had  the  prof oundest  respect  for  President  McKinley. 
I  watched  him  in  Congress  and  during  his  long  public  career,  and  he 
was  one  of  the  noblest  men  God  ever  made.  His  policy  we  care  noth 
ing  about,  but  it  always  met  with  my  profoundest  respect.  His  death 
was  the  saddest  blow  to  me  that  has  occurred  in  many  years." 

Judge  Lewis  was  weeping  when  he  finished,  and  the  eyes  of  many 
of  those  in  the  court  room  were  filled  with  tears. 

In  summing  up  the  case  for  the  State,  District  Attorney  Penney 

"It  is  a  great  lesson  that  so  great  a  man  can  stoop  so  low,  that  he 
was  so  great  that  he  could  forgive  his  own  assassin.  He  was  the 
noblest  man,  I  believe,  God  ever  created.  A  man  who  stood  near  him 
in  the  Temple  of  Music  said  to  me :  1  have  traveled  in  all  parts  of  the 
world,  and  have  seen  people  assembled  to  greet  their  rulers,  but  when. 


I  saw  the  people  stand  in  the  railroad  stations  and  along  the  country 
through  which  the  funeral  train  passed,  that  they  might  get  a  look  at 
the  casket  of  the  great  man,  I  was  convinced  as  never  before  that  there 
is  such  a  thing  as  a  national  heart/ 

"The  national  heart  was  broken,  and  it  will  take  God's  way  and 
time  to  heal  it. 

No  Home  for  Anarchists. — "It  was  broken  by  a  class  of  people 
who  are  coming  to  our  country  in  increasing  numbers,  and  while  har 
bored  by  our  laws  are  propagating  their  malicious  views;  a  class  of 
people  that  must  be  taught  that  we  have  no  place  for  them  on  our 
shores;  a  class  of  people  that  must  be  taught  that  they  can't  take  the 
life  of  anyone  irrespective  of  consequences. 

"Think  again,  gentlemen.  Here  is  a  man  who  does  not  want  a 
lawyer,  who  does  not  believe  in  God  nor  in  law,  a  man  who  does  not 
believe  in  the  married  relation;  yet  our  laws  are  such  that  he  is 
defended  by  two  of  the  ablest  jurists  in  our  city,  as  if  he  was  the  most 
respected  defendant;  and  even  though  he  comes  into  court  and  says 
he  was  guilty,  yet,  gentlemen,  you  are  required  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  listen  to  the  formal  presentation  of  the  evidence,  notwithstand 
ing  the  fact  that  this  man  says  he  does  not  want  it." 

When  the  verdict  of  the  jury  was  announced  there  was  no  dem 
onstration — only  a  general  sigh  of  relief.  The  prisoner  maintained 
the  same  air  of  utter  unconcern  that  had  marked  his  course  ever  since 
the  tragedy.  He  did  not  even  raise  his  eyes. 



The  final  scene  of  the  great  tragedy  of  September  6,  1901,  took 
place  in  Auburn  (X.  Y.)  Prison  at  seven  o'clock  of  Tuesday  morning, 
October  29.  The  condemned  murderer  had  been  conveyed  to  the  prison 
September  27,  and  there  confined  for  one  month,  as  the  Xew  York 
law  does  not  allow  the  execution  of  a  capital  sentence  under  thirty  days 
of  its  passage.  During  this  time  every  inducement  was  made  to  make 
the  prisoner  commit  himself  fully  by  confession,  but  to  the  end  he  reso 
lutely  disclaimed  that  he  was  either  a  member  of  any  anarchist  asso 
ciation  or  had  any  accomplice  in  his  crime.  Xor  did  he  show  remorse 
or  shrink  from  the  penalty  that  had  been  pronounced  upon  his' deed. 
In  not  a  few  respects  he  proved  an  enigma,  unless  we  conclude  that  he 
was  a  pervert  so  degenerate  as  scarcely  to  be  able  to  distinguish  right 
from  wrong.  Educated  in  the  common  schools  of  Detroit,  Czolgosz  had 
such  advantages  as  fall  to  the  common  lot  of  men,  but  so  far  from 
improving  them,  his  brutish  nature  found  vent  in  the  practicing  of 
unnatural  crimes,  and  thus  weakening  a  naturally  morbid  mind  he 
came  to  be  a  mental  outcast.  The  apparent  indifference  to  his  fate 
which  he  manifested  was  therefore  neither  stoicism  nor  bravado,  but 
rather  failure  of  his  powers  of  comprehension,  or  in  hopelessness  his 
desire  to  have  extinguished  a  life  that  had  become  disfigured  through 

Indifference  of  the  Condemned. — There  was  about  the  prison  on 
the  morning  of  the  execution  the  usual  crowd  of  curious  persons  and 
seekers  of  notoriety,  who  came  with  many  propositions  to  pay  a  price 
for  sight  of  the  condemned  man,  for  a  bit  of  his  clothing,  or  a  memento 
from  his  hand,  but  Warden  Mead  frustrated  all  these  attempts,  and 
made  the  last  scenes  as  little  sensational  as  circumstances  permitted. 

The  condemned  man  was  permitted  an  interview  with  his  brother 
the  evening  before  the  execution,  but  his  words  were  monosyllables 


that  showed  he  had  neither  affection  nor  sentiment,  and  when  Fathers 
Fudzinski  and  Hickey  offered  him  the  consolations  of  religion  he  gave 
them  cursings,  and  went  to  his  death  unrepentant,  like  a  soulless  spirit 
alien  to  his  race. 

Czolgosz's  cell  was  fourth  in  a  row  of  live,  all  filled  with  con 
demned  murderers,  and  when  called  to  pay  the  just  penalty  he  had  to 
walk  less  than  fifty  feet  to  reach  the  death  chamber,  where  the  electric 
chair  was  in  readiness  to  receive1  him  in  its  fatal  embrace.  He  had 
slept  soundly  the  night  before,  and  ate  a  hearty  breakfast  the  last 
morning,  and  was  well  nourished,  so  with  the  fortitude  of  a  degenerate 
lie  went  forth  unsupported  and  apparently  as  indifferent  as  if  going 
upon  an  unimportant  errand.  I  Te  was  plainly  dressed',  in  black  trousers, 
loose  gray  shirt,  and  with  socks  to  match,  as  there  was  no  need  now 
for  other  clothing.  His  trousers  were  split  at  the  bottom  to  permit 
the  placing  of  an  electrode  to  the  calf  of  his  left  leg,  and  his  shirt  was 
left  open  at  the  neck  to  enable  the  doctors  to  take  the  count  of  his  heart 
beats  after  the  electric  current  had  been  shot  through  his  body. 

Appearance  of  the  Murderer. — It  was  a  few  moments  past  7 
a.  m.  when,  by  order  of  the  warden,  Czolgosz  was  brought  from  his 
cell  and  conducted  by  two  deputies  to  the  death  chamber.  He  was 
very  pale,  but  held  his  head  erect,  and  showed  remarkable  resolution 
to  the  end.  The  witnesses,  twenty,  all  told,  in  number,  took  seats  in 
chairs  arranged  along  the  side  of  the  chamber,  and  when  the  con 
demned  man  came  in  there  was  noticeable  shrinking  and  excitement 
over  the  sight  which  they  were  soon  to  behold.  Xo  time  was  lost  in 
ceremony,  for  the  victim  of  a  just  law  was  led  directly  to  the  death 
chair,  in  which  he  seated  himself  without  the  least  evidence  of  fear, 
and  in  a  steady  voice  he  uttered  the  following  words: 

Scene  of  the  Execution. — "1  killed  the  President  because  he  was 
an  enemy  of  the  good  people — of  the  working  people,"  and  as  the  guard 
pushed  back  his  head  and  began  to  strap  his  forehead  and  chin  Czol 
gosz  spoke  loudly.  "I  am  not  sorry  for  my  crime,  but  I  am  awfully 


sorry  I  could  not  see  my  father."  These  were  his  last  words,  for  the 
straps  were  immediately  adjusted,  and  at  ".12  Electrician  Davis  pulled 
the  switch  that  sent  .1.700  volts  coursing  through  the  victim.  Death 
was,  no  doubt,  instantaneous,  for  the  bodv  strained  so  hard  against  the 
leather  straps  that  they  creaked  shockingly,  while  the  hands  clutched, 
and  the  whole  attitude  was  one  of  extreme  tenseness.  The  current 
was  on  for  forty-five  seconds,  and  then  cut  off,  whereupon  the  body 
collapsed  instantly.  Again  the  great  voltage  was  repeated,  and  even  a 
third  time,  followed  always  by  rigidity  of  the  body,  which  became  limp 
at  once  when  the  current  was  shut  off.  At  7.1")  the  execution  was  com 
plete,  and  pronouncement  of  the  fact  was  made  by  the  warden  two 
seconds  later.  The  witnesses  were  visibly  affected,  particularly  when 
the  body  was  lifted  from  the  death  chair  and  laid  upon  an  operating 
table  preparatory  to  an  autopsy  being  made  by  Drs.  Oerin  and 
McDonald.  Examination  of  the  brain  disclosed  the  fact  that  it  was 
slightly  above  normal  in  weight  and  perfectly  healthy. 

The  body  of  Czolgos/  being  unclaimed  by  his  relatives  it  was 
buried  171  the  prison  yard,  in  quicklime  and  vitriol,  to  insure  its  com 
plete  destruction  in  twelve  hours. 

The  law  had  been  vindicated  and  the  murder  of  our  beloved 
President  avenged. 



President  Leland  Stanford  University. 

All  Violence  is  Treason. — One  plain  lesson  is  this:  Under 
democracy  all  violence  is  treason.  Whosoever  throws  a  stone  at  a 
scab  teamster,,  whosoever  fires  a  shot  at  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  is  an  enemy  of  the  Kepublic.  He  is  guilty  of  high  treason 
in  his  heart,  and  treason  in  thought  works  itself  out  in  lawlessness 
of  action. 

The  central  fact  of  democracy  is  agreement  with  law.  It  is  our 
law :  we  have  made  it.  If  it  is  wrong  we  can  change  it,  but  the  compact 
of  democracy  is  that  we  change  it  in  peace.  "The  sole  source  of  power 
under  God  is  the  consent  of  the  governed."  This  Cromwell  wrote 
once  across  the  statute  books  of  Parliament.  This,  in  other  words, 
our  fathers  wrote  in  our  own  Constitution.  The  will  of  the  people  is  the 
sole  source  of  any  statute  you  or  I  may  be  called  on  to  obey.  It  is 
the  decree  of  no  army,  the  dictum  of  no  President.  It  is  the  work  of 
no  aristocracy ;  not  of  blood  nor  of  wealth.  It  is  simply  our  own  under 
standing  that  we  shall  do  right,  shall  behave  justly,  shall  live  and  let 
our  neighbor  live.  If  our  law  is  tyrannous  it  is  our  ignorance  which 
has  made  it  so.  Let  it  pinch  a  little  and  we  shall  find  out  what  hurts 
us.  Then  it  will  be  time  to  change.  Laws  are  made  through  the 
ballot,  and  through  the  ballot  we  can  unmake  them.  There  is  no  other 
honest  way,  no  other  way  that  is  safe  and  no  other  way  which  is 
effective.  To  break  the  peace  is  to  invite  tyranny.  Lawlessness  is  the 
expression  of  weakness,  of  ignorance,  of  unpatriotism.  If  tyranny 


provokes  anarchy  so  does  anarchy  necessitate  tyranny.  Confusion 
brings  the  man  on  horseback.  It  was  to  keep  away  both  anarchy  and 
tyranny  that  the  public  school  was  established  in  America. 

The  Shadow  of  Humiliation. — Three  times  has  our  nation  been 
called  upon  to  pass  into  the  shadow  of  humiliation,  and  each  time 
in  the  past  its  severe  lesson  it  has  learned.  When  Lincoln  fell,  slavery 
perished.  To  the  American  of  to-day  human  slavery  in  a  land  of 
civilization  is  almost  an  impossible  conception,  yet  many  of  us  who 
think  ourselves  still  young  can  remember  when  half  of  this  land  held 
other  men  in  bondage  and  the  dearest  hope  of  freedom  was  that  such 
things  should  not  go  on  forever.  I  can  remember  when  we  looked  for 
ward  to  the  time  when  "at  least  the  present  form  of  slavery  should  be  no 
more."  For  democracy  and  slavery  could  not  subsist  together.  The 
Union  could  not  stand — halt  slave,  half  free. 

The  last  words  of  Garfield  were  these :  "Strangulatus  pro  repub- 
lica,"  "slain  for  the  Republic."  The  feudal  tyranny  of  the  spoils 
system  which  had  made  Republican  administration  a  farce  has  not 
had,  since  Garfield's  time,  a  public  defender.  It  has  not  vanished  from 
our  politics,  but  its  place  is  where  it  belongs,  among  the  petty  wrongs 
of  maladministration. 

Again  a  President  is  slain  for  the  Republic — and  the  lesson  is 
the  homely  one  of  peace  and  order,  patience  and  justice,  respect  for 
ourselves  through  respect  for  law,  for  public  welfare  and  for  public 

Lawless  Sensationalism. — For  this  country  is  passing  through  a 
time  of  storm  and  stress,  a  flurry  of  lawless  sensationalism.  The 
irresponsible  journalism,  the  industrial  wars,  the  display  of  hastily 
gotten  wealth,  the  grasping  of  monopoly,  the  walking  delegate,  the 
vulgar  cartoon,  the  sympathetic  strike,  the  unsympathetic  lockout, 
the  foul-mouthed  agitator,  are  all  symptoms  of  a  single  disease,  the 
loss  of  patriotism,  the  decay  of  the  sense  of  justice.  As  in  other  cases, 
the  symptoms  feed  the  disease,  as  well  as  indicate  it.  The  deed  of 


violence  breeds  more  deeds  of  violence ;  anarchy  provokes  hysteria  and 
hysteria  makes  anarchy.  The  unfounded  scandal  sets  a  hundred 
tongues  to  wagging,  and  the  sweepage  from  the  gutter  reaches  a  thou 
sand  homes. 

The  journal  for  the  weak-minded  and  debased  makes  heroes  of 
those  of  its  class  who  carry  folly  over  into  crime.  The  half-crazed 
egotist  imagines  himself  a  regicide,  and  his  neighbor  with  the  clean 
shirt  is  his  oppressor,  and  therefore  his  natural  victim.  Usually  his 
heart  fails  him  and  his  madness  spends  itself  in  foul  words.  Some 
times  it  does  not  and  the  world  stands  aghast.  But  it  is  not  alone 
against  the  Chief  Magistrate  that  these  thoughts  and  deeds  are 
directed.  There  are  usually  others  within  closer  range.  There  is 
scarcely  a  man  in  our  country,  prominent  in  any  way,  statesman, 
banker,  merchant,  railway  manager,  clergyman,  teacher  even,  that  has 
not  somewhere  his  would-be  Nemesis,  some  lunatic  with  a  sensa 
tional  newspaper  and  a  pistol  prepared  to  take  his  life. 

The  Gospel  of  Discontent. — The  gospel  of  discontent  has  no  place 
within  our  Eepublic.  It  is  true,  as  has  been  often  said,  that  discontent 
is  the  cause  of  human  progress.  It  is  truer  still,  as  Mr.  John  P. 
Irish  has  lately  pointed  out,  that  discontent  'may  be  good  or  bad, 
according  to  its  relation  to  the  individual  man.  There  is  a  noble 
discontent  which  a  man  turns  against  himself.  It  leads  the  man  who 
fails  to  examine  his  own  weaknesses  to  make  the  needed  repairs  in  him 
self,  then  to  take  up  the  struggle  again.  There  is  the  cowardly  dis 
content  which  leads  a  man  to  blame  all  failure  on  his  prosperous 
neighbor,  or  on  society  at  large,  as  if  a  social  system  existed  apart  from 
the  men  who  made  it.  This  is  the  sort  of  discontent  to  which  the 
agitator  appeals,  that  finds  its  stimulus  in  sensational  journalism. 
It  is  that  which  feeds  the  frenzy  of  the  assassin  who  would  work 
revenge  on  society  by  destroying  its  accepted  head. 

Hatred  of  Class  for  Class. — It  is  not  theoretical  anarchism  or  social 
ism  or  any  other  "ism"  which  is  responsible  for  this.  Many  of  the 


gentlest  spirits  in  the  world  to-day  call  themselves  anarchists,  because 
they  look  forward  to  the  time  when  personal  meekness  shall  take  the 
place  of  all  statute.  The  gentle  anarchism  of  the  optimistic  phil 
osopher  is  not  that  which  confronts  us  to-day.  It  is  the  anarchy  of 
destruction,  the  hatred  of  class  for  class,  a  hatred  that  rests  only  on 
distorted  imagination,  for  after  all  is  said,  there  are  no  classes  in 
America.  It  is  a  hatred  imported  from  the  Old  World,  excited  by 
walking  delegates,  whose  purpose  is  to  carry  a  torch  through  society, 
fanned  by  agitators  of  whatever  sort,  unpractical  dreamers  or  con 
scienceless  scoundrels,  exploited  in  the  newspapers,  abetted  by  so-called 
high  society,  with  its  display  of  shoddy  and  greed,  and  intensified 
by  the  cold  hard  selfishness  which  underlies  the  power  of  the  trust.  All 
these  people,  monopolists,  social  leaders,  walking  delegates,  agitators, 
sensationalists,  dreamers,  are  alien  to  our  ways,  outside  the  scope  of 
our  democracy,  and  enemies  to  good  citizenship. 

The  real  Americans,  trying  to  live  their  lives  in  their  own  way, 
saving  a  little  of  their  earnings  and  turning  the  rest  into  education 
and  enjoyment,  have  many  grievances  in  these  days  of  grasping  trusts 
and  lawless  unions.  But  of  such  free  Americans  our  country  is  made. 
They  are  the  people,  not  the  trusts  nor  the  unions,  nor  their  sensa 
tional  go-betweens.  This  is  their  government,  and  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth.  This  is  the  people's  President — our  President  who  was  killed, 
and  it  is  ours  to  avenge  him. 

Not  by  lynch  law  on  a  large  or  small  scale  may  we  do  it,  not  by 
anarchy  or  despotism,  not  by  the  destruction  of  all  who  call  themselves 
anarchists,  not  abridging  freedom  of  the  press,  nor  by  checking  free 
dom  of  speech.  Those  who  would  wreak  lawless  vengeance  on  the 
anarchists  are  themselves  anarchists  and  makers  of  anarchists. 

Laws  Enough. — We  have  laws  enough  already  without  making 
more  for  men  to  break.  Let  us  get  a  little  closer  to  the  higher  law. 
Let  us  respect  our  own  rights  and  those  of  our  neighbor  a  little 


better.  Let  us  cease  to  tolerate  sensational  falsehood  about  our 
neighbors,  or  vulgar  abuse  of  those  in  power.  If  we  have  bad  rulers 
let  us  change  them  peacefully.  Let  us  put  an  end  to  every  form  of 
intimidation  wherever  practised.  The  cause  that  depends  upon  hurl 
ing  rocks  or  epithets,  on  clubbing  teamsters  or  derailing  trains  cannot  be 
a  good  cause.  Even  if  originally  in  the  right,  the  act  of  violence  puts 
the  partisans  of  such  a  cause  in  the  wrong.  No  freeman  ever  needs 
to  do  such  things  as  these.  •  For  the  final  meaning  of  democracy  is 
peace  on  earth,  good  will  toward  men.  When  we  stand  for  justice 
among  ourselves  we  can  demand  justice  of  the  monopolistic  trust. 
When  we  attack  it  with  clear  vision  and  cool  speech  we  shall  find  the 
problem  of  combination  for  monopoly  not  greater  than  any  other. 
And  large  or  small,  there  is  but  one  way  for  us  to  meet  any  problem ; 
to  choose  wise  men,  clean  men,  cool  men,  the  best  we  can  secure 
through  our  method  of  the  ballot,  and  then  to  trust  the  rest  in  their 
hands.  The  murder  of  the  President  has  no  direct  connection  with 
industrial  war.  Yet  there  is  this  connection,  that  all  war,  industrial 
or  other,  loosens  the  bonds  of  order,  destroys  mutual  respect  and 
trust,  gives  inspiration  to  anarchy,  pushes  a  foul  thought  on  to  a 
foul  word,  a  foul  word  on  to  a  foul  deed. 

We  trust  that  now  that  the  worst  has  come,  the  foulest  deed  has 
been  committed,  that  our  civil  wars  may  stop,  not  through  the  victory 
of  one  side  or  the  other,  the  trusts  or  the  unions  now  set  off  against 
each  other,  but  in  the  victory  over  both  of  the  American  people,  of 
the  great  body  of  men  and  women  who  must  pay  for  all,  and  who  are 
the  real  sufferers  in  every  phase  of  the  struggle. 

The  Lesson  of  Manliness  and  Godliness. — "Strangulatus  pro 
republica;"  "Slain  for  the  Republic."  The  lesson  is  plain.  It  is  for 
us  to  take  it  into  our  daily  lives.  It  is  the  lesson  of  peace  and  good 
will,  the  lesson  of  manliness  and  godliness.  Let  us  take  it  to  ourselves, 
and  our  neighbors  will  take  it  from  us. 

All  civilized  countries  are  ruled  by  public  opinion.     If  there  be  a 


lapse  in  our  civic  duties,  it  is  due  to  a  lapse  in  our  keenness  of  vision, 
our  devotion  to  justice.  This  means  a  weakening  of  the  individual 
men,  the  loss  of  the  man  himself  in  the  movements  of  the  mass.  Per 
haps  the  marvelous  material  development  of  our  age,  the  achievements 
of  the  huge  co-operation  which  science  has  made  possible  has  over 
shadowed  the  importance  of  the  individual  man.  If  so,  we  have  only 
to  reassert  ourselves.  It  is  of  men,  individual  men,  clear-thinking, 
God-fearing,  sound-acting  men,  and  of  these  alone,  that  great  nations 
can  be  made. 



The  nation  has  had  many  grave  days;  many  direful  times  when 
the  lamp  of  the  Eepublic  was  so  fanned  by  the  flame  of  terrible  event  as 
to  seem  near  to  extinguishment ;  most  awful,  appalling,  disastrous,  was 
the  murder,  through  hellish  hate,  inspired  by  insane  rabidness, 
political  rancor,  and  anarchist  madness,  of  Lincoln,  Garfield,  and 

During  the  dreadful  period  of  internecine  strife,  when  for  four 
years  the  country,  dismembered  by  fratricidal  conflict,  ran  red  with 
slaughter,  the  public  mind  became  so  accustomed  to  tales  of  blood-lust 
as  to  be  merciless,  sanguinary,  almost  insensate.  Cheeks  no  longer 
paled  with  terror,  nor  did  the  heart  beat  with  fear  when  reports  from 
gory  battlefields  numbered  the  wounded  and  slain,  for  there  was 
revenge  rankling  in  the  breasts  of  the  defeated  and  exaltation  in  the 
hearts  of  the  victors,  for  war  turns  humanity  back  to  savagery,  so  little 
removed  is  the  race  in  instinct  from  the  primal  condition  of  thirst  for 
the  blood  of  enemies. 

Sorrow  in  the  South. — But  although  men  and  women  had  been 
schooled  by  a  long  experience  of  civil  war  to  read  with  almost  com 
posure  details  of  sanguinary  encounters,  never  was  there  a  greater, 
more  terrorizing,  or  horrific  shock  administered  than  that  felt  by  citi 
zens  of  the  Union  when  there  was  flashed  over  the  wires  the  awful  news 
of  President  Lincoln's  assassination.  And  it  may  be  said  also,  that  the 
effect  was  scarcely  less  terrible  in  the  South  than  it  was  in  the  North, 
for  such  a  deed,  damnable,  as  it  was  direful,  could  never  be  suggested, 
much  less  approved  by  a  brave  and  chivalrous  people  as  are  those  of  the 
South.  The  act  was  that  of  a  fanatic,  and  therefore  purely  personal 
as  has  since  been  clearly  proved.  Commenting  upon  it  afterwards 


Jefferson  Davis,  speaking  for  the  South.,  as  well  as  expressing  his  own 
sentiments,  said,  "Next  to  the  destruction  of  the  Confederacy,  the  death 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  darkest  day  the  South  has  ever  known." 
This  utterance  was  made  ten  years  after  the  war,  but  was  nevertheless 
in  consonance  with  the  feelings  he  had  declared  many  times  before,  as 
well  also  in  line  with  sentiments  publicly  announced  by  many  other 
distinguished  Southerners. 

The  assassination  of  Lincoln  occurred  on  the  night  of  the  four 
teenth  of  April,  1865,  at  a  time  when  the  triumph  of  the  Union  arms 
was  practically  complete,  and  reconciliation  of  the  long  estranged  sec 
tions  occupied  his  thoughts  and  impelled  his  noblest  purpose,  for  his 
second  inaugural  speech,  "with  malice  towards  none,  with  charity  for 
all/'  foreshadowed  the  magnanimity  of  his  heart  and  the  generosity  of 
his  designs  in  dealing  with  the  South,  when  peace,  which  was  evidently 
near  at  hand,  should  fold  her  weary  pinions  and  set  her  feet  again 
upon  the  distressed  land. 

Lincoln's  Warning  in  a  Dream. — Lincoln  had  a  premonition  of  his 
fate.  Perhaps  this  was  but  natural,  considering  the  excited  condition 
of  the  country  at  the  time,  when  blood  was  held  cheaply  and  men's 
passions  led  them  readily  to  murder;  so  there  may  have  been  nothing 
occult  in  his  apprehension  that  he  was  to  fall  victim  to  an  assassin. 
But,  nevertheless,  this  story,  related  in  Hapgood's  "Abraham  Lincoln," 
is  well  worth  retelling : 

"The  President  referred  a  few  days  before  the  end  to  the  number 
of  warnings  by  dreams  in  the  Bible,  the  book  which  had  of  late  taken 
such  a  hold  upon  him.  Finally  he  said : 

"  'About  ten  days  ago  I  retired  very  late.  I  had  been  waiting  for 
important  dispatches  from  the  front.  I  could  not  have  been  long  in 
bed  when  I  fell  into  a  slumber,  for  I  was  weary.  I  soon  began  to 
dream.  There  seemed  to  be  a  deathlike  stillness  about  me.  Then  I 
heard  subdued  sobs,  as  if  a  number  of  people  were  weeping.  I  thought 
I  left  my  bed  and  wandered  downstairs.  There  the  silence  was  broken 
by  the  same  pitiful  sobbing,  but  the  mourners  were  invisible. 


"  CI  went  from  room  to  room ;  no  living  person  was  in  sight,  but 
the  same  mournful  sounds  of  distress  met  me  as  I  passed  along.  It  was 
light  in  all  the  rooms;  every  object  was  familiar  to  me;  but  where  were 
all  the  people  who  were  grieving  as  if  their  hearts  would  break  ?  I  was 
puzzled  and  alarmed.  What  could  be  the  meaning  of  all  this?  Deter 
mined  to  find  the  cause  of  a  state  of  things  so  mysterious  and  so  shock 
ing,  I  kept  on  until  I  arrived  at  the  East  Boom,  which  I  entered. 
There  i  met  with  a  sickening  surprise.  Before  me  was  a  catafalque 
on  which  rested  a  corpse  wrapped  in  funeral  vestments.  Around  it 
were  stationed  soldiers,  who  were  acting  as  guards,  and  there  was  a 
throng  of  people,  some  gazing  mournfully  upon  the  corpse,  whose  face 
was  covered,  others  weepingly  pitifully. 

" '  "Who  is  dead  in  the  White  House?"  I  demanded  of  one  of  the 

"  "The  President,"  was  the  answer ;  "he  was  killed  by  an  assassin !" 

"  'Then  came  a  loud  burst  of  grief  from  the  crowd,  which  awoke 
me  from  my  dream.  I  slept  no  more  that  night,  and  although  it  was 
only  a  dream,  I  have  been  strangely  annoyed  by  it  ever  since.'  ': 

This  dream  lingered  in  his  mind  to  the  day  of  his  death.  On  the 
very  eve  of  his  assassination  he  quoted  to  Lamon : 

"To  sleep,  perchance  to  dream.    Ay,  there's  the  rub !" 

Killed  in  the  Theatre. — It  was  on  the  evening  of  April  14,  1865, 
a  few  minutes  after  ten  o'clock,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  shot  by  John 
Wilkes  Booth  in  a  private  box  at  Ford's  Theatre.  The  play  was  "Our 
American  Cousin,"  and  the  famous  actress,  Laura  Keene,  had  the  prin 
cipal  part.  After  firing  the  fatal  shot,  the  murderer  sprang  down  to 
the  stage,  but  caught  one  of  his  spurs  in  the  flag  with  which  the  box 
was  draped,  and  fell  heavily.  Though  his  ankle  was  broken  by  this 
accident  he  was  up  again  in  an  instant,  and  took  time  to  strike  an  atti 
tude  and  cry  to  the  audience,  "Sic  semper  tyrannis"  "so  be'  it  ever  to 
tyrants,"  which  is  the  motto  of  Virginia,  before  taking  flight.  Only 
one  person  in  the  theatre,  Major  Stewart,  had  the  presence  of  mind 


to  pursue  the  murderer,  climbing  upon  the  stage  and  running  after  him 
down  the  alley  where  Booth  had  left  his  horse  in  charge  of  a  boy.  But 
the  assassin  by  this  time  was  mounted,  and  with  a  confederate  named 
Harold  he  fled.  He  got  safely  over  into  Maryland,  and  eleven  days 
elapsed  before  he  was  finally  cornered  in  a  burning  barn  on  Garrett's 
farm,  where  he  was  shot  to  death  by  Sergeant  Boston  Corbett.  Corbett 
acted  without  orders,  as  the  last  instructions  given  by  Colonel  Baker 
had  been  to  take  the  assassin  alive. 

Five  of  the  misguided  man's  co-conspirators  were  tried  and  four 
of  them,  Payne,  Harold,  Atzerodt  and  Mrs.  Surratt,  were  hanged.  Dr. 
Mudd  was  sent  to  the  Dry  Tortugas  for  a  number  of  years,  where  he 
did  so  much  good  among  yellow  fever  sufferers  that  he  was  pardoned 
and  returned  home,  where  he  finally  died.  John  Surratt,  husband  of 
the  woman  that  was  hanged,  fled  to  Italy,  entered  the  Papal  Guards, 
but  was  afterwards  discovered  and  brought  back  to  this  country,  but 
he  escaped  condemnation. 

The  fatally  wounded  President  was  carried  across  the  street  from 
the  theatre  to  the  house  of  William  Petersen,  where  he  died  at  twenty- 
two  minutes  after  seven  o'clock  next  morning.  At  nine  o'clock  the 
body  was  taken  to  the  White  House,  where  it  remained  in  the  East 
Eoom  until  the  nineteenth.  Then  it  was  removed  to  the  Capitol,  and 
lay  there  in  state,  to  be  viewed  by  thousands,  until  April  22,  when  the 
body  was  taken  by  special  train  through  Maryland,  Delaware,  Penn 
sylvania,  New  York  and  Indiana  to  Springfield,  111,  where  it  was 
buried.  At  half  a  dozen  cities  it  lay  in  state,  and  millions  of  people 
gazed — as  they  had  done  in  his  dream — "mournf ulty  upon  the  corpse ; 
others  weeping  pitifully." 

Disposition  of  Booth's  Remains. — Wilkes  Booth  was  buried  in  the 
penitentiary  at  Washington.  When  part  of  the  prison  was  torn  down 
his  remains  were  taken  up  and  interred  beneath  the  floor  of  a  store 
house  now  occupied  as  barracks  by  the  War  Department.  Kelatives 
obtained  permission,  near  the  close  of  Johnson's  administration,  to 


remove  them,  and  the  task  was  accomplished  as  quietly  as  possible,  the 
services  of  an  undertaker  being  engaged. 

This  undertaker's  shop  happened  to  be  just  around  the  corner  from 
Ford's  Theatre.  About  7  p.  m.  a  wagon  drove  into  the  alley  alongside 
of  the  theatre  and  stopped  in  the  rear  of  the  undertaker's.  This,  oddly 
enough,  was  the  same  alley  in  which  Booth  had  left  his  horse  to  be  held 
while  he  went  into  the  theatre  to  accomplish  a  crime  that  was  destined 
to  startle  the  world.  The  wagon  unloaded  a  pine  box  containing  a 
body,  which  was  carefully  examined  and  duly  identified  with  the  help 
of  a  dentist,  who  had  filled  the  teeth.  Then  it  was  put  into  a  coffin  and 
shipped  by  rail  at  night  to  Baltimore,  where  it  was  interred  in  the 
Booth  burial  lot  at  Greenmount  Cemetery. 

Beecher's  Oration  on  Lincoln. — In  a  speech  in  Brooklyn  on  the 
Sunday  following  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  Henry  Ward  Beecher 

"Never  did  two  such  orbs  of  experience  meet  in  one  hemisphere 
as  the  joy"  (over  the  surrender  of  Lee)  "and  the  sorrow  of  the  same 
week  in  this  land.  The  joy  was  as  sudden  as  if  no  man  had  expected 
it,  and  as  entrancing  as  if  it  had  fallen  a  sphere  from  heaven.  It 
rose  up  over  sobriety,  and  swept  business  from  its  moorings,  and  ran 
down  through  the  land  in  irresistible  course.  Men  embraced  each 
other  in  brotherhood  that  were  strangers  in  the  flesh.  They  sang  or 
prayed ;  or,  deeper  yet,  many  could  only  think  thanksgiving  and  weep 
gladness.  That  peace  was  sure ;  that  government  was  firmer  than  ever ; 
that  the  land  was  cleansed  of  plague;  that  the  ages  were  opening  to 
our  footsteps,  and  we  were  to  begin  a  march  of  blessings;  that  blood 
was  staunched  and  scowling  enmities  were  sinking  like  storms  beneath 
the  horizon ;  that  the  dear  fatherland,  nothing  lost,  much  gained,  was 
to  rise  up  in  unexampled  honor  among  the  nations  of  the  earth — 
these  thoughts  and  that  undistinguishable  throng  of  fancies,  and 
hopes,  and  desires,  and  yearnings,  that  filled  the  soul  with  tremblings 
like  the  heated  air  of  midsummer  days — all  these  kindled  up  such  a 
surge  of  joy  as  no  words  may  describe. 


"In  one  hour  joy  lay  without  a  pulse,  without  a  gleam  of  breath. 
A  sorrow  came  that  swept  through  the  land  as  huge  storms  sweep 
through  the  forest  and  field,  rolling  thunder  along  the  sky,  disheveling 
the  flowers,  daunting  every  singer  in  thicket  or  forest,  and  pouring 
blackness  and  darkness  across  the  land  and  up  the  mountains.  Did 
ever  so  many  hearts,  in  so  brief  a  time,  touch  two  such  boundless  feel 
ings?  It  was  the  uttermost  of  joy;  the  uttermost  of  sorrow — noon 
and  midnight,  without  a  space  between." 



Is  it  not  a  noteworthy  fact  that  in  all  the  attempts  made  upon 
the  lives  of  our  Presidents,  the  murderers  have  used  the  pistol?  To 
do  so  with  certainty  it  is  necessary  for  the  assassin  to  approach  very 
close  to  his  victim,  and  this  proximity  must  surely  prevent  escape 
after  the  deed  is  done.  In  Europe  the  favorite  weapon  has  been  the 
dagger,  as  in  the  assaults  on  Henry  IV.,  Carnot,  Empress  Elizabeth 
of  Austria,  and  the  Shah  of  Persia ;  or  by  the  bomb,  as  in  the  attempts 
on  Alexander  II.  and  Napoleon  III.  This  method  of  attack  appears 
remarkable  when  we  consider  how  much  more  certain  is  the  rifle — as 
used  to  assassinate  Governor  Goeble,  of  Kentucky,  and  the  fact  that 
the  rifle  is  more  deadly,  the  use  of  it  from  an  upper  window  may 
increase  the  chance  of  escape  of  the  culprit.  In  Europe,  where 
attempts  to  kill  rulers  is  not  a  very  uncommon  thing,  it  is  still  more 
strange  that  recourse  is  had  to  the  knife  and  pistol,  since  so  few  are 
successful,  when  it  must  be  known  to  the  would-be  assassin  that  a 
ruler  cannot  by  any  means  be  protected,  when  passing  through  a  street, 
from  a  rifle  bullet  fired  from  such  a  vantage  point  as  a  second  or 
third  story  window. 

Every  Man's  Hand  Against  Assassins. — The  killing  of  Lincoln 
was  by  the  use  of  a  pistol,  and  the  deed  was  as  well  planned  perhaps] 
as  it  could  have  been,  for  the  assassin  succeeded  in  escaping,  but 
his  identity  being  fully  revealed,  his  apprehension  was  certain,  as  it 
must  always  be  of  villains  who  perpetrate  such  nameless  iniquities, 
for  all  the  world  will  aid  in  hunting  them  down. 

The  sixteen  years  of  peace  that  had  intervened  gave  a  sense  of 
security,  for  the  crime  of  assassination  had  gone  completely  out  of 
public  mind.  Political  campaigns  had  been  as  exciting  and  rancor- 


cms  as  theretofore,  but  no  one  thought  of  murder  as  a  means  to  over 
come  or  harm  political  party  or  adversary.  A  bitter  contention  within 
the  Eepublican  ranks,  with  Conkling  on  one  side  and  Elaine  on  the 
other,  a  battle  of  speech  and  influence,  between  "stalwarts"  and 
"half-breeds,"  distressed  Republican  leaders  by  causing  them  to  fear 
for  their  party's  supremacy,  but  there  was  no  suggestion  in  this  of 
any  crime  premeditated,  or  that  the  rivalry,  fierce  as  it  was,  would 
result  in  anything  more  serious  than  a  deposition  from  leadership  of 
one  of  the  factions.  But  often  it  is  when  security  seems  greatest  that 
disaster  befalls,  and  so  it  was  with  President  Garfield. 

Murder  Personified. — "Whoever  shall  hereafter  draw  a  portrait 
of  murder,  if  he  will  show  it  as  it  has  been  exhibited,  where  such 
example  was  least  to  have  been  looked  for,  let  him  not  give  it  the 
grim  visage  of  Moloch,  the  brow  knitted  by  revenge,  the  face  black 
with  settled  hate.  Let  him  draw,  rather,  a  decorous,  smooth-faced, 
bloodless  demon;  not  so  much  an  example  of  human  nature  in  its 
depravity  and  in  its  paroxysms  of  crime,  as  an  infernal  being,  a  fiend 
in  the  ordinary  display  and  development  of  his  character." 

Thus  quoted  Mr.  Elaine  in  his  oration  on  Garfield  in  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives  on  February  27,  1882.  He  had  been  with  the 
President,  walking  arm-in-arm  through  the  waiting  room  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Railroad  Station  on  the  morning  of  July  2,  1881,  when 
Guiteau,  creeping  up  behind,  had  given  the  President  his  death  wound. 
He  had  caught  the  stricken  man  as  he  fell;  he  had  assisted  him  to 
a  seat  and  had  called  for  help ;  and  to  all  public  men  who  had  been 
affected  by  the  blow  against  the  chief  executive,  James  G.  Elaine, 
man  of  emotion  and  a  poet's  temperament,  had  felt  the  wound  most 

The  day  on  which  Garfield  was  shot  was  bright,  warm  and 
beautiful.  He  was  on  his  way  to  the  station  to  go,  with  members  of 
his  Cabinet,  to  New  York  and  thence  to  join  his  family  at  Elberon, 
N.  J.  He  had  been  particularly  cheerful  during  the  drive  to  the 


station,  and  was  walking  with  springy  step  and  well-raised  head  when 
two  pistol  shots  rang  out.  The  first  did  not  strike  him,,  the  second  hit 
him  in  the  back,  plowed  through  muscles  and  flesh  and  hid  itself 
away  to  defy  the  search  of  surgeons  while  it  ate  out  the  life  of  the 

The  Battle  with  Death. — Guiteau,  the  assassin,  did  not  attempt 
to  escape.  "Now  we  will  have  a  'stalwart  administration  P  "  he  cried, 
as  men  sprang  upon  him  and  wrested  the  still  smoking  revolver  from 
his  hands.  He  was  hurried  to  the  police  station  before  the  few  people 
around  the  depot  could  recover  from  the  shock  of  the  tragedy  suffi 
ciently  to  make  a  rush  for  him.  There  he  was  searched,  and  on  him 
was  found  a  letter  in  which  the  shooting  of  the  President  was  referred 
to  as  "a  sad  necessity,"  and  the  hope  was  expressed  that  the  action 
would  "unite  the  Kepublican  party  and  save  the  Kepublic." 

Garfield  lingered  for  more  than  two  months.  The  surgeons  and 
physicians  gave  him  the  best  attention  that  the  medical  science  of 
that  day  had  fitted  them  for;  they  searched  diligently  for  the  bullet, 
but,  as  the  post-mortem  developed,  they  searched  in  the  wrong  direc 
tion  and  never  found  it.  There  were  no  X-rays  twenty  years  ago; 
and  antiseptics  and  other  aids  of  surgeons  were  practically  or  per 
haps  wholly  unknown.  Day  by  day  the  country  alternated  between 
hope  and  fear.  Favorable  reports  were  issued,  only  to  be  followed 
by  unfavorable  ones.  For  a  long  while  the  wounded  man  lay  in  the 
White  House  to  which  he  had  been  taken  immediately  after  the 
shooting;  but  the  terrific  heat  of  the  summer  caused  the  medical  men 
to  grant  his  oft-repeated  request  to  be  taken  to  within  sight  of  the 
sea,  and  on  September  6  he  was  taken  to  Elberon,  N.  J.  Nine  days  later 
blood  poisoning  developed,  and,  after  a  few  hours  of  unconscious 
ness,  he  died  peacefully  on  September  19.  His  body  was  taken  back 
to  Washington  by  special  train  and  lay  in  state  in  the  rotunda  of  the 
Capitol  for  two  days.  A  long  special  train  took  the  body  to  Cleve 
land,  Ohio,  where  it  was  buried  beside  Lake  Erie  on  September  26. 


The  Trial  of  Guitean. — The  attorneys  for  Guiteau,  the  assassin, 
advanced  the  plea  of  insanity,  and  a  hard  fight  for  his  life  was  made 
in  a  trial  that  was  remarkable  in  many  ways.  But  the  verdict  was 
death,  and  Guiteau  was  hanged  in  Washington  City,  June  30,  1882, 
and  his  body  being  dissected,  the  skeleton  was  placed  in  the  Medical 
Museum,  where  it  still  remains,  though  not  labeled. 

The  memorial  services  in  honor  of  Garfield,  held  in  the  hall 
of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  on  February  27,  1882, .  were  the 
most  splendidly  solemn  that  the  history  of  the  United  States  has  so 
far  recorded.  Mr.  Elaine  was  the  orator;  the  audience  was  comprised 
of  President  Arthur,  the  Cabinet,  all  members  of  the  Diplomatic 
Corps,'  distinguished  men  from  all  over  the  country,  and  people  from 
all  walks  of  life. 

Elaine's  Famous  Oration  on  Garfield. — Mr.  Elaine's  oration  was 
a  masterpiece.  He  followed  the  life  of  his  subject  closely  from  boy 
hood  to  the  grave,  illuminating  the  biography  with  brilliant  anecdotes 
that  were  at  once  dignified  and  full  of  the  character  of  Garfield ;  and 
his  peroration  was  such  a  burst  of  poetry,  such  a  symphony  of  phrase, 
as  has  seldom  been  heard: 

"Great  in  life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in  death.  For  no 
cause,  in  the  very  frenzy  of  wantonness  and  wickedness,  by  the  red 
hand  of  murder,  he  was  thrust  from  the  full  tide  of  this  world's 
interest,  from  its  hopes,  its  aspirations,  its  victories,  into  the  visible 
presence  of  death — and  he  did  not  quail.  Not  alone  for  one  short 
moment,  in  which,  stunned  and  dazed,  he  could  give  up  life,  hardly 
aware  of  its  relinquishment ,  but  through  days  of  deadly  languor, 
through  weeks  of  agony,  that  was  not  less  agony  because  silently 
borne,  with  clear  sight  and  calm  courage  he  looked  into  his  open 
grave.  What  blight  and  ruin  met  his  anguished  eyes,  whose  lips 
may  tell;  what  brilliant,  broken  plans,  what  baffled,  high  ambitions, 
what  sundering  of  strong,  warm,  manhood's  friendship,  what  bitter 
rending  of  sweet  household  ties ! 


"Behind  him  a  proud,  expectant  nation,  a  great  host  of  sustain 
ing  friends,  a  cherished  and  happy  mother,  wearing  the  full,  rich 
honors  of  her  early  toil  and  tears ;  the  wife  of  his  youth,  whose  whole 
life  lay  in  his;  the  little  boys  not  yet  emerged  from  childhood's  day 
of  frolic;  the  fair  young  daughter;  the  sturdy  sons  just  springing 
into  closest  companionship,  claiming  every  day,  and  every  day  reward 
ing,  a  father's  love  and  care;  and  in  his  heart  the  eager,  rejoicing 
power  to  meet  all  demands.  And  his  soul  was  not  shaken.  His  coun 
trymen  were  thrilled  with  instant,  profound  and  universal  sympathy. 
Masterful  in  his  mortal  weakness,  he  became  the  centre  of  a  nation's 
love,  enshrined  in  the  prayers  of  a  world.  But  all  the  love  and  all 
the  sympathy  could  not  share  with  him  his  suffering.  He  trod  the 
winepress  alone.  With  unfaltering  front  he  faced  death.  With 
unfailing  tenderness  he  took  leave  of  life.  Above  the  demoniac  hiss 
of  the  assassin's  bullet  he  heard  the  voice  of  God.  With  simple  resig 
nation  he  bowed  to  the  divine  decree. 

"As  the  end  drew  near  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  returned. 
The  stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to  him  the  wearisome  hospital 
of  pain,  and  he  begged  to  be  taken  from  his  prison  walls,  from  its 
oppressive,  stifling  air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness. 
Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a  great  people  bore  the  pale  sufferer  to 
the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live  or  die,  as  God  should  will, 
within  sight  of  the  heaving  billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold 
voices.  With  wan,  fevered  face,  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze, 
he  looked  out  wistfully  on  the  ocean's  changing  wonders;  on  its 
fair  sails;  on  its  restless  waves  rolling  shoreward,  to  break  and  die 
beneath  the  noonday  sun;  on  the  red  clouds  of  evening,  arching  low 
to  the  horizon;  on  the  serene  and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let 
us  think  that  his  dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which  only  the 
rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe  that  in  the  silence 
of  the  receding  world  he  heard  the  great  waves  breaking  on  a  farther 
shore  and  felt  already  upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal 



S  .2  T3 

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(D    "O 

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^  -  i  °- 

H  *    I   " 

15  i 


MEN    OF    MARK.      THE   CLOSING   OF  THE    CAREF.R   OF  JAMES   <',     BL.AINE. 




IN   THE   UFE   OF  JAMES   G.    BI.AINE. 


20 1 



Copyrighted  by  Rockwood,  New  York. 








I  5 

2    fc 

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1    W 

3  E 





The  Story  of  His  Strenuous  Life  as  a  Student,  Plainsman,  Hunter, 

Author,  Politician,  Reformer,  Governor, 

Soldier  and  Statesman 


What  the  Nation  has  Reason  to  Expect  from 
so  Resolute  a  Chief 






Alfred  the  chivalrous,  England's  boast  for  a  thousand  years; 
Charlemagne,  courier  of  militant  Christianity,  hero  in  the  hour  of 
extremity;  Barbarossa,  ruler  over  adversity,  strongest  when  greatest 
perils  beset;  Henry  of  Navarre,  knightly  and  impetuous;  Charles 
XII.,  invincible  of  spirit,  resolute  when  his  star  of  destiny  paled; 
Peter  the  Great,  strenuous,  industrious,  indomitable;  Frederick  the 
Great  who  raised  the  flower  victory  from  the  dust  of  defeat ;  Lincoln, 
the  glorified,  who  faltered  not  before  mighty  trials  of  state. — These 
are  world  examples  of  the  resistless  power  of  determination  co-operat 
ing  with  genius  of  leadership.  Tremendous  events  never  fail  to  bring 
forth  men  to  meet  and  successfully  use  them  as  means  for  promoting 
the  cause  of  country,  people,  civilization.  The  occasion  was  a  measure 
less  one  that  elevated  Theodore  Eoosevelt  to  the  position  of  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  strongest  government  of  the  earth;  the  soundless 
grief  of  a  nation's  woe :  the  sorrowings  of  a  people  bereft  of  a  beloved 
President,  whose  precious  life  was  extinguished  by  the  fell  hand  of  a 
worse  than  hellish  traitor.  It  was  amid  the  gloom  of  national  anguish 
— the  red  terrorism  of  assassination,  the  blood  of  martyrdom,  and  cries 
of  horror  that  will  re-echo  up  and  down  the  ways  of  centuries — that 
Roosevelt  was  called  suddenly  to  take  the  place  of  the  stricken  chief 
tain;  and  in  an  hour  the  tear-stained  faces  of  80,000,000  Americans 
acclaimed  him  with  loyal  hearts  and  patriotic  devotion.  The  exigency, 
great,  alarming,  brought  forth  a  leader  full  panoplied  to  meet  it ;  the 
fear  of  panic,  the  dread  of  timid  investment,  and  the  spectre  of  politi- 



cal  anarchy  was  quickly  dispelled  by  national  consciousness  that  the 
standard,  though  crimsoned  and  fallen  in  the  dust  of  a  people's  alarm, 
was  recovered  and  raised  high  where  all  might  see  it  waving,  by  a  hand 
and  heart  as  daring,  knightly,  sturdy,  and  wholly  American  as  that 
of  Theodore  Eoosevelt.  In  him  there  seems  to  flow,  in  well-propor 
tioned  comminglement,  the  heroic  blood  of  Alfred,  Charlemagne, 
Peter,  Frederick,  Henry,  and  Barbarossa,  but  there  is  no  less  certainty 
to  be  discerned  the  temper  of  wise  statesmanship  that  animates,  and 
the  sagacious  charity,  the  splendid  magnanimity,  the  power  to  feel 
the  public  heart,  that  immortalized  Lincoln  and  distinguished 

How  Greatness  Masks  Itself. — Keal  greatness  manifests  itself 
in  many  ways,  just  as  it  wears  the  masks  of  many  characters.  One 
may  be  gentle,  charitable,  domestic,  deferential,  and  yet  when  put 
to  the  test  of  power  the  deeply  covered  seed  of  tyranny  may  quickly 
flower  into  fullest  growth.  So  may  one  ever  animated  by  a  vigorous 
spirit,  a  fearless,  seemingly  adventurous,  tireless  and  audacious  leader 
in  escapades  that  test  the  nerve  of  courage,  be  as  suddenly  quieted  to 
the  most  serious,  just,  and  approved  judgments  by  the  exigency  of 
heavy  responsibilities.  And  history  is  illuminated  by  so  many  illustra 
tions  of  these  contrasts  of  character  playing  impressive  parts  for 
human  and  for  national  betterment,  that  we  have  come  to  expect 
most  from  those  who  exhibit  the  most  striking  characteristics.  The 
boy  who  at  play  strikes  the  ball  farthest,  or  in  the  race  outstrips 
his  challenger,  has  that  ambition  and  capacity  which  will  make  him 
push  resolutely  in  the  competitions  of  life,  and  it  is  this  push  that 
wins  the  goal.  These  observations  are  unavoidable  when  we  consider 
the  life  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  since  his  has  been  a  peculiarly  marked 
and  stirring  one,  for  a  parallel  to  which  we  may  indeed  search  history 
in  vain. 

Roosevelt  as  an  Author. — It  is  in  many  pursuits,  athlete,  reformer, 
politician,  statesman,  official,  and  book- writer  that  President  Eoosevelt 


has  proved  his  versatility,  and  remarkable  capacities.  In  not  a  few 
respects  he  betrays  Napoleonic  character,  but  without  a  taint  of  those 
faults  of  Napoleon  that  led  to  his  overthrow.  And  that  Roosevelt 
has  a  studious,  well-balanced,  even  philosophical  mind,  is  thoroughly 
manifested  by  his  literary  ambitions  and  creations.  A  college  grad 
uate,  he  has  the  theoretical  training,  and  winning  honors  in  competi 
tive  examinations  he  has  the  ambition  to  excel  in  purely  intellectual 
undertakings,  as  well  also  a  knowledge  of  the  practical  side  of  life. 

Notwithstanding  his  diversified  public  activities  Eoosevelt  must 
have  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  literary  labors,  in  order  to  have  pro 
duced  the  following  books,  viz:  In  1881,  the  year  after  his  college 
graduation,  he  published  "The  Naval  War  of  1812."  Although  he  was 
only  twenty-three  years  of  age  when  he  wrote  this  work,  it  is  accepted 
as  the  most  exhaustive,  graphic,  sterling  and  stirring  history  on  that 
subject  that  has  ever  been  given  to  the  world.  After  writing  "The  War 
of  1812,"  Eoosevelt  went  West  and  settled  upon  a  ranch  in  Dakota, 
where  he  became  a  rancher  and  accepted  willingly  all  the  hardships 
and  rough  experiences  such  a  life  must  endure.  Having  thus  quali 
fied  himself  for  the  task,  he  wrote  "Hunting  Trips  of  a  Ranchman," 
which  appeared  in  1885.  So  thrilling  are  many  of  the  adventures 
therein  recounted,  and  so  true  is  the  plainsman's  life  painted,  that 
this  book  must  take  rank  with  the  very  best  works  having  "the  West" 
for  a  subject. 

His  Most  Important  Works. — His  residence  a  ranch  for  quite  four 
years,  with  little  to  disturb  his  naturally  reflective  mind,  Roosevelt 
employed  much  of  his  time  in  a  study  of  national  questions,  and  of 
distinguished  public  men,  their  characters  and  services.  In  pursuing 
these  politico-biographic  investigations  he  wrote  and  published  in  1886 
"The  Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,"  and  in  the  following  year  appeared 
from  his  pen  "The  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris,"  both  being  issued  in 
the  "American  Statesmen  Series,"  to  which  is  admitted  the  produc 
tions  of  only  the  best  writers.  The  next  year,  1888,  was  published  his 


most  popular  work,  "Ranch  Life  and  the  Hunting  Trail,"  which  though 
a  record  of  facts  and  observation,  is  as  interesting  as  any  of  Cooper's 
"Leather  Stocking  Tales."  It  is  a  book  redolent  with  the  odors, 
abounding  with  the  adventures,  and  vitalizing  and  exciting  with  the 
wild  freedom  which  the  plains  suggest.  Subsequently  there  have 
appeared  from  his  versatile  and  virile  pen  the  following  works,  in  the 
order  named,  "The  Winning  of  the  West,"  "History  of  New  York 
City,"  "The  Strenuous  Life,"  "American  Ideals,"  "The  Wilderness 
Hunter,"  "Oliver  Cromwell,"  and  "The  Rough  Eiders."  In  addition  to 
this  list  of  what  may  be  called  his  most  pretentious  book  works,  he  has 
written  and  published  in  magazines  essays  on  "Reform  Methods  in 
Politics,"  "Stay-at-Homes  in  Politics,"  "Machine  Rule,"  "Partisan 
ship  and  What  It  Entails,"  and  "Political  Crooks."  In  these  essays, 
which  have  had  an  extensive  circulation,  he  gives  utterance  to  the 
boldest  declarations  against  all  the  evils  that  afflict  the  national,  state 
and  municipal  well-being,  and  vigorously  assails  the  abuses  of  cor 
porate  institutions.  A  measure  of  the  man,  and  the  President,  may 
be  taken  by  these  sentences  from  his  essays : 

Political  Epigrams  and  Wise  Counsel. — "The  man  who  debauches 
our  public  life, whether  by  malversation  of  funds  in  office,  by  the  actual 
bribery  of  legislators,  or  by  the  corrupt  use  of  the  offices  as  spoils 
wherewith  to  reward  the  unworthy  or  vicious  for  their  noxious  and 
interested  activity  in  the  baser  walks  of  political  life — this  man  is  a 
greater  foe  to  our  well-being  as  a  nation  than  is  even  the  defaulting 
cashier  of  a  bank  or  the  betrayer  of  a  private  trust." 

"We  need  fearless  criticism  of  our  public  men  and  public  parties. 
We  need  unsparing  condemnation  of  all  persons  and  all  principles  that 
count  for  evil  in  our  public  life." 

"Wrongs  should  be  strenuously  and  fearlessly  denounced.  Evil 
principles  and  evil  men  should  be  condemned.  The  politician  who 
cheats  or  swindles,  or  the  newspaper  man  who  lies  in  any  form,  should 
be  made  to  feel  that  he  is  an  object  of  scorn  for  all  honest  men." 


"There  are  plenty  of  scoundrels  always  ready  to  try  to  belittle 
reform  movements  or  to  bolster  up  existing  iniquities  in  the  name  of 

"The  man  who  is  content  to  let  politics  go  from  bad  to  worse,  jest 
ing  at  the  corruption  of  politicians ;  the  man  who  is  content  to  see  the 
maladministration  of  justice  without  an  immediate  and  resolute  effort 
to  reform  it,  is  shirking  his  duty,  and  is  preparing  the  way  for  infinite 
woe  in  the  future/' 

"If  we  had  no  independence  we  should  always  be  running  the  risk 
of  the  most  degraded  kind  of  despotism — the  despotism  of  the  party 
boss  and  the  party  machine." 

"The  prevention  of  blackmail  and  corruption,  the  repression  of 
crime  and  violence,  safeguarding  of  life  and  property,  securing  honest 
elections  and  renewing  efficient  and  punishing  inefficient  public  ser 
vice,  are  not  and  cannot  properly  be  made  questions  of  party  differ 

"Every  man  who  wishes  well  to  his  country  is  in  honor  bound  to 
take  an  active  part  in  political  life." 

"In  public  life  we  need  not  only  men  who  are  able  to  work  in  and 
through  their  parties,  but  also  upright,  fearless,  rational  independents, 
who  will  deal  impartial  justice  to  all  men  and  all  parties." 

"When  a  partisan  political  organization  becomes  merely  an  associa 
tion  for  purposes  of  plunder  and  patronage,  it  may  be  a  menace  instead 
of  a  help  to  a  community." 

"Cynicism  in  public  life  is  a  curse,  and  when  a  man  has  lost  the 
power  of  enthusiasm  for  righteousness  it  will  be  better  for  him  and 
the  country  if  he  abandons  public  life." 

"But  the  best  way  to  prevent  big  corporations  from  making  contri 
butions  for  improper  purposes  is  simply  to  elect  as  public  servants  not 
professional  denouncers  of  corporations — for  such  men  are  in  practice 
usually  their  most  servile  tools — but  men  who  say,  and  mean,  that  they 


will  neither  be  for  nor  against  corporations;  that,  on  the  one  hand, 
they  will  not  be  frightened  from  doing  them  justice  by  popular  clamor, 
or,  on  the  other  hand,  led  by  any  interest  whatsoever  into  doing  them 
more  than  justice." 

Eoosevelt  as  President  is  not  different  from  Eoosevelt  the  man, 
inflexible  to  the  right,  courageous,  impartial,  hewing  to  the  line,  broad- 
minded,  able,  magnanimous  and  resolute  in  his  great  purpose  to  ignore 
sections,  and  to  be  President  of  the  whole  country,  tc  the  end  that  we 
may  be  a  thoroughly  united  people,  in  sentiment,  affection,  interest  and 

His  Birth  and  Ancestry. — Theodore  Eoosevelt  was  born  in  New 
York  City  at  the  family  mansion,  28  East  Twentieth  street,  October 
27,  1858.  He  is  a  Knickerbocker  of  the  Knickerbockers,  being  seventh 
in  descent  from  Klaus  Martenson  Eoosevelt,  who  with  his  wife,  emi 
grated  from  the  Netherlands  to  New  Amsterdam,  in  1649.  For  two 
and  a  half  centuries  the  descendants  of  this  couple  have  lived  in  New 
York — burghers  and  patroons, — always  serving  their  city  in  some 
patriotic  capacity.  In  revolutionary  times  New  York  chose  a  Eoosevelt 
to  act  with  Alexander  Hamilton  in  the  United  States  Constitutional 
Convention.  Eoosevelt  street  in  New  York  was  so  named  because  it 
was  a  cow-lane  in  the  original  Eoosevelt  farm.  Eoosevelt  Hospital 
was  a  gift  of  a  recent  member  of  the  family.  Mingled  with  the 
good  old  Dutch  blood  there  are  strains  in  the  family  of  the  best  Scotch, 
Irish  and  French  Huguenot.  The  President's  father,  Theodore  Eoose 
velt  a  lawyer  and  judge,  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in 
New  York  during  the  Civil  War.  He  had  great  strength  and  nobility 
of  character  combined  with  a  certain  easy  joyousness.  To  him  more 
than  to  anyone  else  New  York  owes  its  system  of  newsboys'  lodging 
houses.  He  was  a  power  in  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  and 
one  of  the  principal  organizers  of  the  Bureau  of  United  Charities. 

The  Allotment  Commission. — During  the  Civil  War  it  was  Eoose 
velt  Sr.,  who  established  the  famous  "Allotment  Commission/'  which 


enabled  soldiers  in  the  field  to  allot  and  send  to  their  families  at  home 
a  certain  portion  of  their  month's  pay.  He  held  various  positions  of 
public  trust,  but  such  was  his  high  sense  of  the  duty  of  the  citizen  to 
the  state  that  he  never  would  accept  any  payment  for  his  services.  The 
President's  mother  was  Miss  Martha  Bullock.  She  came  from  the  old 
Southern  family  of  Bullocks,  which  produced  a  famous  Governor  of 
Georgia,  and  the  builder  of  the  Confederate  Privateer  "Alabama."  So 
in  his  veins  runs  Eevolutionary  and  Confederate  blood.  Science  tells 
us  "we  are  the  sum  of  our  antecedents  and  surroundings."  And  in 
our  hero  President  is  easily  traced  the  fighting  strain  that  made  him 
"court  death  like  a  lover,"  at  San  Juan  Hill.  As  a  boy  he  was  small 
and  frail,  with  weak  eyes,  giving  little  promise  of  the  amazing  vigor  of 
his  later  life.  His  father  who,  it  is  said,  understood  the  science  of 
bringing  up  boys — and  that  science  he  comprised  in  the  word  work, 
hard  work  and  plenty  of  it — early  taught  Theodore  that  if  he  would 
amount  to  anything  in  the  world,  he  must  cultivate  physical  strength. 
So  he  began  early  in  life  with  that  prodigious  perseverance  of  his  to 
build  up  a  vigorous  constitution  by  an  outdoor  life.  As  a  boy  he  spent 
all  of  his  summers  at  the  Eoosevelt  farm,  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island, 
where  he  swam,  rowed,  and  tramped  the  hills  for  pastime,  collecting 
and  cataloging  the  birds  of  his  neighborhood.  "I  was  determined,"  he 
said,  "to  make  a  man  of  myself."  And  to  a  friend  who  spoke  to  him 
about  being  a  city  boy,  he  replied :  "I  belong  as  much  to  the  country  as 
to  the  city.  I  owe  all  my  vigor  to  the  country."  He  was  tutored  at 
home;  but  also  attended  a  private  school — Cutters,  one  of  the  most 
famous  of  its  day.  When  eleven  years  old  he  made  his  first  trip  to 
Europe.  Even  at  that  age,  says  Mr.  George  Cromwell,  of  Philadel 
phia,  "he  was  a  leader.  A  masterful,  commanding  little  fellow,  who 
seemed  to  have  a  peculiar  quality  of  his  own  for  making  his  playmates 
obey  him — not  at  all  because  we  were  afraid,  but  because  we  wanted  to, 
and  somehow  felt  sure  we  would  have  a  good  time  and  have  lots  of  fun 
if  we  did  as  he  said." 


Roosevelt  as  a  Boy. — The  lad's  principal  amusements  in  the  winter 
were  skating  and  coasting  in  Central  Park.  His  literary  taste  devel 
oped  a  fondness  for  the  stories  of  Captain  Mayne  Eeid  and  he  mani 
fested  an  intense  liking  for  the  Indian  tales  of  Fenimore  Cooper. 
After  two  years  at  a  preparatory  school  he  went  to  Harvard  in  1875, 
and  is  the  third  president  to  graduate  from  that  University.  Ex- 
Mayor  Josiah  Quincy  of  Boston,  who  was  in  college  with  Boosevelt, 
says  of  him : 

uHe  exhibited  in  his  college  days  most  of  the  traits  of  character 
which  he  has  exhibited  in  after  years  on  the  larger  stage  of  political 
life.  In  appearance  and  manner  he  has  changed  remarkably  little  in 
twenty  years  and  I  should  say  that  his  leading  characteristic  in  col 
lege  was  the  very  quality  of  strenuousness,  which  is  now  so  associated 
with  his  public  character.  In  whatever  he  did  he  showed  unusual 
energy  and  the  same  aggressive  earnestness  which  has  carried  him  so 
far  in  public  life. 

His  College  Life. — "Koosevelt  at  school  exhibited  a  maturity  of 
character,  if  not  of  intellectual  development,  greater  than  that  of  most 
of  his  classmates,  and  was  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  notable  members 
of  his  class."  Both  his  fellows  and  his  teachers  say  he  was  much  above 
the  average  as  a  student.  He  was  just  as  original,  just  as  reliant  on 
his  own  judgment,  as  now.  On  the  subject  of  athletics  I  will  use  his 
own  words :  "By  the  time  I  entered  Harvard  College  I  was  able  to  take 
my  part  in  whatever  sports  I  liked.  I  wrestled  and  sparred  and  ran 
a  great  deal  while  at  college,  and  although  I  never  came  in  first,  I 
got  more  good  out  of  the  exercise  than  those  who  did,  because  I 
immensely  enjoyed  it  and  never  injured  myself.  I  was  fond  of 
wrestling  and  boxing;  I  think  I  was  a  good  deal  of  a  wrestler,  and 
though  I  never  won  a  championship,  yet  more  than  once  I  won  my 
trial  heats  and  got  into  the  final  round.  I  was  captain  of  my  polo 
team  at  one  time,  but  since  I  left  college  I  have  taken  most  of  my 
exercise  in  the  fcow-country'  01  in  the  mountains  hunting." 


He  was  for  a  time  editor  of  the  Advocate,  the  college  paper,  and 
was  deeply  absorbed  in  history  and  natural  history ;  in  the  latter  study 
he  took  honors.  Although  well  born  and  a  welcome  guest  in  the  society 
of  exclusive  Boston  he  was  absolutely  free  from  snobbishness,  as 
is  illustrated  by  the  following  anecdote: 

"Roosevelt,"  said  a  classmate  to  him  one  day,  "why  do  you  asso 
ciate  with  so  and  so  ?" 

"Well,"  was  the  reply,  "he  is  a  good  boxer,  a  good  wrestler  and 
chain  lightning  in  mathematics." 

"But  he  is  below  you  in  social  position,"  was  urged.  "His  father 
is  a  carpenter,  or  something  of  that  sort." 

Young  Roosevelt  was  on  fire  in  a  moment. 

"You're  a  cad !"  he  retorted,  "nobody  but  a  cad  would  make  such 
a  suggestion.  That  man  is  your  superior  in  three  lines  of  study ;  he 
can  outrow  you  and  outjump  you,  so  if  there  is  any  question  of 
superiority  or  inferiority,  you  are  distinctly  the  inferior." 

Upon  leaving  college  one  of  the  professors  in  speaking  of  him 
said:  "Take  the  measure  of  your  country  by  Roosevelt's  success  in 
politics."  And  the  country  has,  to  its  honor  be  it  said,  not  been  found 
wanting  in  appreciation  of  his  honesty,  patriotism  and  high  ideals. 

Climbing  the  Peaks  of  Switzerland. — After  leaving  college  young 
Roosevelt  spent  a  year  in  Europe,  where  he  climbed  the  Matterhorn 
and  the  Jungfrau,  and  was  made  a  member  of  the  London  Alpine 
Club.  Upon  his  return  to  New  York,  barely  twenty-three,  he  was  ready 
to  begin  his  lif  ework.  He  is  described  at  that  time  as  a  "robust,  sturdy 
shouldered,  square  jawed  young  man,  five  feet  eight  in  height — born 
a  fighter." 

An  admirer  writing  of  him  in  McClure's  Magazine  says: 

"He  had  no  need  to  work,  his  income  was  ample  to  keep  him  in 
comfort,  if  not  luxury,  all  his  life.  He  might  spend  his  summers  in 
Newport  and  his  winters  on  the  Continent,  and  possibly  win  some  fame 
as  an  amateur  athlete  and  a  society  man,  but  rather  than  take  the  ease 


of  a  rich  and  purposeless  man  he  craved  the  stir  and  action  of  public 
life,  where  he  might  be  of  real  service  to  his  country/' 

His  Career  as  an  Author. — Before  he  was  twenty-three  Roosevelt 
had  completed  his  work  on  the  "Naval  War  of  1812,"  which  has  since 
become  a  standard  authority  upon  that  eventful  period  of  the  nation's 
history,  and  a  copy  was  placed,  by  authority,  in  the  library  of  every 
American  warship.  It  was  characteristic  of  him  that  in  his  earliest 
literary  effort  he  should  take  up  the  challenge  of  a  British  writer 
who  had  slandered  American  character  and  purpose.  The  book  which 
excited  him  to  anger  was  an  elaborate  history  of  the  British  Navy  by 
James,  in  five  volumes,  which  was  accepted  as  a  standard  by  Great 
Britain.  To  disprove  the  infamous  charges  James  had  preferred, 
Eoosevelt  went  to  Washington  and  plodded  carefully  through  all  the 
old,  mildewed  annals  of  the  navy,  which  had  been  stored  away  in  boxes 
where  no  one  had  touched  them  for  two  generations.  He  read  therein 
accounts  of  battles  as  reported  to  the  Navy  Department  by  the  captains 
themselves ;  he  also  investigated  all  the  official  reports  of  them  made  in 
Europe.  The  result  was  a  detailed,  technical  account  of  each  naval 
engagement  just  as  it  had  been  fought,  and  with  this  reliable  informa 
tion  acquired  he  used  it  to  produce  a  work  most  valuable  to  real  stu 
dents  of  this  period  of  our  history.  And  it  is  a  significant  fact  that 
the  publishers  of  a  new  and  great  naval  history  of  Great  Britain,  on  a 
scale  more  elaborate  than  has  ever  been  attempted  before,  have  asked 
Mr.  Roosevelt  to  write  for  it  the  account  of  the  contest  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  en  the  sea  in  1812. 



For  a  time  Mr.  Roosevelt  attempted  the  study  of  law  with  his 
uncle,  Robert  B.  Roosevelt;  but  politics  attracted  him  irresistibly,  for 
he  then  believed,  as  he  subsequently  declared :  "Politics  and  war  are  the 
two  biggest  games  that  men  can  play  at." 

In  1881  he  attended  his  first  primary.  "I  have  always  believed," 
he  said,  "that  every  man  should  join  a  political  organization,  and 
should  attend  the  primaries;  that  he  should  not  be  content  to  be 
merely  governed,  but  should  do  his  part  of  that  work." 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  New  York  Assembly  in  1881,  the 
youngest  member  of  that  body,  and  was  twice  re-elected  by  large 
majorities.  Modestly  but  unceasingly  he  made  war  on  corrupt 
politics.  "By  many  he  was  considered  an  assertive,  well-meaning 
young  man  with  correct  ideas,  absurd  in  practical  politics — a  sort  of 
visiting  delegate  from  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  trying  to  run  the  Albany  Legis 
lature,  with  its  Thurlow  Weed  traditions,  on  a  Sunday-school  basis." 

He  soon  proved  himself,  however,  a  knock-down  fighter,  and, 
protected  by  his  armor  of  fearless  honesty,  a  man  to  be  reckoned  with 
and  feared.  He  became  Republican  candidate  for  Speaker  in  his 
second  Assembly  year,  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  made  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Cities.  Then  began  the  fight  for  reform,  prepar 
ing  the  way  for  the  upheaval  that  came  with  the  Lexow-Parkhurst- 
Goff  investigation. 

How  He  Fought  Corruption  in  the  State. — Indeed,  at  Albany  he 
played  politics  with  the  same  cheery  disregard  for  punishment,  danger 
or  future  preferment  that  he  showed  on  the  bloody  slope  before  San 
Juan.  He  had  determined  that  the  city  government  of  New  York 
needed  purifying,  and  without  delay  he  set  about  to  purify  it.  It  was 


nothing  to  him  that  he  had  a  bitter  majority  of  corrupt  politicians  to 
fight,  nor  that  many  of  the  newspapers  of  New  York  lampooned  him 
unmercifully.  He  made  friends  and  trusted  them,  wherein  lies  much 
of  his  success  as  a  leader;  and  with  the  small  but  tremendously  ener 
getic  and  devoted  band  of  workers  which  gathered  under  his  standard 
he  succeeded  in  passing  the  famous  Roosevelt  Alderinanic  bill,  which 
deprived  the  City  Council  of  New  York  of  the  right  to  veto  the 
Mayors  appointments,  the  provision  under  which  Tweed  and  his 
ringsters  had  wrought  such  perversions  of  the  public  will.  This  was 
the  most  important  work  he  did  in  Albany,  and,  singularly  enough, 
it  made  possible  his  own  appointment  years  later  as  Police  Commis 

He  also  organized  a  committee  to  investigate  the  work  of  county 
officials  in  New  York,  as  a  result  of  which  the  County  Clerk,  who  had 
been  receiving  $82,000  a  year  in  fees,  the  Sheriff,  who  had  been  taking 
$100,000,  and  the  Register,  whose  perquisites  were  also  very  large,  all 
became  salaried  officials.  At  the  same  time  Mr.  Roosevelt  urged  a 
police  investigation,  and  it  would  have  been  secured  had  he  remained 
longer  in  the  Legislature.  During  his  entire  service  he  fought  every 
blackmailing  scheme  of  dishonest  politicians  with  untiring  earnest 
ness,  and  he  insisted  on  civil  service  reform,  and  the  endeavor  to  com 
bine  honesty  and  efficiency  in  the  selection  of  all  servants  of  the  State. 

A  Delegate  to  the  Republican  National  Convention. — He  first  be 
came  prominent  in  national  politics  in  1884,  when,  recognized  as  a 
power  in  the  State,  he  was  made  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  National 
Convention,  to  lead  the  Edmunds  forces  in  the  Chicago  convention  of 
1884;  and  though  opposed  to  Blaine,  he  refused  to  follow  the  bolters 
who  went  over  to  Cleveland,  for  he  believed  he  could  do  nothing  except 
through  the  regular  party  organization. 

He  entered  the  campaign  vigorously,  made  many  speeches  and 
then  went  West  to  his  North  Dakota  ranch,  where  he  spent  two  years 
hunting  and  writing.  He  killed  big  game  at  that  time  and  wrote  his 


books  on  "Kanch  Life"  and  "The  Winning  of  the  West."  Two 
years  before,  in  1884,  occurred  the  great  sorrow  and  tragedy  of  his 
life,  when  he  lost  his  young  wife,  formerly  Miss  Alice  Lee,  of  Boston, 
and  his  dearly  beloved  mother.  They  died  in  the  same  house,  and 
within  a  few  hours  of  each  other.  It  was  said  that  his  self-control 
under  the  blow  was  marvelous,  inspiring  all  with  the  deepest  respect 
and  admiration. 

Life  on  the  Frontier. — Of  his  life  on  the  frontier,  in  Northwest 
Dakota,  he  says:  "I  went  out  there  to  be  one  of  them,  not  to  show 
them  what  a  New  Yorker  looked  like.  I  dressed  as  my  cowmen 
dressed ;  I  was  armed  as  they  were  armed ;  I  ate  what  they  ate ;  if  they 
slept  on  the  ground,  in  the  wet,  I  did  the  same,  and  if  they  had  a  dance 
and  I  was  wanted  I  went.  They  expected  me  to  be  the  other  way,  but 
because  I  was  not  I  took  them  by  surprise  and  won  their  confidence." 
The  following  story  also  explains  how  he  won  their  admiration : 

He  Subdues  a  Desperado. — Out  West,  in  Montana,  at  a  big 
round-up,  the  "bad  man,"  who  always  is  present  on  such  occasions,  was 
known  as  "Long  Ike."  He  had  the  reputation  of  being  quick  with 
his  forefinger  on  the  trigger  and  able  to  "whip  his  weight  in  wild 
cats/7  on  account  of  his  great  muscular  strength.  He  imposed  upon 
people  so  long  that  he  gradually  got  to  believe  in  his  own  courage — 
for,  in  reality,  he  was  as  arrant  a  coward  as  ever  passed  himself  off  as 
a  brave  man.  One  of  his  favorite  tricks  was  to  line  up  alongside  a 
drinking  bar,  select  the  filled  glass  of  one  of  the  men  he  thought  he 
could  bluff,  and  drain  it.  At  this  particular  round-up  Theodore 
Roosevelt  happened  to  be  one  of  a  party  in  the  only  place  of  shelter  on 
the  prairie — the  saloon.  A  glass  half  filled  with  whisky  had  been 
poured  out  by  a  cowboy  and  placed  in  front  of  him.  Long  Ike  reached 
out  and  took  it,  and  so  certain  was  he  that  the  stranger  would  submit 
that  he  did  not  take  the  precaution  to  make  his  customary  bluff  with 
his  revolver. 

Before  he  could  swallow  the  liquor  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  on  him  like 


a  catamount.  An  expert  wrestler,  he  threw  the  bully  in  a  jiffy.  Then 
he  turned  him  over  and  stood  him  up  and  ran  him  out  of  doors,  taking 
the  revolver  away  from  him  in  the  run.  Ike  was  thrown  again,  harder 
than  before,  and  could  not  get  up  for  five  minutes.  When  he  did  he 
was  dazed  and  wondering.  The  style  of  attack  was  so  quick,  so 
unusual  and  so  vigorous  that  he  was  afraid  to  resent  it  in  the  ffbad 
man"  way  even  had  he  possessed  the  nerve — "and  his  shooting-iron. 
He  sneaked  out  of  camp. 

The  young  man  with  the  eyeglasses  and  the  gleaming  teeth 
enjoyed  the  respect  of  the  cowboys  from  that  day  forward. 

We  next  iind  him  a  candidate  for  Mayor  of  'New  York  City, 
"leading  a  forlorn  hope"  against  Henry  George,  the  United  Labor 
nominee,  and  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  Democratic  candidate.  Hewitt  was 
elected,  though  Roosevelt  made  a  strong  fight. 

A  Civil  Service  Commissioner. — For  six  years,  beginning  in  1889, 
four  years  under  President  Harrison  and  two  under  President 
Cleveland,  lie  was  president  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission.  This 
was  work  quite  to  his  liking — work  for  the  correction  of  public  abuses, 
where  he  met  the  keenest  opposition,  and  in  which  he  was  compelled 
to  grapple  with  every  stripe  of  politician. 

When  he  accepted  the  position  he  was  firmly  convinced  that  the 
spoils-monger  was  as  bad  as  the  bribe-giver,  and  he  fought  him  publicly 
and  privately,  in  Congress  and  out,  so  that  before  he  left  the  com 
mission  he  had  added  more  than  20,000  new  places  to  the  scope  of  the 
Civil  Service  Law,  at  the  same  time  enforcing  the  law  as  it  never  had 
been  enforced  before. 

He  resigned  this  position  to  become  Police  Commissioner  in  1895 
under  Mayor  Strong,  who  considered  him  the  best  material  to  give 
strength  and  vitality  to  the  principles  of  reform,  upon  which  he  had 
been  elected. 

To  a  friend  who  expressed  surprise  that  a  man  of  his  scholarly 
attainments  should  enter  a  police  crusade,  he  said:  "I  thought  the 


storm  centre  was  in  New  York,  so  I  came  here ;  it  is  a  great  piece  of 
practical  work.  I  like  to  take  hold  of  work  that  has  been  done  by  a 
Tammany  leader  and  do  it  as  well  by  approaching  it  from  the  opposite 
direction.  The  thing  that  attracted  me  to  it  was  that  it  was  to  be  done 
in  the  hurly-burly,  for  I  don't  like  cloister  life." 

Within  a  month  he  was  the  most  hated  as  well  as  the  best  beloved 
man  in  New  York.  To  be  certain  that  his  police  orders  were  obeyed 
and  that  the  reforms  he  recommended  were  carried  out,  he  pursued 
the  simple  but  effective  method  of  visiting  the  patrolmen  of  the  force 
on  their  beats  at  night,  very  much  as  the  good  Haroun  al  Eachid 
visited  the  citizens  of  Bagdad,  to  discover  their  occupations  and  their 
plottings.  A  very  few  such  visits,  with  their  resultant  punishments 
upon  delinquents,  were  enough  to  give  the  average  policeman  a  whole 
some  regard  for  Mr.  Roosevelt's  authority  and  watchfulness.  He 
established  a  policy  of  strict  enforcement  of  the  Excise  Law,  compelling 
saloons  to  close  on  Sundays,  which  aroused  much  opposition,  but  it 
put  a  stop  to  police  protection  of  vice  and  restored  discipline  to  the 

As  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy. — It  was  his  appreciation  of 
the  great  need  of  military  readiness — whether  to  prevent  war  or  to 
maintain  it — that  induced  Roosevelt  to  accept  the  position  of  Assistant 
Secretaryship  of  the  Navy  in  1896.  His  first  work  was  to  familiarize 
himself  with  the  possible  needs  of  the  navy  in  the  event  of  war.  After 
that  he  began  to  buy  guns,  ammunition  and  provisions.  He  insisted 
upon  an  appropriation  of  $800,000,  with  which  to  buy  powder  and  balls 
for  target  practice;  and  afterwards  $500,000  more  for  the  same  pur 
pose.  His  experience  among  the  big  game  of  the  West  had  convinced 
him  of  the  necessity  of  good  marksmanship,  and  he  realized  that  to  be 
come  an  expert  shot  one  must  practice,  and  consequently  waste  powder 
and  lead  in  firing  big  guns  of  battleships  as  well  as  rifles  by  infantry. 
When  war  with  Spain  threatened,  he  hurried  the  work  on  the  new 
warships;  he  directed  that  the  crew  of  every  vessel  be  recruited  to 


its  full  complement,  and  crammed  the  bins  of  every  naval  supply 
station  with  coal  in  anticipation  of  an  emergency.  "If  it  had  not 
been  for  Roosevelt/7  said  Senator  Cushman  K.  Davis,  then  chairman  of 
the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  "we  should  not  have 
been  able  to  strike  the  blow  that  we  did  at  Manila/"7  It  needed  just 
Roosevelt's  energy  and  promptness;  he  called  it  "sharpening  the 
tools  of  the  navy,"  and  when  they  were  sharpened  and  war  was 
actually  declared,  he  said,  "There  is  nothing  more  for  me  to  do.  I 
have  got  to  get  into  the  fight  myself." 

Accordingly  he  sent  in  his  resignation,  but  not  until  he  had  recom 
mended  Dewey  to  the  command  of  the  Asiatic  Squadron,  and  upon 
request  received  permission  to  organize  a  regiment  of  Western  Rough 
Riders,  with  rendezvous  at  San  Antonio,  Texas,  of  which  Dr.  Leonard 
Wood,  an  old  college  chum,  was  made  colonel,  anrj  Roosevelt  was 
quite  content  to  take  the  office  of  lieutenant-colonel.  This  regiment 
was  ready  for  the  first  expedition  to  Cuba,  but  there  were  delays,  most 
vexatious,  that  kept  it  from  moving  to  the  front.  Restless  beyond  com- 
trol,  Roosevelt  telegraphed  day  by  day  to  every  prominent  adminis 
tration  officer  imploring  that  his  regiment  might  be  sent  to  Tampa, 
but  these  entreaties  failing  he  sought  an  interview  with  Mrs.  McKinley 
and  begged  her  intercession  with  the  President  that  an  order  be  issued 
to  have  his  regiment  join  the  army  of  invasion.  After  the  order  he 
had  so  earnestly  prayed  for  was  finally  given,  the  Washington  authori 
ties  refused  to  allow  mounted  troops  to  go  to  Cuba,  so  that  another 
mind-racking  delay  was  encountered,  and  it  seemed  to  Roosevelt  that 
he  had  been  purposely  detained. 

He  Seizes  a  Train. — A  second  time  he  got  orders  to  move,  first 
to  Tampa,  and  then  to  join  General  Joe  Wheeler's  Fifth  Army  Corps 
in  the  proposed  invasion.  His  regiment  was  in  camp  ten  miles  from 
Tampa,  to  reach  which  port  with  expedition  he  boldly  seized  an  entire 
train,  and  jumping  on  the  engine  himself  he  compelled  the  engineer 
to  start.  Everything  was  confuson  when  he  reached  Tampa,  for  the 


army  organization  had  been  so  hasty  as  to  still  show  its  great  imperfec 
tions  ;  finding  that  there  was  little  likelihood  of  getting  to  Cuba  soon 
should  he  wait  for  an  assignment  to  a  transport  he  promptly  placed 
his  regiment  on  board  the  nearest  vessel.  But  he  was  not  yet  to  have 
his  restless  spirit  satisfied,  for  just  before  the  time  set  for  his  sailing, 
a  report  came  that  Cervera  with  a  fleet  of  powerful  cruisers  had  been 
sighted  in  American  waters,  and  to  start  out  a  fleet  of  transports 
under  such  dangerous  conditions  was  a  responsibility  the  government 
refused  to  take. 

In  the  Thick  of  Action  at  Last. — In  a  few  days  the  alarming 
reports  of  the  enemy's  proximity  were  disproved,  and  Roosevelt  with 
his  regiment  was  transferred  to  another  transport,  which  with  the 
fleet,  convoyed  by  warships,  set  sail  with  General  Shafter' s  army  of 
20,000  troops  for  Santiago.  It  happened,  through  his  energy  and  reso 
lution,  that  Roosevelt's  regiment  was  the  very  first  to  land  in  Cuba, 
for,  following  the  same  tactics  of  boldness  and  self-initiation,  he  got 
his  men  ashore  without  waiting  detailed  orders. 

On  the  first  night  of  the  landing  Roosevelt  began  the  march  to 
the  front.  He  passed  General  Lawton,  who,  under  orders  from  Gen 
eral  Shafter,  was  holding  the  advance  guard  position  of  the  American 

It  is  said  that  Lieutenant- Colonel  Roosevelt  passed  the  extreme 
outpost  without  orders  and  began  the  Las  Guasimas  fight  at  day 
light  of  the  next  morning.  When  General  Shafter  received  the  news 
later  in  the  day  of  the  Rough  Riders'  encounter,  which  was  of  a  sensa 
tional  character,  he  was  not  pleased,  for  he  had  been  told  that  they 
had  been  cut  to  peices.  Shafter  swore  roundly  at  the  Rough  Riders 
and  declared  that  he  would  tffbring  that  damned  cowboy  regiment  so 
far  back  in  the  rear"  that  it  would  never  get  another  chance  at  the 
enemy  during  the  whole  campaign.  Two  hours  afterward,  however, 
he  received  further  news  and  wrote  a  most  flattering  and  compli 
mentary  note  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roosevelt,  congratulating  him 
upon  the  brilliant  success  of  his  attack. 


During  the  entire  campaign,  Colonel  Eoosevelt  made  every  effort 
to  get  his  regiment  to  the  front,  and  on  July  1,  with  the  Eough  Eiders 
moving  in  columns  of  twos  through  a  densely  forested  roadway  lead 
ing  to  the  "Bloody  Angle,"  on  San  Juan  Hill,  and  while  his  men 
were  falling  wounded  around  him,  with  shells  bursting  almost  at 
their  feet,  the  gallant  Eoosevelt  answered  the  salutation  of  a  war 
correspondent's  "Hello,  there !"  with  a  wave  of  his  hand,  shouting : 

"Isn't  it  glorious  to  be  here  ?" 

His  Magnanimity  and  Patriotism. — Where  the  battle  raged 
fiercest  Eoosevelt  was  at  his  best.  The  greater  the  danger  the  deeper 
his  joy.  Whistling  bullets  were  music.  Bursting  shells  a  part  of  war's 
anthem  in  his  ears.  The  more  desperate  the  charge,  the  more  his 
patriotism  flamed  into  action.  Like  Sheridan  at  Five  Forks  he 
courted  death  like  a  lover. 

When  soldiers  wrote  home  of  his  brave  deeds  there  was  always 
a  "P.  S."  telling  how  he  gave  his  bed  to  sick  soldiers;  how  he  bought 
food  for  the  boys  when  rations  were  low ;  how  he  cut  the  red  tape  hold 
ing  up  train  loads  of  provisions ;  how  he  nursed  his  men  like  a  brother, 
took  their  dying  messages  and  said  the  last  good-bye — these  and  the 
thousand  other  deeds  known  only  to  God  and  the  angels  were  written 
about,  scratched  on  bits  of  powder-stained  paper  and  sent  home  to  be 
read  and  reread  all  over  the  land,  in  Western  camps  and  city  palaces. 
Tears  fell  by  a  thousand  firesides.  The  humblest  backwoods  ranch 
man,  the  most  desolate  mother  whose  dead  boy  rested  under  the  wil 
lows,  knew  that  they  all  had  a  great  and  powerful  friend  near  to  the 
government,  who  was  a  friend  indeed,  their  friend,  and  he  would 
never  forget  them.  He  had  nursed  their  wounded  heroes  and  had 
written  words  of  sympathy  which  they  framed  between  Lincoln  and 

Every  one,  from  the  half-breed  child  of  the  Eio  Grande  to  gov 
ernors  of  States,  knows  all  about  the  man  who  in  sorrow  and  busy 
loneliness  now  bears  the  nation's  burden  at  the  White  House. 


It  is  true  that  he  is  a  man  of  many  ideas/ but  always  a  man  of 
the  people.  In  every  position  he  has  made  friends  from  the  start.  It 
may  be  truly  said  of  him,  as  of  Washington, 

First  in  war,  first  in  peace 

First  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen 

What  President  was  ever  so  personally  near  to  so  many  classes 
of  people?  On  the  plains  he  was  one  of  the  cowboys  around  him. 
In  mountains  he  held  his  own  with  the  best  of  native  hunters  of  big 
game.  In  battle  he  rode  ahead  of  the  line. 

Generous  Comradeship  with  His  Men. — After  the  war  was 
over  and  he  had  returned,  to  be  honored  by  the  country,  wined  and 
dined  in  the  mansions  of  the  rich,  he  still  remembered  the  boys  of 
the  regiment.  When  they  came  to  New  York  and  painted  the  town 
red,  spent  their  savings,  and  found  themselves  adrift  without  friends 
or  money,  Roosevelt  opened  his  big  house  to  them  at  Oyster  Bay, 
entertained  them,  put  on  the  old  uniform,  told  them  stories,  and  sent 
them  home  with  their  fares  paid,  and  a  bit  of  "chink"  in  their  pockets. 

But  the  great  day  of  a  lifetime  was  when  these  cowboys  of  the 
plains  saw  their  friend  return  to  them  on  special  trains,  with  senators, 
generals  and  statesmen,  he  the  biggest  of  them,  yet  the  same  friend 
as  of  old. 

And  he  tarried  with  them,  told  them  new  stories,  rode  their 
deadliest  high-kicking  bronchos,  wrestled  with  them  as  he  had  years 
before  up  in  the  "cow  country,"  but  was  always  a  gentleman,  and  able 
to  hold  his  own  with  professors,  "  broncho  busters"  or  governors  on  all 
subjects  and  specialties.  He  never  forgot  the  women  folks,  some  still 
wearing  black  for  their  dead,  nor  the  half-naked  children  tumbling 
over  the  adobe  floors  of  the  ranch  headquarters. 

And  now  we  see  this  man  of  the  people  bearing  with  dignity  the 
honors  of  the  White  House.  The  science  of  government  has  been 
the  study  of  his  life.  Well  equipped,  having  wide  experience  in  the 


administration  of  affairs  as  governor,  in  the  navy  office,  and  as  leader 
of  troops,  he  will  have  a  chance  to  let  the  people  admire  the  other 
qualities  in  him  that  have  been  long  waiting  for  a  call  to  executive 

What  must  be  the  thoughts  of  this  masterful  man  of  lofty  aims 
and  noble  ambition  in  such  an  hour  as  this !  His  books  are  many,  and 
in  them  are  recorded  his  best  thoughts  on  public  policy,  legislation,  and 
ideal  government. 

When  young  Roosevelt  left  Harvard,  radiant  with  university  hon 
ors,  and  made  a  pilgrimage  over  Europe  on  foot,  swimming  rivers  and 
climbing  mountains,  his  final  achievement  was  scaling  the  Matterhorn, 
its  mighty  dome  overlooking  half  of  Europe. 

To-day  he  stands  on  a  still  greater  eminence,  and  he  has  the  sup 
port  of  country  and  government.  There  is  no  reason  for  anxiety.  It 
is  believed  that  now,  as  in  the  past,  Mr.  Eoosevelt  will  prove  himself  a 
wise  and  triumphant  leader,  that  he  will  administer  the  laws  with  mod 
eration  and  force,  and  bring  new  prosperity  and  glory  to  the  nation. 

In  this  faith  the  people  will  uphold  him  to  a  man. 



A  chivalrous  gentleman,  a  patriot,  loyal  and  wholly  undefiled,  am 
bitious,  but  devoid  of  jealousy,  it  may  be  said  with  truth,  no  citizen, 
whether  of  high  or  of  low  degree  more  sincerely  lamented,  more  deeply 
grieved,  or  was  more  profoundly  shocked  by  the  awful  crime  that 
removed  from  life  his  beloved  and  distinguished  predecessor,  than 
Theodore  Eoosevelt.  It  is  not  often,  in  these  days  of  political  strife 
and  intense  aspiration  for  place  that  the  outworn  injunction,  "let  the 
office  seek  the  man,"  is  permitted  to  obtain.  But  it  is  an  indisputable 
truth  that  Roosevelt  had  no  desire  to  be  Vice-President ;  indeed,  he 
shrank  from  the  tender  that  was  made  by  the  Republican  managers, 
and  stoutly  resisted  their  importunities  until  refusal  to  accept  the  prof 
fered  nomination  threatened  to  place  him  in  a  position  of  antagonism 
to  his  party.  He  yielded  at  length  purely  to  patriotic  duty,  as  he  con 
ceived  it,  but  when  he  became  the  nominee,  with  characteristic  enthu 
siasm  he  threw  himself  into  the  campaign,  and  led  the  fight  with  an 
energy  never  equaled  except  by  Bryan,  whose  speech-making  powers 
were  the  wonder  of  the  world. 

Roosevelt's  Sorrow  Over  the  Tragedy. — When  the  news  of  the 
assault  on  President  McKinley  reached  him  Roosevelt  was  on  a  vaca 
tion  expedition,  which  he  immediately  abandoned  and  rushed  to  the 
side  of  the  stricken  chieftain,  to  aid,  to  console,  or  to  do  whatever  the 
necessities  of  the  hour  might  require.  When  favorable  bulletins  of  the 
surgeons  and  doctors  told  that  the  wounded  President  would  live,  no 
one  was  more  joyous,  or  hailed  the  glad  tidings  with  higher  satisfac 
tion  than  Roosevelt.  Optimistic  by  nature,  and  with  the  best  of  reasons 
for  believing  that  McKinley  would  recover,  and  wishing  to  relieve  the 
stricken  President  from  any  embarrassment  which  his  continued  pres- 


ence  by  the  bedside  might  give,  as  indicating  an  anticipation  of  a  fatal 
termination,  Roosevelt  returned  to  the  Adirondacks  and  resumed  the 
hunting  sports  which  the  tragedy  had  interrupted. 

How  He  Received  the  Fatal  Tidings. — The  sudden  change  in 
President  McKinley's  condition  was  reported  to  Roosevelt  by  courier, 
who  found  him  far  from  a  railroad,  in  the  heart  of  the  mountains. 
On  the  instant  the  sorrowful .  news  was  imparted  he  waited  not  a 
moment  to  start  upon  a  flying  journey  back  to  Buffalo.  It  mattered 
not  to  him  that  it  was  midnight,  and  very  dark  when  the  message  came, 
or  that  the  way  led  through  the  dense  forest,  and  was  almost  impass 
able  by  reason  of  heavy  rains  now  steadily  falling.  Jumping  into  a 
small  road-wagon,  little  serviceable  for  such  a  dashing  ride,  he  urged 
the  driver  to  push  on  with  all  possible  dispach,  through  thick  darkness, 
over  dangerous  obstructions,  and  when  the  driver  showed  fear  of  dis 
aster,  Roosevelt  plied  the  whip  himself  and  continued  the  mad  dash 
reckless  of  results,  until  by  a  wonderful  fortune  he  was  brought  to  the 
nearest  railroad  station,  thirty-five  miles  from  the  place  in  the  camp 
in  the  woods  where  he  had  taken  the  vehicle,  and  there  learned  that 
the  President  was  dead. 

Waiting  trains,  special  trains,  flying  engines,  carried  him  with 
the  utmost  speed  towards  Buffalo,  where  he  arrived  Saturday  noon, 
nine  hours  after  the  final  act  of  the  awful  tragedy. 

Roosevelt  Takes  the  Oath  of  Office. — Reaching  Buffalo,  Roosevelt 
drove  quickly  to  the  Milburn  residence  to  pay  respect  to  the  dead  Presi 
dent,  for  whom  he  grieved  with  a  sincerity  none  may  ever  doubt.  At 
half-past  three  o'clock  p.  m.,  in  the  house  of  Ansley  Wilcox,  641  Del 
aware  avenue,  the  oath  of  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  was 
administered  by  Judge  Herzel  to  Roosevelt,  who  after  being  thus  ele 
vated  to  the  highest  position  that  man  can  hold,  with  dignified  solem 
nity  made  the  following  memorable  utterance,  in  the  presence  of  all 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  many  other  prominent  persons : 

"In  this  hour  of  deep  and  national  bereavement  I  wish  to  state 


that  it  shall  be  my  aim  to  continue  absolutely  unbroken  the  policy  of 
President  McKinley  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  and  honor  of  our 
beloved  country." 

A  higher  tribute  it  was  not  possible  to  pay  the  illustrious  dead ;  a 
more  exalted  appreciation  of  his  virtues  as  a  man,  and  his  ability  as  a 
statesman  could  not  have  been  framed  in  speech,  or  manifested  in 
action.  But  as  if  to  confirm  his  declaration  by  further  exhibition  of 
his  intentions  to  pursue  the  path  marked  out  by  McKinley,  President 
Eoosevelt  requested  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  also  the  faith 
ful  secretary  of  the  dead  President,  to  remain  in  office  to  the  end  of 
their  terms. 

Fear  of  a  Panic  Averted. — That  Roosevelt  is  a  conservative  man, 
when  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  be  so,  was  proved  by  his  prompt  seizure 
of  this  ripe  occasion  to  declare  what  his  policy  would  be.  And  that  the 
people,  the  mighty  rich,  as  well  as  the  loyal  masses,  gave  him  their 
perfect  confidence,  was  strikingly  attested  by  the  fact  that  a  com 
mercial  shock  was  averted,  and  that  the  business  interests  of  the  coun 
try  continued  unimpaired.  In  all  other  great  national  tragedies  of 
which  history  gives  any  account  one  marked  feature  has  been  loss  of 
public  confidence  through  fear  of  a  change  of  policy ;  stocks  have  here 
tofore  taken  a  great  fall;  the  money  market  has  become  constricted; 
business  enterprise  has  halted,  a  dreadful  unrest  has  prevailed.  But 
notwithstanding  McKinley's  administration  had  brought  the  country 
to  a  condition  of  unexampled  prosperity,  and  that  commercial  expan 
sion  and  speculative  investment  had  reached  a  point  never  before 
known,  when  it  might  be  supposed  that  capital  would  be  most  sensi 
tive  to  such  a  national  calamity,  stocks  actually  advanced  on  the  Mon 
day  following  the  President's  death,  and  business  has  shown  no  dis 
turbance  since.  The  sorrowing  nation  took  on  its  burden  of  great  loss, 
lamenting  the  death  of  a  statesman  whose  name  will  ever  shine  with 
special  brilliancy  in  the  galaxy  of  the  world's  most  illustrious,  but 
with  perfect  faith  in  the  capacity,  no  less  than  in  the  integrity,  of  his 


successor,  all  Americans  hailed  him  with  an  abiding  confidence  and 
high  expectation,  firm  in  the  conviction  that  the  era  of  prosperity  estab 
lished  by  McKinley  will  be  prolonged,  and  the  progress  of  the  nation 
be  continued  by  the  wise  administration  of  Koosevelt. 

The  Domestic  Life  of  Roosevelt. — President  Roosevelt  has  been 
twice  married,  his  first  wife,  Miss  Alice  Lee,  of  Boston,  dying  in 
1884,  three  years  after  their  marriage,  leaving  to  him  an  infant  daugh 
ter,  Alice,  who  is  now  eighteen  years  of  age  and  the  belle  of  the  White 
House.  In  1886  President  Roosevelt  married,  in  London,  Miss  Edith 
Kermit  Carrow,  of  New  York,  whom  he  had  known  from  childhood, 
and  who  is  a  woman  of  decided  intellectuality  and  great  amiability. 
She  was  a  society  girl,  the  family  being  a  prominent  one,  but  never 
one  of  the  frivolous  kind  most  commonly  to  be  met  with  in  our  large 
cities.  On  the  contrary  she  had  literary  ambitions,  and  being  well 
educated  she  entered  the  literary  circle  of  New  York,  and  has  written 
three  books  of  pronounced  merit.  By  his  present  wife  President 
Roosevelt  is  the  father  of  five  children,  viz:  Theodore,  aged  13; 
Kermit,  11;  Ethel,  9;  Archibald,  6;  Quentin,  2. 

Fireside  Affection. — The  home  life  of  the  President  is  an  exem 
plary  one,  in  which  respect  there  is  marked  similarity  to  that  of  the 
McKinley  family,  where  the  domestic  ties  were  ever  paramount.  Mrs. 
Roosevelt  will  do  honor  to  the  high  position  to  which  she  has  been 
called,  having  the  accomplishments  and  the  graces  of  culture,  benevo 
lence,  amiability,  and  an  appreciation  of  high  ideals,  which  make  for 
better  womanhood  and  intellectual  advancement.  She  has  traveled 
extensively,  read  the  best  authors,  is  tactful  and  a  fine  conversation 
alist,  though  somewhat  retiring  in  her  manner.  Above  all  else  Mrs. 
Roosevelt  is  a  devoted  wife  and  mother,  one  who  believes  in  and  adores 
her  distinguished  husband,  and  who  finds  no  place  so  congenial  to 
her  tastes,  so  perfectly  happy  as  her  own  fireside.  And  it  must  be  added 
President  Roosevelt  appreciates  her  noble  qualities,  and  esteems  her 
judgment  as  he  does  her  beautiful  character.  This  shown  by  an  interest- 


ing  incident  on  June  22,  1 900,  when,  during  a  caucus  of  the  New  York 
delegation,  he  refused  positively  to  yield  to  the  Platt  proposition  that 
he  be  given  the  nomination  for  Vice-President  until  he  could  have  a 
private  talk  with  his  wife.  A  carriage  was  sent  for  and  he  sought  Mrs. 
Eoosevelt  at  their  hotel.  Firmly  she  counseled  him  against  an  accept 
ance,  and  he  deferred  to  her  absolutely,  but  nothing  he  could,  say, 
neither  reason,  nor  declaration  not  to  accept  a  nomination  could  stay 
the  tide  of  convention  decision,  and  receiving  a  unanimous  nomination, 
his  own  voice  being  alone  in  opposition,  acceptance  became  a  necessity. 
President  Roosevelt  and  his  wife  are  both  members  of  the  Reformed 
Dutch  Church  and  carry  the  Christian  virtues  into  their  everyday 

Ladies  of  the  White  House,— Mrs.  Roosevelt  is  the  thirty-first 
lady  of  the  White  House,  the  full  list  and  the  order  in  which  they 
appeared  being  as  follows: 

Martha  Washington,  Abigail  Adams,  Dolly  Madison,  Elizabeth 
Monroe,  Louise  Adams,  Rachel  Jackson,  Emily  Donelson,  Sarah 
York  Jackson,  Angelica  Van  Buren,  Anna  Harrison,  Letitia  Tyler, 
Mrs.  Robert  Tyler,  Letitia  Semple,  Sarah  Polk,  Margaret  Taylor, 
Abigail  Fillmore,  Jane  Pierce,  Harriet  Lane,  Mary  Todd  Lincoln, 
Eliza  Johnson,  Martha  Patterson,  Julia  Dent  Grant,  Lucy  Webb 
Hayes,  Lucretia  Garfield,  Mary  Arthur  McElroy,  Rose  Cleveland, 
Frances  Folsom  Cleveland,  Caroline  Harrison,  Mary  Harrison  McKee, 
Ida  Saxton  McKinley,  Edith  Kermit  Roosevelt. 


Had  he  been  consulted,  no  question  Roosevelt  would  have  chosen 
size  and  strength  rather  than  riches.  The  latter  being  his  portion,  he 
had  the  rare  fortune  to  receive  in  addition  a  marvelously  active  mind 
and  an  ambition  to  make  the  very  utmost  of  which  his  physical  being 


was  capable  under  systematic  development.  Small  of  stature,  weak  of 
body,  unpromising  in  appearance,  his  was  a  handicap  completely  dis 
couraging  to  one  not  endowed  with  wondrous  mentality  reinforced 
by  strong  vitality.  Notwithstanding  his  marked  physical  deficiencies 
he  strove  mightily  to  be  swiftest  of  foot,  greatest  in  endurance,  bravest 
of  his  class,  and  quickest  in  his  studies,  a  mighty  power,  so  to  speak, 
in  a  small  compass.  This  smart  disposition  and  agile  movement,  for 
which  he  was  remarkable  in  boyhood,  increased  with  his  growth,  until 
in  manhood  Roosevelt's  energy  and  courage  became  so  great  that  he 
was  known  among  his  associates  as  "the  human  Gatling  gun/'  so  rapid 
is  he  in  all  his  acts,  speech  and  decisions. 

Impulsiveness  Prompted  by  Intuition. — It  frequently  happens 
that  promptness  of  action,  readiness  of  opinion,  quickness  of  speech  are 
characteristic  of  the  inconsiderate,  the  unreliable  and  the  unwise ;  but 
examples  are  not  few  where  celerity  of  conclusion  and  action  are  evi 
dences  of  a  superior  mind.  Indeed,  instances  are  many  where  almost 
instantaneous  decision  has  not  only  averted  calamity  but  has  powerfully 
promoted  the  welfare  of  nations.  Napoleon  was  noted  for  the  swift 
ness  with  which  he  comprehended  questions  and  the  impetuosity  of  his 
executions.  And  while  the  contrary  trait  distinguished  many  great 
rulers,  the  number  is  not  few  who  achieved  their  reputations  for  wise 
statesmanship  by  the  rapidity  with  which  they  seized  and  disposed  of 
exigent  questions,  while  it  may  be  said,  the  best  general  is  one  who  has 
a  mind  for  intuitively  judging,  and  a  heart  that  prompts  to  take  quick 
action,  by  which  advantage  is  often  taken  of  the  enemy. 

In  some  respects  the  character  of  Roosevelt  resembles  that  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  especially  so  in  his  leonine  courage,  and  his  set  reso 
lution  to  execute  an  undertaking  once  entered  upon.  And  we  cannot 
fail  to  be  much  impressed  by  the  fact,  so  amply  illustrated  by  the  lives 
of  rulers,  that  the  sturdily  honest,  the  most  thoroughly  impartial  and 
humane,  and  the  wisest  for  public  good,  have  been  those  wielding 
mighty  power  who  were  distinguished  for  their  personal  courage  and 


their  trust  in  the  people,  while  tyrants  and  corrupt  rulers  have  ever 
been  men  wholly  lacking  in  bravery,  and  who  have  shrunk  with  trem 
bling  cowardice  when  a  fear  of  bodily  harm  threatened  them. 

The  Elements  That  Make  Him  Truly  Great. — President  Eoosevelt 
has  proved  his  mental  quite  as  well  as  his  physical  ability,  not  only  by 
his  pen,  which  clearly  expounds  his  sound  philosophy,  and  exhibits  his 
power  of  originality  and  analysis,  but  by  his  acts  as  an  executive,  in 
the  several  important  offices  he  has  so  ably  filled.  As  police  commis 
sioner  grappling  with  corruption  in  New  York  City,  as  Assistant  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy  at  a  time  when  that  office  required  a  man  of  the 
most  conspicuous  ability,  for  war  had  been  declared,  and  as  Governor 
of  New  York,  where  he  distinguished  himself  by  branding  fraud,  and 
putting  his  foot  upon  the  neck  of  bribery,  and  by  driving  out  the 
money  changers  from  the  temple  of  state  legislation.  In  all  these 
places  of  public  trust  he  was  efficient,  and  proved  himself  an  uncom 
promising  foe  to  every  species  of  dishonesty.  Nor  are  there  any  dis 
credit  marks  upon  the  record  of  his  career  as  official  or  citizen;  he  has 
been  a  statesman  of  integrity,  and  one  of  wisdom  as  well ;  he  is  a  cham 
pion  of  political  reform,  an  enemy  to  blind  partisanship,  a  patriot  at  all 
times,  and  a  fighter  in  the  front  ranks  when  his  country  is  menaced 
by  war. 

The  greatness  of  McKinley,  for  whose  untimely  death  America 
will  never  cease  to  lament,  was  in  many  things ;  he  was  a  wise  ruler,  a 
lofty  minded  statesman,  a  thorough  American ;  he  was  more  than  this : 
he  was  a  good,  a  noble,  an  honest  man,  whose  domestic  virtues  will 
never  cease  to  shine  with  glorious  lustre  in  the  coronet  of  exemplary 
traits  with  which  his  countrymen  have  invested  his  memory  for  all 
time.  But  the  virtue,  as  it  is,,  of  devotion  to  wife,  the  love  so  beautiful, 
so  heart-touching,  so  elevating  with  benign  influence,  which  was  con 
spicuous  in  the  home  life  of  McKinley,  has  its  counterpart  in  the 
domesticity  of  Eoosevelt.  In  him  we  see  the  blended  elements  of 
soldier  courage  and  the  tender  sentiment  of  perfect  loyalty  to  the 


woman  who  ennobles  his  career  with  reciprocated  affection.  The  world 
is  bettered  by  such  men,  even  when  they  walk  in  humble  ways,  and 
when  such  occupy  high  places  in  public  trust  they  become  exemplars 
for  the  people,  and  diffuse  an  influence  that  is  infinite  for  the  national 
good.  Bigotry,  sectionalism,  partisanship,  in  the  sense  of  party  pas 
sion,  oppression,  is  impossible  to  a  man  of  these  lofty  ideals  and  sincere 


The  military  title  of  "Colonel"  belongs  of  right  to  Koosevelt,  as 
that  of  "Major"  belonged  to  McKinley,  both  having  won  their  pro 
motion  by  distinguished  service  on  the  battlefield.  Eoosevelt  was  too 
young  to  take  part  in  the  Civil  War,  and  it  is  fortunate,  too,  for  recon 
ciliation  between  what  were  once  estranged  sections  is  more  firmly  per 
fected  by  the  fact  that  Southern  and  Northern  blood  flows  in  equal 
proportions  in  his  veins ;  that  he  belongs,  by  virtue  of  birth,  to  South 
and  North  alike. 

It  was  the  fortune  of  Roosevelt  to  be  heir  to  wealth,  but  it  was 
his  greater  fortune  to  be  born  without  taint  of  the  boast  of  privilege, 
or  the  vainglory  that  is  the  bane  of  riches.  In  him  has  ever  been  an 
ambition  to  serve  his  fellowmen,  not  as  an  oppressor,  but  as  a  pro 
moter  of  the  public  good,  socially  and  politically.  Born  to  ease,  he 
eschewed  it  for  the  life  strenuous,  the  life  helpful,  the  life  exemplary. 

The  badge  of  leadership  is  as  often  worn  upon  the  brow  of  men 
as  is  the  stamp  of  genius ;  it  shows  itself  in  the  child,  it  is  emphasized 
in  manhood.  Never  was  it  more  pronounced  than  in  the  career  of 
Roosevelt,  from  boyhood  to  the  Presidency,  for,  like  the  spirit  of 
prophecy  of  old,  it  was  manifested  in  his  childhood. 

Hig  Enlistment  in  the  Army. — It  was  a  comfortable,  important, 
and  promising  office  that  he  held  under  appointment  of  President 


McKinley,  next  indeed  to  that  of  a  Cabinet  position,  but  its  honors, 
emoluments,  and  his  prospects  for  advancement  he  promptly  resigned 
when  the  bugle  blast  sounded,  summoning  a  volunteer  host  to  do 
battle  in  the  cause  of  human  liberty.  His  mind  operating  with  the  flash 
of  an  impulse  he  quitted  the  high  office  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  tendered  his  services  to  his  country  in  the  war  with  Spain. 
A  more  conspicuous  example  of  patriotic  abnegation  it  is  difficult 
to  find  in  the  annals  of  history. 

He  Organizes  a  Regiment  of  Rough  Riders. — With  indomitable 
energy  he  set  about  the  work  of  raising  a  regiment,  and  he  made 
selection  from  the  bold  spirits  of  the  plains  the  cowboys,  the  rough 
riders  whom  he  learned  to  know  so  well,  their  daring,  their  execution, 
their  composure  in  places  of  peril,  by  association  with  them  on  the 
broad  reaches  of  the  wild  West.  A  thousand  fearless  men  flocked  to  his 
banner,  not  only  coming  from  ranches  of  the  Kocky  Mountain  region, 
in  leather  and  sombrero,  men  of  the  lariat  and  the  butt  whip,  but  men 
also  from  New  York's  exclusive  society,  young  apprentices  of  war, 
out  of  the  ranks  of  the  militia,  whose  valor  and  patriotism  was  proved, 
on  the  test  to  be  above  the  dilettanteism  of  the  idle,  the  ennuied,  the 
highly  decorated  and  sensational  rich. 

The  Fierce  Charge  up  San  Juan  Hill. — When  his  regiment  was 
fully  recruited  he  tendered  its  services  to  the  government,  which,  being 
accepted,  Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  of  the  regular  army,  was  made  colonel, 
and  Eoosevelt  was  perfectly  content  to  accept  the  lesser  office  of  lieu 
tenant-colonel.  With  all  the  persuasive  influence  it  was  possible  for 
him  to  exercise  he  urged  that  his  regiment  be  ordered  to  the  front, 
and  it  was  by  this  demand  for  service  that  the  Eough  Eiders  were 
sent  to  Santiago  to  bear  the  brunt  of  hardest  fighting  in  the  siege  of 
that  well-defended  city.  It  was  intended  that  the  Eough  Eiders  should 
be  mounted,  but  there  was  no  time  allowed  to  buy  and  ship  horses, 
so  these  fearless  soldiers,  with  the  most  intrepid  of  commanders  lead 
ing,  pushed  ahead  and  made  the  famous  charge  up  San  Juan  Hill, 


and  at  Las  Guasimas,  with  Eoosevelt  always  in  the  advance.  Ameri 
cans  have  not  forgotten,  nor  will  history  neglect  to  record,  the  heroic 
assault  on  the  Spanish  stronghold  as  conducted  by  Wood  and  Roose 
velt.  Chaparral,  barbed  wire,  and  a  hail  of  shot  and  shell  could  not 
check  the  resistless  sweep  of  the  Eough  Riders;  many  of  these 
wondrously  brave  fellows  fell  before  the  galling,  down-pouring  volleys 
of  the  greatly  advantaged  enemy,  but  Roosevelt  escaped,  and  with 
sword  in  air,  waving  and  inciting,  he  led  the  phalanx  until  it  drove 
the  enemies  from  their  intrenchments  and  won  the  day,  with  a  hurrah 
the  clamor  and  echo  of  which  will  never  expire  or  cease  to  be  a  mighty 
stimulation  to  American  soldiers. 

Promotion  and  Subsequent  Service. — For  superb  gallantry  in  the 
fiercest  battle  of  the  war,  Wood  was  made  brigadier-general,  and 
Roosevelt  was  promoted  to  be  colonel.  Besides  this  honorable  mark 
bestowed  by  the  President,  Roosevelt  was  specially  complimented  not 
only  for  his  heroism,  but  also  for  the  excellent  care  and  generous 
consideration  he  showed  for  his  men,  whom  he  hailed  as  comrades. 

His  Devotion  to  His  Men. — With  the  surrender  of  Santiago,  and 
conclusion  of  the  war,  a  great  problem  was  presented  in  the  necessity 
for  a  speedy  removal  of  American  troops  in  Cuba,  among  which  yellow 
fever  had  appeared  and  death  came  to  the  brave  fellows  in  more 
horrid  form  than  that  of  battlefield.  Unable  to  brook  any  appearance 
of  inactivity,  and  suffering  with  his  stricken  fellows,  Roosevelt  joined 
in  the  preparation  of  a  "round  robin"  by  the  officers  demanding  that 
all  except  immune  regiments  be  conveyed  without  delay  to  some 
healthy  place  in  the  United  States,  pending  disbandment  of  the  army. 
This  action  precipitated  a  heated  controversy  with  Secretary  of  War 
Alger,  but  red-tape  army  methods  did  not  prevent  the  removal  of 
Roosevelt's  regiment  to  Montauk  Point,  New  York,  where  he  was 
indefatigable  in  his  efforts  to  provide  comforts  greater  than  the  govern 
ment  was  able  to  promptly  supply. 

The  magnificent  kindliness  of  Roosevelt,  his  splendid,  untiring 


devotion  to  his  comrades  in  arms,  made  him  the  idol  not  only  of  his 
own  troops,  but  of  the  army  and  of  the  people  as  well,  and  his  popu 
larity  so  worthily  achieved  has  lost  none  of  its  earnestness  since,  nor  is 
it  likely  that  the  glory  of  his  deeds  will  lose  any  of  its  lustre  in  all 
the  years  that  shall  know  the  great  Republic  of  the  United  States. 




Which  now  confront  the  nation  and  press  for  wise  consideration, 
patient  investigation,  and  effective  solution 

Such  Problems  as  those  involved   in   Maintenance  of  the  Monroe 

Doctrine,  Repression  of  the  Trusts,  Construction  of  an  Isthmian 

Canal,  Pacification  of  the  Filipinos,  Our  Colonial  Policies, 

Commercial  Expansion,  Reciprocity  of  Trade,  Labor 

Organizations,  Internal   Improvements, 

Strikes  and  Lockouts,   etc. 






Banner  of  the  Red  Terror. 

Social  conditions  have,  since  the  institution  of  government,  been 
a  subject  of  continuous  discussion;  nor  may  we  ever  hope  to  see  a  satis 
factory  determination  of  the  questions  in  dispute.  The  world  savage, 
and  the  world  civilized  has  been  in  the  control  of  mobocracy ;  absence 
of  authority,  save  that  seized  by  hands  having  the  temporary 
strength  to  wield  it,  conducted  the  French  [Revolution,  and  led  on  to 
the  horrifying  spectacle  of  a  deluge  of  human  blood,  to  which  inno 
cence  contributed  as  much  as  the  guilty.  The  causes  that  precipitated 
this  frightful  carnival  of  murder  may,  and  no  doubt  were,  all  they 
have  been  represented,  but  even  so,  it  must  be  admitted  by  all  serious- 
minded  persons  that  the  evils  complained  of  so  bitterly,  righteously, 
might  have  been  corrected  by  healthy  public  sentiment  forcing  execu 
tion  of  laws,  or  by  demonstrations  which  lacked  the  fearsome  attendants 
of  indiscriminate  slaughter.  History  is  not  silent  when  we  ask  to  be 
shown  the  effects  of  anarchy;  for  the  suspension  of  government,  the 
deposition  of  all  delegated  authority,  and  the  rule  of  might  has  had 
many  experiments,  and  in  every  instance  the  result  has  been  robbery, 
rapine,  ruthless  murder,  until  the  majority  has  begged  of  mercy  to 
restore  the  rule  of  law.  The  savage  is  not  so  completely  bred  out  of 
human  nature,  even  in  Europe  or  America,  that  we  may  trust  wholly 
to  the  saving  grace  of  what  is  called  our  higher  intelligence.  Crime 
everywhere  exists,  which  at  best  can  only  be  restricted  by  enforcement 
of  punitive  laws.  If,  therefore,  crime  taxes  our  courts  despite  the 
punishments  visited,  what  must  inevitably  be  the  condition  of  society 
when  all  law  is  abrogated  and  the  license  of  indiscriminate  personal 
might  prevails?  Such  a  condition  would  in  effect  be  an  enforcement 
of  the  Malthusian  doctrine  for  preventing  the  further  increase  of  the 

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race.  More  than  this,  it  would  ultimate  in  the  destruction  of  the  race, 
or  in  return  to  the  primal  condition  of  family  isolation. 

What  is  Anarchy? — Anarchy  has  been  defined  as  a  struggle  to 
secure  an  abolition  of  all  government,  and  an  abrogation  of  all  law. 
The  contention  of  those  who  call  themselves  anarchists,  or  nihilists, 
is  that  the  laws  bear  unequally  on  rich  and  poor,  and  that  discrimina 
tion  in  the  enforcement  leads  to  wrongs,  oppressions, greater  than  would 
follow  from  their  total  abolition.  They  maintain,  also,  that  elevation 
of  a  man  to  the  supreme  dignity  of  ruler  over  his  fellows  makes  him  a 
tyrant,  because  his  position  is  such  that  he  cannot  understand  the  needs 
of  his  subjects,  and  his  demands  are  immeasurably  increased  by  the 
exaggerated  sense  of  his  own  overweening  importance  and  sensuality. 

The  Hegelian  theory  is  that  everything  which  is  legalized  inevit 
ably  creates  that  thing  which  is  its  opposite,  a  principle  which  Proud- 
hon  thus  formulated :  "Every  true  thought  is  conceived  in  time 
once,  and  breaks  up  in  two  directions.  As  each  of  these  directions 
is  the  negation  of  the  other,  and  both  can  only  disappear  in  a  higher 
idea,  it  follows  that  the  negation  of  law  is  itself  the  law  of  life  and 
progress,  and  the  principle  of  continuous  movement."  This  was 
written  as  early  as  1848,  when,  it  may  be  said,  no  disciple  of  Hegel, 
or  of  the  theory  of  anarchy,  counseled  violence;  when  belief  in  the 
doctrine  was  serious,  but  when  those  who  maintained  it  were  non-resist 
ants,  as  Tolstoi  is  now. 

Schools  of  Anarchy. — It  must  not  be  believed  that  all  confessed 
anarchists  are  advocates  of  violent  means  to  overthrow  the  institution 
of  government,  or  who  believe  in  defying  all  human  law. 

There  are,  indeed,  several  schools  of  anarchy,  some  of  which 
contend  for  the  principle  by  propagandism ;  others,  by  co-operation 
with  socialists  and  agrarians,  acting  in  a  politic  capacity,  although 
socialism  is  in  fact  the  direct  opposite  of  anarchy,  for  that  school 
believes  in  common  ownership  and  common  effort,  while  anarchists 
urge  that  all  distinction,  all  law,  all  restraints,  be  destroyed  and  prop 
erty  become  the  prey  of  those  strong  enough  to  take  it. 


Contention  of  Socialists. — Socialists  are  not  antagonistic,  in  their 
principles,  to  government;  on  the  contrary,  they  are  advocates  of 
government  ownership  of  public  utilities,  as  well  also  of  all  property, 
in  order  that  the  fruits  of  industry  of  every  kind  may  be  enjoyed  in 
common.  Their  theories  have  been  put  in  execution  in  many  instances 
— such  as  in  France,  1848,  which  met  with  distinct  failure;  while  in 
some  cases — as  in  government  ownership  of  railroads  and  telegraphs, 
notably  in  Germany — they  have  been  signally  successful.  This  suc 
cess  accounts  for  the  wide  diffusion  of  socialistic  sentiment  in  that 
country.  But,  notwithstanding  this  success  in  the  experiment  of 
government  ownership  of  railroads  in  Europe,  and  of  the  successful 
management  of  postal  communication,  we  have  to  offset  the  good  effect 
thus  obtained  by  the  failure  that  has  attended  municipal  ownership, 
particularly  in  the  United  States,  and  may  form  an  accurate  judgment 
of  what  results  might  follow  absorption  by  government  of  all  personal 
and  landed  property,  for  what. is  everybody's  business  is  nobody's  busi 
ness,  and  where  individual  activities  are  no  longer  stimulated  by 
promise  of  personal  gain,  a  nation  of  paupers  is  certain  to  develop. 

Even  though  anarchy  and  socialism  have  little  in  common  beyond 
a  desire  for  change  in  the  order  of  things,  adherents  of  the  former 
do  not  despair  of  forming  a  coalition  for  the  augmentation  of  influence 
against  authority  as  now  constituted.  If  either  should  obtain,  through 
one  (socialism)  we  might  be  expected  to  be  pauperized  because  of  our 
inaction,  and  through  the  other  (anarchy)  we  would  be  harrowed 
without  mercy  by  the  despotism  of  our  reverted  savage  natures. 

Differences  Between  Socialism  and  Anarchism. — The  word 
"Socialist"  may  be  defined  as  a  term  signifying  a  person  who  holds 
to  the  belief  that  society,  the  body  politic,  as  it  now  exists  is  unjust 
through  the  influence  of  individual  ambition,  and  that  this  injustice 
can  be  eliminated  in  no  other  way  than  through  human  intelligence 
applying  constructively  the  principles  of  common  effort,  common 
production,  and  common  ownership.  In  many  respects  "Socialism" 


and  "Communism"  are  interchangeable  terms,  with  the  distinction 
that  the  former  refers  chiefly  to  society,  essentially,  and  the  latter 
to  commercialism. 

A  State-Socialist  maintains  that  perfect  society  can  exist  only 
where  the  wisest  and  most  impartial  laws  are  honestly  administered. 
This  statement  is  axiomatic,  a  fact  self-evident,  but  its  application 
by  State-Socialists  is  in  their  demand  for  laws  that  give  no  special 
privileges;  that  bear  equally  upon  all  classes,  but  with  a  special  view 
to  helping  labor  and  preventing  poverty,  since  prosperity  of  the  masses 
must  rest  upon  contentment  of  producers. 

An  Anarchist- Socialist,  strange  combination,,  holds  to  the  doc 
trine  that  the  vital  essential  of  society  is  absolute  liberty,  even  license, 
which  should  be  allowed  the  individual  in  controlling  his  own  affairs, 
regardless  of  effects  on  others. 

A  Free-Socialist  is  an  Anarchist,  in  a  general  sense,  but  specially 
maintains  that  society,  as  it  obtains,  through  the  enforcement  of 
law,  is  in  opposition  to  the  principle  of  voluntary  co-operation,  and 
hence  in  antagonism  to  individualism  and  human  harmony. 

A  Beautiful  Picture. — Ideal  Socialism  is  thus  defined  by  Lloyd, 
a  distinguished  disciple  and  exponent:  "A  state  of  society  in  the 
inoffensive  man  is  as  free  as  Eobinson  Crusoe,  yet  in  a  world  of 
brothers  if  he  will;  in  which  crime  is  discouraged  in  spirit  and 
restrained  in  fact;  in  which  helplessness  is  supported,  weakness 
defended,  and  loss  made  good,  without  degradation  or  condescension; 
in  which  industry  has  complete  opportunity  and  retains  its  full  prod 
uct,  and  only  laziness  gets  nothing;  in  which  the  spirit  of  equal 
human  liberty,  and  the  love  of  it,  is  the  one  law,  the  guiding  principle, 
the  centre  of  growth,  the  supreme  and  uniting  thought,,  the  true  faith 
and  enthusiasm  of  all." 

A  picture  may  be  painted  that  flatters  nature;  the  softest  colors 
of  springtime,  the  warmest  tints  of  summer,  the  golden  glories  of 
fall,  or  the  ashen  bleakness  of  winter  are  rarely  so  picturesque  in 


nature  as  they  are  on  the  canvas  of  the  painter;  so  it  is  the  idealist 
sees  conditions  through  his  sub-consciousness  and  is  blind  to  things 
as  they  really  are.  Every  one  would  be  glad  if  society  could  attain 
to  so  perfect  a  state  as  the  ideal  Socialist  dreams  of,  but  there  are 
reasons  impregnable,  established  as  they  are  by  human  nature  itself, 
why  it  can  never  be  so.  The  anarchist,  being  wholly  unpoetic,  a  rank 
materialist  who  writes  his  autograph  with  the  torch,  and  has  no 
patience  to  hear  air-castle  philosophy,  sees  the  faults  of  society 
through  telescopic  imagination,  and  being  of  an  impetuous  nature 
he  works  himself  into  a  state  of  anger  that  prompts  him  to  enter 
upon  a  crusade  of  annihilation.  He  is  as  much  a  vandal,  in  his 
nature,  as  were  the  legions  of  Aleric,  having  respect  for  neither 
society  nor  for  art,  and  regards  license  to  prey,  and  to  slay,  if  it  suits 
his  humor  better,  as  the  most  exalted  privilege  that  man  can  enjoy. 
Government  signifies  law,  and  the  elevation  of  individuals;  he  there 
fore  attacks  the  representatives  of  government,  as  he  would  extirpate 
the  head  of  a  snake  as  the  quickest  means  of  destroying  its  body 
which  may  lie  concealed  in  a  hole. 

Why  Anarchy  Cannot  Prevail. — There  are  reasons,  unimpeach 
able,  why  the  principles  of  anarchy,  as  well  also  socialism,  cannot 
be  established.  That  the  principle  of  both  is  contrary  to  natural 
laws  it  is  not  difficult  to  prove ;  first,  by  the  many  examples  of  experi 
ment,  and  second,  by  appeal  to  our  own  judgments.  Time  and  again, 
in  free  America  as  well  as  in  monarchical  Europe,  by  governments 
and  by  voluntary  communities,  by  religious  associations  and  by  secular 
colonies,  has  communal  co-operation  been  sincerely  attempted,  and 
often  under  the  most  favorable  conditions  possible,  and  while  a  few  have 
continued  to  exist  for  a  considerable  time,  and  some  are  even  now 
still  pursuing  their  purpose,  not  one  has  flourished,  and  their  existence 
was  from  the  second  or  third  year  of  experiment  a  languishing  one. 

But  the  example  of  fact  is  not  more  instructive  than  the  illustra 
tion  of  reason.  If  mankind  could  be  divested  of  ambition,  of  pride, 


of  selfishness,  and  if  a  way  could  be  found  for  equalizing  human 
intelligences,  so  that  every  one  would  be  on  a  common  plane,  intellec 
tually,  morally  and  physically,  then  it  might  be  possible  to  establish 
and  to  maintain  a  perfect  state  of  society  by  individualism,  acting  in 
voluntary  co-operation  for  the  general  good. 

A  Popular  Fallacy. — While  communism  is  breasting  the  cur 
rent  of  human  nature,  anarchy  leaves  the  channel  entirely  and  goes 
dashing  through  a  crevasse,  or  spreads  out  in  a  disastrous  overflow, 
so  as  to  accomplish  the  largest  amount  of  destruction.  Great  harm  may 
be  done,  and  has  been  done,  by  individual  anarchists,  for  the  life  of 
the  greatest  potentate  may  be  taken  by  the  lowest  specimen  of  mankind ; 
but  though  Louis  XIV.  declared,  "I  am  the  state,"  nothing  can  be 
more  false  than  the  theory  that  the  heart  of  any  government  is  in  the 
hereditary  or  elective  head.  At  best  a  king  or  a  president  is  only  the 
temporary  representative  of  the  people;  his  death,  whether  natural 
or  by  violence,  cannot  affect  the  laws.  A  tyrant  is  one  who  defies  law, 
who  oppresses  his  subjects  without  authority  to  do  so.  The  violent 
death  of  such  a  ruler  may  lead  to  reform  of  abuses,  by  a  change 
not  only  of  ruler,  but  of  the  form  of  government;  but  there  are  few 
pure  monarchies  now,  all  Europe,  save  Russia  and  Turkey,  being 
governed  by  kings  who  are  answerable  to  the  people  for  their  acts 
because  of  constitutional  limitations. 

The  Uselessness  of  Assassination. — It  must  be  perfectly  apparent, 
when  the  conditions  are  carefully  considered,  that  assassination  of 
rulers,  especially  if  they  be  the  heads  of  constitutional  governments, 
must  fail  to  bring  about  a  reign  of  anarchy.  It  is  human  nature  to 
aspire,  and  this  aspiration  is  so  boundless  that  to  gain  distinction  mer 
will  submit  themselves  to  any  peril,  any  suffering,  if  by  so  doing  they 
may  gain  the  applause  of  the  world.  There  are  thousands  of  men  in 
e \rery  nation  who  are  so  ambitious  that  joyfully  would  they  give  their 
lives  if  by  such  sacrifice  they  could  be  king  for  a  week.  Why,  therefore, 
should  anarchy  hope  to  extinguish  the  breed  of  kingly  aspirants? 


Indeed,  assassination  is  an  act  so  abhorrent  to  human  nature  that  it 
emphasizes  the  need  of  law,  so  that  instead  of  terrorizing  a  nation  into 
abrogating  law,  or  in  a  deposition  of  authority,  deeds  so  monstrous 
intensify  determination  of  the  people  to  enact  more  stringent  laws, 
and  to  strengthen  the  arm  of  their  ruler.  To  enter  upon  a  discussion  of 
all  the  principles  of  anarchy  in  a  book  not  wholly  devoted  to  the  sub 
ject  would  manifestedly  be  out  of  place,  and  especially  so  in  a  work 
like  this ;  it  is  sufficient  to  say,  the  doctrine  of  anarchy  is  one  subversive 
of  law,  that  it  contravenes  every  established  order  society  has  made 
or  existed  under,  that  it  leads  inevitably  to  the  "survival  of  the  fittest/' 
or  strongest. 

Torture  Does  Not  Change  Men's  Convictions. — If  it  were  possible 
to  suppose  a  condition  where  assassination  might  be  justified  as  a  pun 
ishment  of  tyranny,  even  in  such  case  it  is  not  a  thing  believable  that 
the  afflicted  government  may  be  benefited.  For  though  an  objectionable 
ruler  be  removed  and  his  evil  example  atoned,  the  bane  is  still  present, 
for  there  can  be  no  violation  of  law  without  resultant  evils.  This  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  all  such  violations  corrupt  the  people,  by  suggesting 
a  license  to  do  other  unlawful  things,  and  public,  no  less  than  personal 
security,  becomes  dangerously  threatened.  It  is  this  result,  however, 
that  anarchism  strives  for,  but  it  is  the  striving  by  murderous  means 
that  defeats  the  ends  aimed  at. 

Force,  violence,  aye,  every  form  of  repressive  measure  and  torture 
have  ever  failed  to  bring  misgovernment  to  an  end,  to  better  in  any 
wise  the  condition  of  society  or  to  advance  the  cause  of  any  movement. 
Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  two  or  three  cases  in  point:  During  the 
reign  of  Bloody  Mary  did  her  fierce  persecution  of  Protestants  arrest 
the  spread  of  that  faith  ?  And  when  her  successor,  Elizabeth,  applied  the 
same  tormenting  measures  to  suppress  the  Catholics,  did  she  not  fail 
as  signally?  History  abounds  with  such  examples  to  prove  that 
religious  intolerance  never  arrested  the  spread  of  any  faith. 

But  men  are  as  unyielding  in  their  political  opinions  as  they  are 


in  their  religious  convictions.  This  is  proved  hy  many  examples,  but 
a  recent  illustration  we  have  in  the  efforts  Eussia  has  made  to  stamp 
out  nihilism,  and  the  equally  futile  attempts  made  by  nihilists  to  force 
the  adoption  of  constitutional  government.  The  most  severe  punish 
ments  inflicted  by  one  has  proved  to  be  as  useless  for  the  purpose 
aimed  at  as  have  been  the  numerous  assaults  and  assassinations  of  the 
other  to  accomplish  their  purpose. 

Assassination  Is  Purposeless  Vengeance. — It  is  a  remarkable 
thing,  which  it  were  well  anarchists  themselves  should  consider,  that 
in  every  case  of  assassination  of  rulers  during  the  past  twenty  years, 
the  victims  have  not  been  tyrants,  but  were  persons  distinguished  not 
more  for  the  position  held  than  for  their  generous,  magnanimous 
humanitarianism — rulers  whose  ambition  lay  not  in  oppressing,  but  in 
elevating,  improving,  bettering  and  making  happier  in  every  way  their 
subjects.  And  if  we  will  observe  closely  it  has  been  the  rulers  who 
have  been  less  beneficiently  disposed  that  have  escaped  attempts  upon 
their  lives. 

Murder  of  Rulers. — Let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  list  of  those 
stricken  down  by  the  assassin's  blow: 

Alexander  II.,  of  Russia,  killed  by  a  bomb  March  13,  1881.  He 
was  the  most  benevolent  and  charitable  ruler  that  country  ever  had, 
if  we  except  the  present  Emperor.  It  was  he  who  in  1859-61  manu 
mitted  40,000,000  serfs,  and  thereby  incurred  the  unquenchable  hatred 
of  the  rich  nobility. 

President  James  A.  Garfield,  thoroughly  beloved,  shot  July  2, 
1881,  not  by  an  anarchist,  but  \)j  a  disappointed  office-seeker. 

President  Sadi  Carnot,  of  France,  stabbed  to  death  June  24, 
1894.  A  man  of  rare  amiability  and  generous  impulses. 

The  Shah  of  Persia,  mortally  stabbed  May  26,  1896.  Though  an 
autocrat  by  training,  he  was  the  first  ruler  of  that  country  to  visit 
Europe  and  make  himself  familiar  with  the  Christian  civilization, 
and  who  thereafter  strove  to  introduce  reforms  by  which  his  subjects 
might  be  greatly  benefited. 


General  Borda,  President  of  Uruguay,  shot  August  26,  1897,  was 
best  known  for  his  sympathy  with  the  lower  classes,  whose  condition 
he  tried  strenuously  to  improve 

Premier  Canovas,  of  Spain,  shot  August  7,  1897,  was  the  best 
loved  man  of  that  country,  because  of  his  kindnesses  to  the  poor. 

President  Barrios,  of  Guatemala,  shot  February  9,  1898,  was  an 
ambitious  man,  charged  with  usurpation,  but  he  was  very  far  from 
being  a  tyrant,  and  those  who  knew  him  best  regard  him  as  having 
been  one  of  the  most  charitable  and  just  of  rulers. 

Empress  Elizabeth,  of  Austria,  fatally  stabbed  September  19, 
1898.  If  we  except  Victoria,  she  was  the  most  popular  woman  of  a 
century;  one  in  whom  human  kindness  was  a  chief  trait,  and  whose 
delight  it  was  to  bestow  favors  upon  the  unfortunate. 

King  Humbert,  of  Italy,  shot  July  2,  1900.  It  was  under  his 
rulership  that  the  unification  of  Italy  became  complete  and  the 
nation  a  great  power  in  Europe,  while  his  subjects  were  given  privi 
leges  never  before  granted  them, 

The  Very  Capsheaf  of  Crime. — Lastly,  so  fresh  in  our  minds 
that  the  tears  have  not  yet  left  our  eyes,  nor  the  nation's  wound 
ceased  to  bleed,  was  the  murder  of  the  universally  beloved  McKinley, 
a  man  who  was  as  guileless  as  he  was  great,  a  President  who,  like 
the  immortal  Lincoln,  loved  and  trusted  the  people,  who  made  the 
country  a  very  hive  of  industry  and  gave  to  it  unexampled  pros 
perity.  As  a  citizen  and  an  executive  his  was  a  blameless  life,  against 
whom  the  hand  of  hate  never  raised  itself,  nor  the  lips  of  just  com 
plaint  ever  slandered.  In  his  death  human  freedom  received  a 
mighty  blow,  and  civilization  stood  still  to  take  account  of  the  awful 
loss  as  the  world  united  in  a  wail  of  woe  for  its  bereavement.  Oh, 
anarchy,  what  crimes  are  done  in  thy  name ;  what  agony  is  inflicted  by 
the  deep  damnation  of  thy  causeless  vengeance ! 

The  Awe  That  a  King  Inspires. — In  the  list  of  assassinations 
above  given,  the  crimes  cannot  all  be  imputed  to  anarchists,  but  the 


wonder  is  that,  notwithstanding  their  creed  of  blood-letting,  of  anni 
hilation,  any  one  of  these  awful  deeds  should  have  been  committed 
by  a  representative  of  the  doctrines  of  anarchy,  for  it  would  seem 
impossible  that  the  instincts  of  humanity  should  ever  be  wholly  eradi 
cated  by  any  teachings  or  belief  from  the  heart  of  any  man. 

Observers  will  not  fail  to  note  that  a  majority  of  those  assassi 
nated  were  presidents  of  republics,  a  form  of  government  which  pro 
vides  the  largest  liberty  and  makes  every  citizen  a  sovereign,  full  pan 
oplied  with  the  guarantees  of  life,  liberty,  pursuit  of  happiness  and  the 
right  to  worship  according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience.  The  ques 
tion  therefore  arises,  Why  are  presidents  made  the  object  of  assault 
by  anarchists  more  frequently  than  are  kings,  emperors,  autocrats? 
There  is  a  substantial  reason,  for  which  we  have  not  far  to  search. 

It  has  been  said  that  "man  is  a  creature  of  his  environment/' 
which  is  no  doubt  true,  but  he  is  certainly  influenced  quite  as  much 
by  inherited  tendencies.  Superstition  can  never  be  wholly  elim 
inated  from  human  nature,  and  even  those  most  inclined  towards 
materialism  are  unconscious  subjects  of  transmitted  influences,  of 
which  supernaturalism  is  the  hidden  basis.  Away  back  in  the  early 
Gentries  of  history  the  claim  was  set  up  and  legalized  that  kings  ruled 
by  right  of  divine  appointment.  Such  authority  was  derived  from 
Biblical  injunctions,  by  which  men  were  designated  to  rule  over  the 
Jewish  people.  "The  divinity  that  doth  hedge  a  king"  is  an  ingrafted 
principle,  and  may  not  be  rooted  out  so  long  as  kingdoms  exist. 

Some  Very  Striking  Examples. — It  is  not  merely  to  gratify  a 
ruler's  vanity  that  he  surrounds  himself  by  so  many  theatrical  splen 
dors,  nor  is  it  merely  his  sense  of  superiority  that  causes  him  to  show 
himself  to  the  people  only  when  the  pomp  of  circumstance  best 
enables  him  to  produce  an  awesome  impression.  The  prime  reason 
is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that,  as  familiarity  breeds  contempt,  so  does 
exclusiveness  beget  exaggerated  admiration.  History  shows  that,  as 
a  rule,  a  potentate's  influence  is  in  inverse  proportion  to  the  frequency 


with  which  he  exhibits  himself  to  his  subjects.  And  we  cannot  fail 
to  be  persuaded  to  believe  this  statement  by  the  familiar  illustration 
afforded  by  the  church  government  at  Rome,  in  which  the  doctrine  of 
papal  infallibility  has  been  the  very  keystone  sustaining  the  arch  of 
the  Catholic  temple ;  as  that  faith  grew  less  popular  the  influence  of  the 
Papacy  diminished  in  the  same  degree.  "No  man  appears  great  in 
the  eyes  of  his  valet/'  an  observation  confirmed  by  a  thousand  experi 
ences,  and  the  reverse  of  this  fact  may  be  as  axiomatically  asserted: 
"He  who  is  least  often  seen  is  most  sincerely  reverenced,"  just  as  a 
man  frequently  gets  a  reputation  for  wisdom  through  his  silence. 

It  is  unquestionably  true  that  people  stand  in  awe  of  royalty — 
that  there  is  still  and  always  will  be  extant  a  degree  of  superstitious 
faith  in  the  divinity  of  kings — and  it  is  in  this  prevalent  suggestion, 
if  not  belief,  that  monarchs  have  their  greatest  security.  It  is  noticed 
also  that  while  attempts  on  the  lives  of  kings  are  comparatively  fre 
quent,  few  succeed.  This  failure  we  must  attribute  to  the  fear,  not 
fully  realized  but  certainly  existing,  which  the  would-be  assassin  feels 
that  he  is  striking  at  one  who  wears  the  purple  of  authority  by  divine 
appointment;  that  the  object  of  attack  is  a  demi-god.  Possessed  of 
such  a  fear,  even  unconsciously,  the  criminal  hesitates,  his  aim  is 
uncertain,  his  passion  of  hate  becomes  mitigated  by  his  dread  of 
person  and  of  a  punishment  not  to  be  by  human  hands. 

The  Dangers  That  Follow  Familiarity. — It  is  the  custom  of  Presi 
dents,  confirmed  by  declarations  and  precedents,  to  mingle  freely  with 
the  masses,  as  a  showing  of  his  disposition  to  serve  them,  and  that 
he  counts  himself  as  in  no  wise  their  social  superior.  Politics  compel 
him  to  exhibit  this  deference,  for  election  depends  largely  upon  the 
personal  popularity  of  a  candidate.  In  America,  where  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  law  recognize  no  social  distinctions,  and  where  the 
Executive,  raised  to  his  position  by  the  people's  suffrage,  becomes  a 
public  servant,  and  holds  his  office  for  a  time  limited  by  public  favor, 
even  the  President  draws  about  him  little  of  the  awesome  respect  that 


subjects  have  for  their  kings.  The  President  mingles  with  the  people, 
is  accessible  to  any  citizen,  frequently  becomes  a  public  attraction, 
travels  in  ordinary  trains,  wears  no  glittering  uniform,  nor  is  he 
attended  by  an  entourage  of  highly  decorated  officials,  or  a  company 
of  bedizened  soldiers. 

There  is  a  studied  absence  of  pompousness,  and  besides  this  show 
of  common  citizenship  the  President  is  made  a  target  for  the  sharpest 
criticisms  of  political  detractors.  He  goes  into  office  with  his  char 
acter,  however  pure  and  lofty  it  may  be  in  fact,  smirched  by  the 
calumny  of  party  spite,  and  to  the  end  of  his  term  he  is  the  least 
respected  and  the  most  widely  traduced  person  in  the  country.  The 
cartoonist  and  the  vituperative  newsmonger  vie  in  their  efforts  to  vil 
ify  and  hold  him  up  to  public  contempt.  Every  policy,  every  speech, 
every  recommendation  the  President  may  make  meets  with  immediate 
censure  and  abusive  criticism  by  party  organs.  Can  we  wonder,  in  the 
light  of  this  understanding,  why  Presidents  are  assassinated?  It 
matters  not  that  our  laws  are  more  just,  that  liberty  is  largest,  that 
thereby  the  widest  fields  of  opportunity  are  opened  and  made  free  to 
any  one  who  would  use  them,  familiarity  has  destroyed  respect,  created 
jealousy,  promoted  hate,  exaggerated  conditions,  and  armed  the  hand 
of  social  and  of  political  enmity. 

How  May  We  Protect  Our  Presidents? — The  world  has  been 
trying  for  the  six  thousand  years  of  recorded  history  to  arrest  the 
hand  of  murder.  Every  country  since  the  dawn  of  civilization  has 
made  laws  and  adopted  measures  intended  to  protect  persons  gener 
ally,  and  rulers  especially,  from  assassination.  The  Bible  is  our  proof 
that  in  the  ancient  days  king-murder  was  common,  and  the  red  hand 
of  crime  has  been  striking  at  high  places  ever  since.  The  severest 
punishments  have  been  inflicted  upon  assassins,  torture  and  death, 
the  dungeon,  deportation,  isolation  on  torrid  isles,  but  these  have 
failed,  just  as  inquisitorial  torments  of  the  Middle  Ages  availed  noth 
ing  in  the  effort  to  destroy  men's  religious  convictions.  Anarchy  is  the 


disposition  to  murder,  a  reversion  to  savagery,  a  recurrence  of  the  taint 
that  afflicted  the  race  in  its  primitive  state,  and  it  may  therefore  be 
likened  to  the  fabled  hydra  of  a  hundred  heads,  one  of  which  being 
cut  off  another  immediately  grew  from  the  wound. 

In  these  days  of  dynamite,  repeating  arms,  and  other  powerful 
means  of  destruction  which  every  one  is  free  to  use,  protection  of  an 
individual  from  murderous  assaults  is  impossible,  as  Garfield  once 
declared,  in  reply  to  a  warning  that  he  should  take  precautions  against 
assassination.  But  if  protection  of  our  national  Executive  is  imprac 
tical,  by  either  law  or  bodyguard,  his  security  may  be  increased  by 
promoting  public  respect  for  the  office  and  the  individual.  How  this 
may  be  done,  without  restricting  free  speech  and  curtailing  the  free 
dom  of  the  press,  is  a  problem  no  one  has  yet  been  able  to  solve.  That 
it  will  be  attempted  there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  with  deep  regret  it  must 
be  predicted  that  prosecution  or  deportation  of  anarchists  will  fail  to 
suppress  their  activity,  as  similar  measures  have  failed  in  other 
countries;  and  yet,  punishments  severe  should  be  the  penalty  for  all 
incitements  to  violent  acts  against  the  government,  or  its  representa 
tives,  for  such  provokement  is  distinctly  treasonable.  Crime  cannot 
be  prevented  by  law,  but  swift  enforcement  of  laws  already  on  the 
statutes  deters  from  commission,  while  a  laxity  of  justice  promotes 
anarch}^  just  as  it  increases  criminals  of  all  classes. 



How  Acquired,  and  Policy  of  Government* 

The  territorial  policy  that  long  obtained  in  this  country  was 
founded  upon  the  cry  "America  for  Americans."  This  political  slogan 
was  first  heard  during  what  was  known  as  the  "Know  Nothing  Cam 
paign/'  when  there  was  manifested  the  greatest  dislike  of  all  foreign 
ers.  But  "America  for  Americans"  has  since  had  a  very  much 
broader,  humane  and  beneficent  significance.  It  has  not  in  many  years 
implied  any  aversion  for  those  who  would  make  the  United  States  their 
home,  or  for  naturalized  citizens  who  participate  officially  in  the  affairs 
of  government.  The  meaning  it  now  possesses  is  that  no  foreign  power 
shall  divide  American  territory;  that  our  nation  shall  be  supreme 
throughout  every  part  of  America. 

The  internal  development  of  the  country  to  which  we  have  applied 
ourselves  so  industriously  and  efficiently,  has  necessitated,  upon  several 
occasions,  the  acquisition  of  contiguous  territory,  sometimes  by  con 
quest,  but  more  frequently  by  peaceful  means.  The  history  of  the 
growth  of  the  United  States  is  an  extremely  interesting  one,  and  in 
view  of  the  important  questions  growing  out  of  our  present  colonial 
policy,  it  should  be  well  learned  by  every  American  citizen. 

Story  of  Our  Annexations. — After  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  (1787)  the  different  States  ceded  to  the  Union  all  the 
territories  to  the  west  of  them.  Some  of  these  territories  nominally 
extended  to  the  Pacific  coast,  but  practically  the  Mississippi  River 
was  the  western  boundary.  Louisiana  and  Florida  were  then  under 
Spanish  rule,  so  that  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  restricted,  to 
the  great  inconvenience  of  settlers  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  for  it  had 
been  the  fixed  policy  of  Spain  to  exclude  foreign  commerce  from  that 
stream.  When,  in  1780-82,  John  Jay  made  overtures  to  treat  with 


Spain  on  the  subject  of  making  the  Mississippi  free  to  all  internal 
commerce,  the  king  of  that  country  haughtily  and  peremptorily  refused 
to  consider  any  proposal  to  this  end.  Desultory  effort  was  continued  by 
our  government  until  clamorous  demands  of  western  settlers  caused 
renewal  of  the  attempt,  and  in  1795  Thomas  Pinckney,  Envoy  Extra 
ordinary  to  Spain,  succeeded  in  negotiating  a  treaty  of  friendship 
and  boundaries,  by  which  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  opened 
to  this  country,  and  the  port  of  New  Orleans  established. 

The  Retrocession  of  Louisiana. — In  1 800  Spain  retroceded  Louisi 
ana  to  France,  to  which  the  territory  had  belonged  until  the  peace  of 
1763,  whereupon  France  abrogated  the  navigation  treaty  of  1795,  and 
a  great  ferment  immediately  followed.  It  was  at  first  seriously  pro 
posed  to  order  out  50,000  militia  and  to  capture  New  Orleans,  but  hos 
tilities  were  averted  by  the  sending  of  James  Monroe  to  co-operate  with 
Eobert  E.  Livingstone  in  an  effort  to  purchase  the  territory  of  Louisi 
ana  from  France.  The  negotiations  were  not  immediately  successful, 
and  might  have  failed  in  the  end  but  for  the  fact,  fortunate  for  the 
United  States,  that  France  became  involved  in  a  war  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  for,  believing  he  would  be  unable  to  retain  the  territory,  and  fear 
ing  that  it  might  pass  into  the  possession  of  England,  Napoleon  sold 
all  of  what  was  then  the  very  extensive  territory  of  Louisiana  to  the 
United  States,  for  the  sum  of  $15,000,000.  This  purchase  treaty  was 
signed  April  30,  1803,  by  Monroe  and  Livingstone,  on  the  part  of  the 
Union,  and  by  Barbi-Mabois  for  France.  By  this  purchase  Jefferson, 
who  was  President  at  the  time,  acquired  for  the  United  States  1,171,- 
931  square  miles  of  territory,  which  comprised  what  is  now  Alabama 
and  Mississippi  south  of  parallel  thirty  degrees,  all  of  Louisiana, 
Arkansas,  Missouri,  Iowa,  Nebraska,  Minnesota,  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  the  two  Dakotas,  Montana,  most  of  Kansas,  and  a  large  part  of 
Colorado  and  Wyoming. 

Jefferson  Condemned  by  Federalists. — The  Federalists  angrily, 
vehemently,  and  with  vituperation  attacked  Jefferson  for  his  recom- 


mendation  of  this  act  of  purchase,  declaring  it  to  be  utterly  unconsti 
tutional  and  subversive  of  the  people's  rights.  Jefferson  gave  no 
heed  to  his  traducers,  but,  being  satisfied  within  himself  of  the  vast 
public,  national,  benefit  which  must  follow  from  this  acquisition,  pro 
ceeded  at  once  with  his  design  to  add  Florida  to  the  Union.  The 
United  States  claimed  West  Florida  by  virtue  of  the  purchase  treaty, 
but  Spain  denied  that  in  her  retrocession  of  Louisiana  Territory  to 
France  she  had  included  any  part  of  Florida.  In  1810  there  was  a 
popular  uprising  of  the  people  of  West  Florida,  who  declared  their 
independence,  whereupon  Governor  Claiborne,  of  New  Orleans,  was 
sent  by  the  President  to  take  possession  of  Mobile  and  that  part  of 
Florida  which  was  in  revolt,  which  prompt  action  restored  the  territory 
to  peaceful  conditions;  but  a  little  later  (1818)  the  Seminole  Indians 
declared  war,  and  so  harassed  the  Spaniards  that,  on  February  22, 
1819,  Spain  ceded  all  Florida  to  the  Union  in  consideration  of  the  pay 
ment  of  all  claims  filed  against  Spain  by  citizens  of  the  States,  which 
amounted  to  $5,000,000. 

The  Acquisition  of  Texas  and  Other  Territory. — Texas  had  been 
claimed  by  both  France  and  Spain,  but  after  the  revolt  of  Mexico 
against  Spain  the  territory  came  under  Mexican  rule.  This  condi 
tion  continued  until  1836,  when  Texas  declared  her  independence,  and 
in  the  war  which  followed  this  declaration  the  Texans  defeated  the 
Mexican  general  Santa  Anna.  The  republic  then  set  up  in  Texas 
was  recognized  by  the  United  States,  France,  England  and  Belgium, 
but  Mexico  refused  to  acknowledge  the  new  republic  or  to  concede  its 
independence.  Affairs  on  the  border  therefore  remained  unsettled 
and  warlike,  which  prompted  several  leading  men  of  the  United 
States  to  advocate  the  annexation  of  Texas,  but  by  others  such  a 
measure  was  violently  opposed,  upon  the  grounds  of  alleged  unconsti 
tutionally,  and  denial  that  Texas  had  achieved  independence.  In 
1844  Calhoun,  Secretary  of  State  under  Tyler,  concluded  a  treaty  of 
annexation,  but  the  Senate  refused  to  ratify  it,  and  the  contest  was 


spirited  until  February  27,  1845,  when  a  joint  resolution  passed  the 
Senate,  and  was  concurred  in  by  the  House  on  the  following  day, 
admitting  Texas  to  the  Union.  Mexico  immediately  declared  war, 
but  after  a  brief  campaign  of  invasion  the  United  States  compelled 
Mexico  to  yield  in  the  dispute,  but  with  rare  generosity  made  a  pay 
ment  to  Mexico  of  $15,000,000,  and  also  $3,200,000  in  settlement  of 
the  claims  of  private  citizens  against  the  Mexican  Government,  by 
which  acts  of  conquest  and  purchase  there  was  added  to  the  Union  in 
1848  what  is  now  California,  New  Mexico,  Utah,  Nevada  and  part  of 
Arizona  and  Colorado,  in  all  545,783  square  miles.  In  1853,  by  the 
Gadsden  treaty,  the  southern  part  of  Arizona,  comprising  45,535 
square  miles,  was  purchased  from  Mexico  for  the  sum  of  $10,000,000. 

The  Acquisition  of  Alaska. — In  the  year  1867  Alaska,  with  its 
577,390  square  miles,  was  purchased  by  the  United  States  from 
Eussia,  on  the  recommendation  of  Secretary  of  State  Seward,  for 
$7,200,000.  Prior  to  this  purchase  a  syndicate  had  been  formed  in 
New  York  to  buy  Alaska,  with  a  view  to  controlling  the  trade  in  seal 
skins,  and  negotiations  to  this  end  proceeded  so  far  that  the  govern 
ment  felt  called  upon  to  take  action  and  deny  the  right  of  a  private 
corporation  to  make  the  purchase  for  the  purposes  indicated.  It  was 
this  denial  that  led  to  the  acquisition  of  Alaska  by  the  United  States. 

Our  Pacific  Colonies. — In  1898  a  treaty  of  annexation  was  ratified 
by  the  Senate  with  Hawaii,  6,740  square  miles,  and  by  treaty  with 
Spain,  December  10,  1898,  which  provided  among  other  things  for 
the  payment  of  $20,000,000  to  Spain :  there  was  ceded  to  the  United 
States  the  Philippine  group  of  Islands,  144,000  square  miles;  also 
Porto  Eico,  33,668  square  miles,  and  Guam,  an  island  of  the  La  drone 
group,  about  100  square  miles.  At  the  same  time  Spain  relinquished 
all  her  claims  upon  Cuba,  whose  independence  the  United  States 

In  1889,  by  a  tripartite  agreement  with  Germany  and  England, 
the  Samoan  group  of  islands,  in  the  South  Pacific,  was  partitioned, 


and  the  United  States  acquired  the  Island  of  Tutuila,  54  square 
miles,  which  is  valuable  chiefly  for  its  magnificent  harbor  of 

Opposition  of  the  Anti-Imperialists. — It  has  been  shown  how  the 
Federalists  defamed  Jefferson  for  his  action  in  consummating  the 
Louisiana  Purchase,  and  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Whigs  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  in  both  cases  contention  being  vigorously  made 
on  the  allegation  that  such  acquisitions  are  contrary  to  both  the 
spirit  and  the  terms  of  the  Constitution.  It  will  be  remembered,  too, 
that  President  Grant,  during  his  first  administration,  urged  by 
message  and  personal  influence  annexation  of  the  Island  of  San 
Domingo  (Hayti),  but  his  design  was  defeated  by  the  opposition  which 
developed  in  the  Senate  against  the  acquisition  of  territory  not  con 
tiguous  to  the  Union,  and  also  by  the  argument  based  upon  the  senti 
ment  that  it  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Union  to  extinguish  the 
independence  of  a  republic,  Hayti  being  a  republic. 

The  Government  of  Our  Island  Possessions. — The  McKinley 
administration  was  confronted  by  a  grave  question  when  we  came, 
by  force  of  circumstances,  to  be  a  great  colonial  power.  The  pre 
cedents  which  were  made  when  the  United  States  annexed  con 
tiguous  territory  could  not  apply  with  force  or  consistency  to  the 
acquisition  of  islands  far  removed  from  the  home  government.  The 
policy  of  protection,  which  had  become  a  cardinal  doctrine  of  the 
Eepublican  party,  obtruded  itself  too  into  the  annexation  question, 
and  caused  a  confusion  which  no  modern  statesmanship  was  able  to 
reconcile.  The  policy  had  heretofore  obtained  that  acquisition  meant 
absorption,  and  the  immediate  enjoyment  of  all  trade  privileges  pos 
sessed  by  the  States.  Territorial  form  of  government  carried  with  it 
no  abridgment  of  trade  privileges,  so  that  our  territories  and  Alaska 
enjoyed  free  trade  intercourse  with  the  United  States.  The  annexa 
tion  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  however,  raised  a  new  question 
that  controverted  the  old  maxim,  "the  Constitution  follows  the  flag." 


Protected  interests,  especially  the  sugar  and  tobacco  trusts,  at 
once  demanded  that  a  discriminative  tariff  be  laid  upon  productions  of 
Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  basing  their  argument  less  upon  the 
justice  of  such  impositions  than  upon  the  effects  which  free  trade 
would  have  upon  home  industries,  especially  tobacco  and  sugar.  The 
President  at  first  recommended  free  trade  with  Porto  Rico  as  a  meas 
ure  of  right  and  good  faith,  but  he  was  overborne  by  demands  of  the 
powerful  trust  barons,  and  accepted  a  compromise  in  order  to  avoid 
an  inglorious  defeat.  The  original  tariff  agreed  upon  for  products 
from  Porto  Rico  was  twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  rates  fixed  by  the 
Dingley  bill.  The  compromise  measure  was  fifteen  per  cent  of  the 
Dingley  rates  and  the  restitution,  or  "donation,"  as  it  was  called,  to 
Porto  Rico  of  all  tariff  receipts  from  the  island  from  the  date  of  its 
acquisition,  October  18,  1898.  This  concession,  which  permitted  the 
evil  principle  to  remain,  gave  no  satisfaction,  and  as  there  appeared 
no  other  way  of  settling  the  question,  it  was  carried  directly  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  upon  the  contention  that  the  Congress  had  no 
authority  for  levying  a  tariff  or  passing  laws  that  discriminate  against 
trade  between  the  States  or  any  part  of  the  established  territory  of  the 
United  States. 

A  Question  as  to  Hawaiian  Eights. — The  fact  must  not  be  over 
looked,  notwithstanding  President  McKinley  in  his  annual  message 
declared  that  the  people  of  Hawaii  "are  entitled  to  the  benefits  and 
privileges  of  our  Constitution,"  that  the  commissioners  who  negotiated 
the  treaty  of  Paris  (1898)  asserted,  and  had  adopted  at  the  end  of  the 
ninth  article  the  following  clause,  "The  civil  rights  and  political  status 
of  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  territories  (islands)  hereby  ceded  to 
the  United  States  shall  be  determined  by  Congress" : 

"The  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territory  shall  be  incorporated  in 
the  Union  of  the  United  States,  and  admitted  as  soon  as  possible, 
according  to  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  to  the  enjoy 
ment  of  all  the  rights,  advantages  and  immunities  of  the  citizens 


of  the  United  States."     Similar  articles  appear  in  the  treaties  with 
Spain  (1819)  for  the  purchase  of  Florida,  and  with  Mexico  (1848). 

It  is  upon  the  marked  differences  that  distinguish  the  treaty  of 
1898  from  previous  ones,,  ceding  territory  to  the  United  States,  that 
certain  affected  interests  rely  for  a  constitutional  interpretation,  plac 
ing  the  right  with  Congress  to  levy  a  tariff  on  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Philippine  products.  It  can  be  seen  at  once  that  the  question  is 
one  which  if  decided  in  favor  of  the  protection  policy  will  he  fol 
lowed  by  a  clamor  for  constitutional  amendment,  while  if  the  decision 
is  opposed  to  that,  a  rift  will  be  created  in  the  principle  of  protection 
which  will  fiercely  stimulate  the  agitation  for  free  trade. 



It  may  confidently  be  predicted  that  in  the  next  Presidential  cam 
paign  one  of  the  parties'  platforms  will  contain  a  plank  declaring  for 
an  income  tax.  There  are  two  reasons  upon  which  to  base  this 
prophecy,  viz:  because  of  labor  agitation,  and  the  claim  that  the  tax 
burdens  of  government  are  laid  unequally;  that  the  masses,  and  the 
poor  especially,  are  compelled  to  bear  a  proportion  greater  than  does  the 
capitalist,  who  can  so  easily  hide  his  personal  property  from  the  asses 
sor,  and  thus  escape  taxation.  A  second  and  probably  more  cogent 
reason  may  be  found  in  the  speedy  promise  of  a  general  adoption  of 
the  policy  of  reciprocity.  Our  trade  with  foreign  countries  is  extending 
with  such  amazing  rapidity,  and  our  manufacturing  interests  are 
growing  so  fast,  far  beyond  the  demands  of  home  consumption,  that 
outlets  must  be  found  for  our  fast  increasing  surplus  products.  Reci- 
procity  was  recommended  by  McKinley,  and  the  policy  has  been 
adopted  by  Eoosevelt,  which  may  be  taken  as  committing  the  Repub 
lican  party  to  the  theory.  Reciprocity  is  but  another  name  for  free 
trade;  that  is  to  say,  it  is  the  admission,  free  of  duty,  of  specified 
articles  from  any  country  that  extends  the  same  privileges  to  us.  If 
reciprocity  is  found  to  open  new  markets  to  our  supplies,  as  it  has  done 
in  the  limited  experimental  trials,  how  natural  a  thing  will  be  the 
approach  of  absolute  free  trade  through  treaties  with  all  nations ! 

A  Second  Cogent  Reason. — But  even  limited  reciprocity  must 
affect  the  government  revenues,  and  in  the  proportion  that  these  fall 
off,  through  a  diminution  of  the  customs,  will  the  necessity  for  an 
increase  of  internal  revenue  taxes  appear.  The  question  will  then 
present  itself:  Will  the  people  insist  upon  the  laying  of  an  income 
tax,  or  submit  to  taxation  on  the  thousand  articles  of  everyday  use? 
Example  is  afforded  of  an  income  tax  collected  in  nearly  every  civil 
ized  country  of  the  world,  and  the  United  States  being  the  only  eicep- 


tion,  the  temper  of  the  people  distinctly  favors,  or  will  very  soon  do 
BO,  the  imposition  of  such  a  tax  here. 

The  Tax  as  Once  Imposed  in  This  Country. — Notwithstanding 
every  nation  of  Europe  has  a  graduated  or  fixed  income  tax  law,  and 
little  complaint  has  attended  its  enforcement,  the  principle  lias 
always  heretofore  been  repugnant  to  Americans.  Prior  to  1894  but 
one  income  tax  law  ever  got  into  the  national  statutes,  and  then  it  was 
imposed  as  an  exigent  matter  growing  out  of  the  government's  neces 
sities  incident  to  the  Civil  War.  On  August  5,  1861,  Congress 
authorized  an  annual  tax  of  3  per  cent  on  all  incomes  of  $800  and 
over.  This  act  was  modified  by  another  passed  in  July,  1862,  which 
fixed  the  tax  at  5  per  cent  on  all  incomes  under  $5,000,  with  an  exemp 
tion  of  house  rent  and  $600.  Incomes  between  $5,000  and  $10,000 
were  taxed  7J  per  cent,  and  above  $10,000  the  rate  was  10  per  cent 
without  exemption.  Further  taxes  of  5  per  cent  were  laid  on  the 
incomes  of  Americans  living  abroad,  and  of  1J  per  cent  on  incomes 
derived  from  United  States  securities,  this  latter  law  expiring  in  1865. 
In  1864  a  special  tax  of  5  per  cent  was  imposed  on  incomes  above 
$600.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  same  year  there  was  a  readjustment 
by  which  the  tax  was  made  5  per  cent  on  incomes  between  $600  and 
$5,000,  and  10  per  cent  above  $10,000.  In  a  test  case  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  pronounced  these  taxes  indirect  and  consti 

The  Wilson  Income  Tax. — In  1894  "an  act  to  reduce  taxation, 
to  provide  revenue  for  the  government  and  for  other  purposes,"  com 
monly  called  the  "Wilson  Bill,"  became  a  law.  By  its  terms  a  tax 
was  imposed  on  all  incomes  over  $4,000,  however  derived.  Again  the 
constitutionality  of  the  act  was  attacked,  upon  the  plea  that  such  a 
tax  was  class  legislation,  and  taking  this  view  of  it,  in  1895  the 
Supreme  Court,  by  a  majority  of  one  only,  declared  it  to  be  not  only 
class  legislation,  but  also  direct  taxation,  and  therefore  should  have 
been  apportioned  among  the  States. 


A  bare  majority  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  especially  when 
there  was  on  record  a  full  court  decision  of  that  same  supreme  judicial 
body  pronouncing  the  income  tax  of  1864  constitutional  and  just, 
failed  to  satisfy  public  opinion,  and  for  a  considerable  time  thereafter 
the  press  teemed  with  discussion  favoring  and  denouncing  the  adverse 



After  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  of  the  first  Napoleon 
(1812),  France,  Russia.,  Prussia,  and  Austria  formed  an 
alliance  for  preserving  the  balance  of  power  and  suppress 
ing  revolutions  which  might  occur  in  their  respective  dominions. 
The  Spanish  colonies  in  the  Western  Hemisphere  having  revolted 
the  report  spread,  and  was  widely  believed,  that  the  allied 
powers  contemplated  a  combined  attempt  to  put  down  the  insur 
rection.  Should  such  an  effort  succeed  it  was  perceived  that  the 
nations  participating  would  demand  reward  for  their  services  and, 
if  not  prevented  from  doing  so,  would  certainly  take  territory  as 
their  compensation,  and  thus  Spanish  America  would  be  farmed 
out  to  the  allied  powers.  In  this  ambitious  lust  for  territorial  acqui 
sition  England  had  no  sympathy,  but,  believing  her  own  posses 
sions  in  America  to  be  threatened  by  the  alliance,  George  Canning, 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  English  colonies,  made  a  proposal  to  the 
United  States  to  join  England  in  armed  (if  necessary)  prevention  of 
any  interference  which  the  allied  powers  might  undertake  with  the 
affairs,  revolutionary  or  otherwise,  of  the  revolting  colonies.  After  a 
consultation  with  his  best  advisers,  viz:  Jefferson,  Madison,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  and  Calhoun,  President  Monroe  agreed  to  the  pro 
posal  made  by  Canning,  and  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  1823, 
enunciated  what  has  ever  since  been  known  as  the  "Monroe  Doctrine." 
Referring  to  the  reported  proposed  intervention  of  European  powers, 
the  message  contained  this  declaratory  clause :  "The  United  States  will 
consider  any  attempt  upon  the  part  of  foreign  powers  to  extend  their 
system  to  any  portion  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  the 
peace  and  safety  of  this  government."  And  to  make  the  purpose  of 
this  declaration  definite  and  clear,  the  message  stated :  "The  American 


continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which  they  have 
assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  sub 
jects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European  powers/' 

How  the  Doctrine  Has  Been  Maintained. — The  boldness  of  this 
public  utterance,  made  at  a  time  when  our  nation  was  too  weak  to  be 
able  to  maintain  the  doctrine  should  it  be  opposed  by  the  allied  powers, 
produced  temporary  alarm,  but  England  lent  such  support  as  to 
strengthen  and  revive  the  faltering  spirit  of  timid  citizens,  whereupon 
rather  than  risk  war,  with  such  small  excuse  for  the  waging,  if  in 
reality  the  Alliance  ever  contemplaed  the  interference  reported,  the 
proposal  was  abandoned.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  stood,  ever  since 
its  promulgation,  as  one  of  the  bulwarks  of  our  nation's  stability, 
influence,  and  purpose.  By  the  exclusion  of  foreign  powers  from 
territorial  acquisition  in  America,  we  have  fortified  our  own  security 
against  attack,  for,  being  separated,  by  a  wide  ocean,  from  all  the 
strong  nations  of  Europe  our  country  is  practically  secure  against 
invasion,  and  remains  free  from  complications  which  the  proximity 
of  territorial  interests  of  European  governments  would  always 

The  Doctrine  Enforced  Against  England. — As  has  just  been 
shown,  it  was  really  at  the  instigation,  so  to  speak,  of  England  that 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  declared,  and  by  her  influence  it  was  sup 
ported,  notwithstanding  which  the  only  times  it  has  ever  been  threat 
ened  was  by  England,  viz :  in  the  matter  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama, 
and  her  territorial  dispute  with  Venezuela.  England  has  tried  in  vain 
to  obtain  acknowledgment  of  her  right  to  build,  or  to  assist  in  the 
building,  of  a  Panama  canal,  which  if  secured  would  permit  her  to 
acquire  property,  landed  and  personal,  in  the  Isthmus,  and  this  acqui 
sition,  however  small,  would  result  in  a  nullification  of  the  principle, 
as  well  as  of  the  fact,  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  If,  also,  England 
should  be  thus  favored,  upon  whatever  terms,  other  governments,  in 
the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  might  with  good  reason,  if  not  with  full 


justification,  demand  the  right  to  acquire  territory,  by  purchase, 
or  hy  arbitrary  means,  in  America. 

England  Compelled  to  Arbitrate  Her  Claim. — During  President 
Cleveland's  second  administration  an  attempt  was  threatened  by  Eng 
land  to  take  possession  of  certain  gold-bearing  lands  which  Venezuela 
claimed  were  well  within  the  boundary  of  her  own  territorial  limits. 
The  dispute  had  been  one  of  long  standing,  but  became  acute  after 
large  gold  discoveries  in  the  contested  district  had  been  made,  and 
England  showed  a  disposition  to  forcibly  occupy  the  auriferous  terri 
tory,  when  President  Cleveland  opposed  such  action  by  a  reiteration 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  compelled  England  to  refer  the  matter 
of  disputed  boundary  to  a  court  of  arbitration.  A  decision  was  not 
reached  until  after  a  long  and  searching  contest,  conducted  by  the 
ablest  counsel  in  the  world,  in  which  ex-President  Harrison  was  one 
of  those  who  represented  the  claims  of  Venezuela,  and  when  the  award 
was  made,  it  was  in  general  terms  favorable  to  Venezuela.  England 
accepted  it  as  final  and  the  incident  closed  with  another  triumph  for 
the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  Doctrine  Affected  by  Onr  Colonial  Policy. — The  United 
States  has  been,  until  the  Spanish-American  War,  a  government  of 
internal  development,  except  when  the  policy  was  departed  from  by 
the  purchase  of  Alaska,  1867.  Our  expansion,  it  is  true,  has  been 
great  since  we  became  a  nation,  but  it  has  heretofore  been  by  the 
acquisition  of  contiguous  territory,  to  which  action  foreign  powers 
could  take  no  exception.  When,  however,  the  fortunes  of  war  gave 
our  country  the  Philippines,  and  circumstances  made  it  advisable  to 
raise  the  American  flag  over  Hawaii,  the  situation  as  respects  isolation, 
and  hence  the  principles  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  became  materially 
changed.  Certain  foreign  powers  claim  that  our  government  has 
trenched  upon  their  spheres  of  influence  in  entering  upon  a  scheme 
of  colonization,  and  that  such  a  policy  contravenes  the  principles 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  This  contention,  while  thus  far  only  a  tenta- 


tive  objection,  may  assume  a  well-defined  state  in  the  near  future,  and 
thus  become  a  serious  problem  for  administrative  solution.  The 
most  immediate  prospect  seems  to  point  to  an  attempt  on  the  part 
of  Germany  to  obtain  a  footing  in  South  America,  particularly  in 
Brazil,  where,  because  of  a  very  large  German  immigration  in  recent 
years,  her  influence  is  already  predominant. 



A  history  of  reciprocity,  which  means  reciprocal  trade  advantages 
between  countries,  is  easily  given,  because  the  policy  of  mutual  trade 
interchange  between  nations  is  of  such  recent  promulgation  as  to  be  well 
within  the  remembrance  of  the  middle-aged.  It  is  true,  a  reciprocity 
agreement  between  Canada  and  the  United  States  was  made  as  early 
as  1854  (terminated  1866),  and  a  similar  one  between  the  United 
States  and  Hawaii  was  concluded  in  1875.  But  it  was  to  James  G. 
Elaine  that  the  policy  owes  its  real  force  and  declaration,  who  while 
Secretary  of  State  pronounced  and  strenuously  advocated  the  theory 
of  reciprocity,  and  urged  its  adoption  in  our  trade  relations,  with  the 
Governments  of  South  and  Central  America  especially.  Although  his 
advocacy  of  the  policy  did  not  bear  considerable  immediate  fruits,  the 
forcible  arguments  which  he  advanced  produced  a  decided  effect  by 
causing  serious  consideration  of  the  subject  among  the  people,  and 
interest  in  it,  as  a  possible  cure  for  the  evils  of  high  protection,  has 
not  ceased  to  grow  during  the  past  ten  years. 

Reciprocity  Treaties  Which  Are  Now  in  Effect. — The  McKm- 
ley  tariff  of  1890  provided  for  the  reimposition  of  taxes  that  had  been 
removed  on  sugar,  molasses,  coffee,  tea  and  hides  in  cases  where  it 
might  be  considered  that  countries  producing  these  products  levied 
a  high  rate  of  duty  on  manufactured  articles  made  in  the  United 
States.  With  the  inducement  which  this  authority  gave  to  certain 
countries,  reciprocity  treaties,  limited  in  their  scope,  were  concluded 
in  1891-92  with  Brazil,  Spain  (for  her  West  Indian  colonies),  San 
Domingo,  Germany,  Great  Britain  (for  her  West  Indian  posses 
sions),  Austria-Hungary,  Nicaragua,  Honduras  and  Guatemala.  The 
Wilson  Bill  of  1894,  however,  repealed  the  act  of  reciprocity  in  great 


part,  but  the  Dingley  Act  of  1897  restored  all  its  provisions,  and,  in 
addition,  while  raising  the  tariff  greatly  on  a  majority  of  imported 
articles,  reduced  the  duties  on  wines,  liquors,  works  of  art,  etc.,  and 
provided  for  future  reductions  on  specified  articles  two  years  later — 
1899.  Agreements  were  made  in  1898  with  France,  and  with  Ger 
many  and  Portugal  in  1900,  providing  for  reciprocal  trade  in  certain 
products,  and  treaties  of  like  import  are  now  pending  in  the  Senate 
between  the  United  States  and  several  countries. 

The  Opposition  of  Radical  Protectionists. — Radical  protection 
ists — those  who  favor  a  tariff  high  enough  to  prohibit  the  importation 
of  competing  products — have  bitterly  contested  the  reciprocity  policy 
of  President  McKinley,  and  will  no  doubt  show  no  less  vigorous  oppo 
sition  to  its  continuance  by  President  Koosevelt,  who  has  declared  his 
purpose  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  and  lamented 
predecessor.  We  should  understand  that  the  concessions  recom 
mended  by  McKinley  in  his  Buffalo  Exposition  speech  the  day  before 
he  was  murdered,  would  not  disturb  the  essential  protective  value  of 
the  high  tariff ;  for  the  reciprocity  which  he  proposed  was  based  wholly 
upon  the  principle  that  articles  which  we  cannot  produce  successfully 
should  be  admitted  under  a  low  duty,  or  even  free,  when  by  such 
admittance  we  may  obtain  in  foreign  markets  outlets  for  the  things 
which  we  produce  in  greater  quantities  than  is  needed  for  home  con 
sumption.  Such  a  policy  is  based  on  the  broadest  consideration  of 
national  welfare.  It  was  this  spirit  which  prompted  the  President,  in 
his  last  public  speech,  to  point  out  that  the  time  had  come  when  the 
one  purpose  nearest  to  his  heart  should  henceforth  be  harmonized  with 
new  methods,  and  with  those  changes  in  the  industrial  situation  which 
make  it  wise  to  adopt  a  carefully  framed  policy  of  reciprocal  trade. 

Roosevelt  Maintains  the  McKinley  Policy. — Gratification  must 
be  felt,  as  has  already  been  expressed,  that  President  Eoosevelt  should 
be  in  perfect  accord  with  the  national  plans  and  purposes  originated 
and  pursued  by  McKinley,  whose  statesmanship — brilliant,  exemp- 


lary,  wise,  as  it  was — is  a  heritage  of  inextinguishable  lustre  and 
inestimable  beneficence  to  the  American  people. 

At  no  other  time  in  the  life  of  the  Eepublic  have  conditions  so 
urgently  demanded  a  modification  of  our  tariff  system.  To  President 
McKinley  the  credit  must  in  generous  part  be  given  for  the  rapid 
expansion  of  our  foreign  trade;  that  this  large  increase  has  been  due  in 
no  small  measure  to  the  operation  of  our  protective  tariff  laws  no  care 
ful  observer  may  deny,  but  though  this  fact  is  apparent,  it  is  no  less 
obvious,  as  our  lamented  President  clearly  pointed  out,  that  the  tre 
mendous  advance  made,  in  the  past  three  years  particularly,  in  the 
productive  energies  and  trade  dissemination  of  the  country  calls 
imperatively  for  a  material  change  in  laws  which,  though  at  one  time 
needful,  now  act  as  weights  upon  the  feet  of  American  commerce. 

American  Goods  Displacing  Foreign. — To-day,  to  our  honor,  aye, 
glory,  it  can  truthfully  be  asserted  that  American  goods  of  field,  and 
mill,  and  factory  are  crowding  out  the  competition  of  every  country  on 
the  globe.  It  is  America  now  that  furnishes  locomotives,  steel  rails, 
electrical  machinery,  street  cars,  shoes,  agricultural  implements,  coal, 
and  a  great  variety  of  iron  products,  such  as  water-pipe,  structural 
steel,  etc.,  not  only  to  China,  Japan,  India,  Africa,  but  even  to  Eng 
land  herself,  as  well  as  to  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  We  can  beat  all 
competition  by  furnishing  better  articles  at  less  prices  than  any  other 
country.  This  being  so,  why  should  we  not  make  treaties  with  other 
governments  that  will  promote  reciprocal  trade?  It  is  this  policy 
looking  to  our  national  welfare  that  McKinley  enunciated  and  to 
which  Eoosevelt  is  committed  by  pledge  and  statesmanship. 



One  of  the  most  serious  as  it  is  probably  the  most  complex  ques 
tion  with  which  our  government  must  soon  deal  decisively,  is  that 
which  concerns  combinations  of  capital  for  the  purpose  of  control 
ling  the  output,  and  hence  the  market  price  of  manufactured  products. 
That  it  presents  many  aspects,  ranging  from  beneficent  design  to 
the  greatest  evil  tyranny  can  impose  upon  the  helpless,  must  be  con 
fessed  by  all  who  dispassionately  consider  the  matter.  Co-operation 
of  labor,  organization  of  workmen,  or  any  combination  of  persons  for 
a  specific  purpose,  to  the  exclusion  of  others,  is  essentially  a  "trust," 
as  we  have  come  to  understand  the  significance  of  that  word.  Corners 
in  grain,  or  in  staples  of  everyday  use  and  universal  need,  bring 
us  at  once  face  to  face  with  the  problem  as  it  aft'ects  our  immediate 
and  personal  interests,  while  trusts  that  manufacture  machinery,  that 
control  the  output  of  iron  mills,  or  the  means  of  transportation,  thus 
raising  the  price,  however  great,  to  concerns  that  must  buy  for  their 
own  use,  or  in  turn  to  supply  to  smaller  companies--such  aggregations 
of  capital  do  not  so  directly  appeal  to  our  sense  of  injustice.  Yet  it  is 
not  in  degree  that  the  wrong  lies,  but  in  principle,  and  the  harinfulness 
in  the  case  where  our  personal  interest  is  touched  is  no  greater  in 
fact  than  that  which  is  committed  in  a  general  way,  for  in  the  end, 
if  there  be  oppression  perpetrated  upon  a  large  corporation,  whether 
it  be  one  that  builds  railroads,  steamships,  or  bridges,  the  injustice  is 
certain  to  descend  until  it  reaches  the  small  mechanic  and  the  poorest 
family.  It  must  be  seen,  therefore,  that  a  bread  trust  is  really  no 
worse  in  principle,  or  in  fact,  than  the  steel  trust,  for  though  the 
effect  is  immediately  felt  by  the  masses  from  operation  of  the  former, 
the  ultimate  result  of  the  latter  bears  equally  heavy  upon  all  classes. 

How  Shall  We  Repress  the  Trust. — The  evils,  which  follow  from 
combinations  of  capital  being  numerous  and  clearly  discernible,  the 


mighty  question  confronts  us,  "How  may  they  be  prevented?"  Can 
laws  be  enacted  which  will  effectually  prevent  the  organization  of  trusts 
without  at  the  same  time  contravening  the  constitutional  guarantee 
of  "liberty,  life  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness?"  These  words  are 
susceptible  of  varied  construction,  as  has  been  proved  many  times 
by  Supreme  Court  decisions.  Only  a  short  while  ago  a  law  was  passed 
by  the  Illinois  Legislature  which  was  designed  to  prohibit  the  establish 
ment  and  conducting  of  department  stores  in  that  State.  The  law 
was  attacked  as  being  in  violation  of  the  constitutional  guarantee  and 
the  contention  was  sustained  by  the  court. 

A  Difficulty  Beyon<J  Easy  Amendment. — A  supreme  difficulty  is 
met  when  attempt  is  made  to  frame  a  prohibitory  law  applicable  to 
specified  industries,  for  this  then  becomes  class  legislation,  which  is 
forbidden  by  the  Constitution,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  anti-trust 
laws  already  enacted  have  remained  unenforced.  A  labor  organiza 
tion  that  is  formed  to  control  the  price  of  labor,  which  enforces  its 
demands  by  strikes  or  menaces,  is  a  trust  quite  as  much  as  is  a  com 
bination  of  capital  formed  to  control  the  price  of  products.  So  also 
would  be  an  agreement  made  by  a  number  of  farmers  to  hold  their 
grain  in  order  to  force  a  higher  price  for  what  they  have  to  sell.  We 
recognize  the  perfect  right  of  labor  to  organize,  and  to  use  all  means, 
short  of  lawlessness,  to  keep  wages  at  the  highest,  and  the  farmer  or 
any  combination  of  farmers  may  justly  refuse  to  sell  their  produce 
until  it  pleases  them  to  do  so,  for  these  are  inalienable  privileges ;  but 
admitting  this  right,  shall  the  same  privilege  be  denied  to  any  other 
combination  of  persons  in  their  capacities  as  manufacturers?  The 
difficulty,  as  it  must  be  seen,  lies  in  our  lack  of  ability  to  frame  a  law 
that  will  make  a  distinction  without  infringing  personal  rights.  It 
is  not  sufficient  to  say  that  the  greater  wrong  to  the  community  is  com 
mitted  by  aggregations  of  capital ;  this  must  be  admitted ;  but  though 
we  fully  appreciate  the  fact,  our  dilemma  is  not  in  the  least  lessened 
thereby,  since  the  law  cannot  discriminate,  and  must  be  no  respecter 


In  our  very  complex  civilization,  and  especially  in  the  pursuit  of 
wealth,  so  ruinous  to  our  moral  well-being,  complications  are  found 
which  are  not  to  be  unravelled  by  the  enactment  of  laws.  Not  a  few 
things  are  deplorable  which  are  also  unremediable,  and  the  operation 
of  trusts  seems  to  be  one  of  these.  The  question,  in  many  respects,  is 
similar  to  that  presented  by  the  liquor  problem.  Everybody  admits  the 
evils  of  intemperance,  but  no  one  has  yet  been  able  to  devise  a  means 
for  suppressing  traffic  in  intoxicants,  and  the  indications  are  that,  for 
reasons  perfectly  patent,  viz :  personal  profits,  trusts  will  continue 
regardless  of  restrictive  or  prohibitory  laws. 




One  of  the  most  important  commercial  questions  now  under 
consideration  by  the  United  States  Government  is  that  which  concerns 
the  construction  of  a  ship  canal  through  the  narrow  neck  of  Central 
America.  Two  routes  have  been  proposed,  and  a  history  of  the  efforts 
to  perform  this  gigantic  work  of  engineering,  the  completion  of 
which  will  be  followed  by  incalculable  benefits  to  commerce  and 
governments,  may  be  thus  told:  The  attempt  to  build  such  a  canal 
was  first  undertaken  by  the  Panama  Canal  Company,  which  was  organ 
ized  by  Count  de  Lesseps,  March  3,  1880,  who  obtained  a  concession 
from  the  Columbian  government  under  an  agreement  to  complete 
and  open  the  canal  for  commerce  by  March  3,  1893.  The  grand  total 
of  shares  of  authorized  issue  had  a  face  value  of  $500,000,000.  Most 
of  these  were  subscribed,  but  after  $156,000,000  had  been  expended 
the  company  became  bankrupt  in  1889,  and  great  scandal  followed, 
which  led  to  the  trial  of  Count  de  Lesseps  upon  charges  of  fraud, 
preferred  in  France,  and  he  was  convicted  and  sentenced  to  serve  a 
prison  term.  Thus  ended  in  disgrace  the  first  effort  to  cut  a  water 
way  by  what  was  called  the  Panama  route.  By  the  original  survey, 
and  on  which  the  work  of  cutting  was  conducted,  the  total  length  of 
the  canal  was  to  be  forty-six  and  one-half  miles,  and  it  is  estimated 
that  nearly  one-third  of  the  work  was  complete  when  collapse  of 
the  company  occurred  and  its  affairs  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  a 

In  1894  a  new  company  was  formed,  which  obtained  a  renewal 
of  the  Columbian  concession,  which  requires  completion  of  the  canal 
by  the  year  1910,  but  confidence  was  so  thoroughly  destroyed  by  the 


scandal  and  failure  of  the  De  Lesseps  company  that  funds  have  not 
been  forthcoming  with  which  to  continue  the  work. 

The  Nicaragua  Canal, — Many  distinguished  engineers  have  main 
tained  that  the  route  selected  by  the  Panama  Canal  Company  is  an 
impracticable  one  because  of  the  excessive  cost  of  construction,  but 
the  general  recognition  of  the  value  of  such  a  waterway  has  kept 
the  subject  of  building  continually  before  the  public  for  several 
years,  and  effort  has  not  been  wanting  to  perfect  the  undertaking. 
Captain  James  B.  Eads,  the  noted  engineer,  proposed  the  construction 
of  a  ship  railway  across  the  Isthmus,  and  had  almost  succeeded  in 
organizing  a  company  with  sufficient  capital  for  the  work  when  death 
seized  him  in  the  midst  of  his  labors  and  no  further  effort  has  since 
been  made  to  build  such  a  railway. 

In  1889,  the  year  of  the  failure  of  the  French  company,  the  Mari 
time  Canal  Company  of  Nicaragua,  with  a  capital  of  $100,000,000,  was 
incorporated  under  a  charter  granted  by  the  United  States  Congress, 
a  concession  having  been  previously  obtained  from  the  Government  of 
Nicaragua  for  constructing  and  operating  an  interoceanic  ship  canal. 
Excavation  was  begun  by  this  company  October  8,  1891,  at  Greytown, 
on  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  in  1892  one  mile  of  the  one  hundred  and 
sixty-nine  and  one-half  miles  of  the  total  route  was  opened.  This  route 
is  now  very  generally  believed  to  be  the  most  practical  and  least 
expensive  to  construct,  because  of  the  adequate  high  water  level  supply 
furnished  by  lakes  Nicaragua  and  Managua,  which  being  on  the  sur 
veyed  route  are  to  be  made  a  part  of  the  canal,  thus  reducing  the  dis 
tance  of  actual  cutting  to  be  done  to  less  than  fifty  miles. 

Progress  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company. — The  amount  of 
money  expended  in  the  work  and  plant  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Com 
pany  was  $600,000  when  the  first  mile  was  finished,  but  it  was  then 
seen  that  the  cost  of  completing  would  exceed  the  original  estimates 
and  government  aid  was  accordingly  solicited.  This  application  in 
1894  brought  forth  a  bill  unanimously  reported  by  the  Senate  For- 


eign  Committee  recommending  a  governmental  guarantee  of  $100,- 
000,000,  but  opposition  in  the  Senate  caused  its  withdrawal.  Interest 
in  the  enterprise  continued,  however,  and  in  1895,  1897,  and  again  in 
1899  Congress  provided  for  the  appointment  of  commissions  to 
investigate  and  report  upon  both  the  Nicaragua  and  the  Panama 
routes.  In  pursuance  of  these  instructions  the  Commission  of  1899 
made  a  preliminary  report  in  1900  recommending  the  Nicaragua 
route  and  estimating  the  total  cost  of  the  work  at  $200,510,000.  The 
commission  unfortunately  was  not  unanimous  in  its  recommendations, 
and  a  distinguished  engineer,  who  has  made  a  thorough  investigation 
of  both  routes,  lias  since  reported  that  a  canal  by  the  Panama  route. 
using  the  cutting  that  has  already  been  done,  may  be  completed  for 

The  question  of  adopting  a  route  and  raising  the  money  necessary 
to  construct  a  canal  across  the  isthmus,  is  not  the  most  serious  one 
connected  with  the  subject,  for  the  contention  has  been  made  by  Eng 
land  that  by  the  provisions  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  she  is  entitled 
to  share  in  a  joint  protectorate  over  the  canal,  and  as  such  she  opposes 
fortification  of  the  water-way.  A  history  of  how  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty  came  to  be  made  may  be  thus  briefly  given. 

How  the  Proposition  of  a  Canal  Originated. — The  discovery  of 
gold  in  California  in  1848  was  followed  by  a  great  rush  of  travel  to 
the  new  fields,  which  at  first  was  almost  entirely  by  way  of  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama.  It  was  this  mighty  influx  of  gold-seekers,  and  the  wake  of 
commercial  trade  that  swept  across  the  narrow  neck,  that  prompted  the 
idea  of  an  isthmian  ship  canal.  In  pursuance  of  this  purpose  a  treaty 
was  entered  into  with  the  Government  of  Nicaragua  in  1849,  whereby 
the  United  States  obtained  permission  to  construct  a  canal  across  the 
isthmus  by  way  of  Lake  Nicaragua ;  but  one  end  of  this  proposed  route 
was  at  Greytown,  which  was  occupied  by  British  settlers,  besides,  Great 
Britain  claimed  a  protectorate  over  the  Mosquito  Coast  Indians  who 
claimed  the  territory  of  that  neighborhood.  Mr.  Clayton,  Secretary 


of  State  at  the  time,  asked  Great  Britain  to  withdraw  her  claims  to 
the  coast  so  as  to  permit  the  canal  to  be  built  at  once  tinder  joint  con 
trol  of  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua.  This  request  Great  Britain 
promptly  declined  to  grant,  but  agreed  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the 
United  States  for  a  joint  protectorate  over  the  canal.  Being  unable  to 
obtain  any  concessions  from  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Clayton  negotiated  a 
treaty  with  that  country  through  Sir  H.  L.  Bulwer,  British  Minister 
at  Washington,  April  19,  1850,  which  stipulated  that  neither  nation 
should  obtain  exclusive  control  over  the  canal  when  built,  nor  erect 
fortifications  commanding  the  same,  nor  exercise  authority  over  any 
part  of  Central  America. 

The  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty. — The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  never 
gave  satisfaction,  and  contention  is  made  that,  having  been  repeat 
edly  violated  by  Great  Britain,  the  United  States  has  long  since  ceased 
to  be  bound  by  any  of  its  provisions.  In  February,  1900,  Secretary 
of  State  Hay  negotiated  another  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  throu^ 
Lord  Pauncefote,  which  provided  for  the  building  of  a  NicaragD-- 
Canal  by  the  United  States,  but  stipulated  expressly  that  the  cana* 
should  be  free,  and  open  in  time  of  war,  to  vessels  of  commerce  and  of 
war,  of  all  nations,  and  that  no  fortifications  should  be  erected  to  com 
mand  or  defend  the  canal. 

When  this  treaty  came  before  the  Senate  on  the  question  of  ratifi 
cation,  the  provision  renouncing  all  right  to  fortify  was  fiercely  debated, 
and  developed  so  much  opposition  that  the  treaty  was  amended  by 
striking  out  the  objectionable  clause  and  inserting  in  its  stead  one 
which  gives  to  the  United  States  the  right  to  defend  the  canal  by  means 
of  the  nation's  forces,  which  reads  as  follows :  "7.  No  fortifications  shall 
be  erected  commanding  the  canal  or  the  waters  adjacent.  The  United 
States,  however,  shall  be  at  liberty  to  maintain  such  military  police 
along  the  canal  as  may  be  necessary  to  protect  it  against  lawlessness 
and  disorder."  With  this  amendment  and  others  less  material  the 
treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  December  20,  1900,  but  required  that 


mutual  ratification  of  all  its  terms  should"  be  made  by  the  two  contract 
ing  governments  within  six  months  from  that  date.  Great  Britain 
objected  to  the  modification,  and  as  that  government  refused  to  sign 
within  the  time  named,  the  question  originally  in  dispute  still  remains 
to  be  settled.  To  this  serious  issue  the  new  administration,  and  the 
new  Congress  particularly,  must  now  address  itself. 

Discussions  by  Great  Leaders 





And  to  strive  by  every  patriotic  means  to  help  to  a  wise 

determination  of  me  issues,  without  regard  to  party 

purpose  or  affiliation,  is  the  imperative  duty 

of  everv  American  that  loves 

his  country 

Tor  the  attainment  of  these  lofty  aims  for  national  good  le 

all  parties  be  consolidated,  since  it  is  by  such 

joint  action  that  individual  benefit  is 

most  surely  gained 






A  year  before  his  assassination  President  McKinley,  with  that 
rare  prophetic  vision  which  distinguished  him  scarcely  less  than  his 
wise  statesmanship  and  lofty  patriotism,  gave  utterance  to  the  follow 
ing  word's;  words  which  showed  his  unlimited  confidence  and  affection 
for  his  country,  his  people  and  our  institutions,  as  well  also  his  faith 
in  the  destiny  of  the  nation,  and  the  means  he  designed  should  accom 
plish  the  most  beneficent  purposes  of  our  government : 

We  have  had  our  blessings  and  our  burdens  and  still  have  both. 
We  will  soon  have  legislative  assurance  of  the  continuance  of  the  gold 
standard  with  which  we  measure  our  exchanges,  and  we  have  the  open 
door  in  the  Far  East  through  which  to  market  our  products. 

We  are  neither  in  alliance,  nor  antagonism,  nor  entanglement  with 
any  foreign  power,  but  on  terms  of  amity  and  cordiality  with  all. 
We  buy  from  all  of  them  and  sell  to  all  of  them,  and  our  sales  exceeded 
our  purchases  in  the  past  two  years  by  over  $1,000,000,000. 

Markets  have  been  increased  and  mortgages  have  been  reduced. 
Interest  has  fallen  and  wages  have  advanced.  The  public  debt  is 
decreasing.  The  country  is  well  to  do;  its  people  for  the  most  part 
are  happy  and  contented.  They  have  good  times  and  are  on  good 
terms  with  the  nations  of  the  world. 

His  Optimism  Based  on  Facts. — There  are,  unfortunately,  those 
among  us,  few  in  number  I  am  sure,  who  seem  to  thrive  best  under  bad 
times,  and  who,  when  good  times  overtake  them  in  the  United  States, 
feel  constrained  to  put  us  on  bad  terms  with  the  rest  of  mankind. 
With  them  I  have  no  sympathy.  I  would  rather  give  expression  to 



what  I  believe  to  be  the  nobler  and  almost  universal  sentiment  of  my 
countrymen  in  the  wish  not  only  for  our  peace,  but  for  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  all  the  nations  and  peoples  of  the  earth. 

After  thirty-three  years  of  unbroken  peace  came  an  unavoidable 
war.  Happily  the  conclusion  was  quickly  reached  without  a  suspicion 
of  unworthy  motive,  or  practice,  or  purpose,  on  our  part,  and  with  fade 
less  honor  to  our  arms.  I  cannot  forget  the  quick  response  of  the 
people  to  the  country's  need  and  the  250,000  men  who  freely  offered 
their  lives  to  their  country's  service.  It  was  an  impressive  spectacle 
of  national  strength.  It  demonstrated  our  mighty  reserve  power  and 
taught  us  that  large  standing  armies  are  unnecessary  when  every 
citizen  is  a  "minute  man,"  ready  to  join  the  ranks  for  national 

Out  of  these  recent  events  have  come  to  the  United  States  great 
trials  and  responsibilities.  As  it  was  the  nation's  war,  so  are  its 
results  the  nation's  problem.  Its  solution  rests  upon  us  all.  It  is 
too  serious  to  stifle.  It  is  too  earnest  for  repose.  No  phrase  or  catch 
word  can  cancel  the  sacred  obligation  it  involves.  No  use  of  epithet ; 
no  aspersion  of  motives  by  those  who  differ  with  us  will  contribute  to 
that  sober  judgment  so  essential  to  right  conclusions. 

No  political  outcry  can  abrogate  our  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain 
or  absolve  us  from  its  solemn  engagements.  It  is  the  people's  ques 
tion,  and  will  be  until  its  determination  is  written  out  in  their  enlight 
ened  verdict.  We  must  choose  between  manly  doing  and  base  deser 
tion.  It  will  never  be  the  latter.  We  must  be  soberly  settled  in  justice 
and  good  conscience,  and  it  will  be.  Eighteousness,  which  exalteth  a 
nation,  must  control  in  its  solution. 

The  Nation  Equal  to  Any  Emergency. — No  great  emergency  has 
arisen  in  this  nation's  history  and  progress  which  has  not  been  met  by 
the  sovereign  people  with  high  capacity,  with  ample  strength  and  with 
unflinching  fidelity  to  every  honorable  obligation.  Partisanship  can 
hold  few  of  us  against  solemn  public  duty.  We  have  seen  this  so 


often  demonstrated  in  the  past  as  to  mark  unerringly  what  it  will  be 
in  the  future. 

The  national  sentiment  and  the  national  conscience  were  never 
stronger  or  higher  than  now.  There  has  been  a  reunion  of  the  people 
around  the  holy  altar  consecrated  to  country  newly  sanctified  by  com 
mon  sacrifices.  The  followers  of  Grant  and  Lee  have  fought  under 
the  same  flag  and  fallen  for  the  same  faith.  Party  lines  have  loos 
ened  and  the  ties  of  union  have  been  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people. 

Political  passion  has  altogether  subsided,  and  patriotism  glows 
with  inextinguishable  fervor  in  every  home  in  the  land.  The  flag  has 
been  sustained  on  distant  seas  and  islands  by  the  men  of  all  parties 
and  section,  and  creeds,  and  races,  and  nationalities,  and  its  stars  are 
only  those  of  radiant  hope  to  the  remote  peoples  over  whom  it  floats. 

There  can  be  no  imperialism.  Those  who  fear  it  are  against  it. 
Those  who  have  faith  in  the  Eepublic  are  against  it.  So  that  there  is 
universal  abhorrence  for  it  and  unanimous  opposition  to  it. 

Our  only  difference  is  that  those  who  do  not  agree  with  us  have 
no  confidence  in  the  virtue,  or  capacity,  or  high  purpose,  or  good  faith 
of  this  free  people  as  a  civilizing  agency;  while  we  believe  that  the 
century  of  free  government  which  the  American  people  have  enjoyed 
has  not  rendered  them  faithless  and  irresolute,  we  believe  also  has  fitted 
them  for  the  great  task  of  lifting  up  and!  assisting  to  better  the  condi 
tions  of  those  distant  peoples  who  have,  through  the  issue  of  battle, 
become  our  wards. 

Strive  for  the  Noblest  Ends. — Let  us  fear  not.  There  is  no 
occasion  for  faint  hearts,  no  excuse  for  regrets.  Nations  do  not  grow 
in  strength,  and  the  cause  of  liberty  and  law  is  not  advanced  by  the 
doing  of  easy  things.  The  harder  the  task  the  greater  will  be  the 
result,  the  benefit  and  the  honor.  To  doubt  our  power  to  accomplish 
it  is  to  lose  faith  in  the  soundness  and  strength  of  our  popular  insti 


The  liberators  will  never  become  the  oppressors.  A  self-gov 
erned  people  will  never  permit  despotism  in  any  government  which 
they  foster  and  defend. 

We  have  the  new  care  and  cannot  shift  it.  And,  breaking  up 
the  camp  of  ease  and  isolation,  let  us  bravely,  and  hopefully,  and  sob 
erly  continue  the  march  of  faithful  service  and  falter  not  until  the  work 
is  done.  It  is  not  possible  that  75,000,000  of  American  freemen  are 
unable  to  establish  liberty,  and  justice,  and  good  government  in  our 
new  possessions.  The  burden  is  our  opportunity.  The  opportunity 
is  greater  than  the  burden.  May  God  give  us  strength  to  bear  the  one 
and  wisdom  to  embrace  the  other  and  to  carry  to  our  distant  acquisi 
tions  the  guarantees  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 



Secretary  of  State. 

By  treaty  stipulations  the  United  States  enjoys  in  Chinese  terri 
tory  and  in  the  ports  of  the  empire  four  distinct  rights :  ( 1 )  Exter 
ritoriality — that  is,  American  subjects  can  only  be  sued  and  tried  in 
their  own  consular  courts;  (2)  In  certain  ports  and  settlements  they 
have  a  right  to  own  property,  where  realty  passes  under  consular 
jurisdiction;  (3)  their  trade  pays  duty  by  a  treaty  which  can  only  be 
altered  with  the  consent  of  the  United  States,  and  these  duties  are 
collectible  by  a  Chinese  customs  service  in  which  Americans  are 
represented  by  courtesy  of  the  signatory  powers;  (4)  the  United 
States  enjoys  in  China  "most  favored  nation  rights"  in  regard  to 
tonnage,  harbor  and  other  dues. 

The  last  three  of  these  rights  were  placed  in  imminent  jeopardy 
by  the  scramble  of  European  powers  for  fragments  of  the  Chinese 
Empire,  once  the  prophesied  disintegration  should  set  in.  The  diplo 
matic  point  was  to  preserve  them  to  the  United  States,  no  matter 
what  leading  nation  or  commercial  rival  might,  in  the  partition  or 
spoliation  of  China,  step  into  authority,  or  wish  to  abrogate  them.  In 
such  an  event,  the  three  rights  selected  are  deemed  sufficient  to  pro 
tect  our  vested  rights  in  treaty  settlements,  of  which  that  at  Shanghai 
is  the  largest  and  best  defined ;  they  insure  a  low  tariff  on  American 
imports  to  China  whether  of  American  origin  or  shipped  under  our 
flag,  and  they  guard  against  discrimination  either  in  transportation 
rates  by  road  or  rail,  or  in  dues  and  taxes  on  transport. 

The  categorical  acceptance  of  these  rights  insures  the  freedom  of 
American  trade  in  China  for  all  time  to  come  over  the  entire  area  of 


what  is  now  the  Chinese  Empire.  Great  Britain  was  first  in  its 
response  and  most  explicit  in  its  declaration.  It  accepts  the  prin 
ciple  proposed  by  the  United  States  for  all  the  leased  territory  it  now 
holds  at  Wei-Hai-Wei,  and  as  to  all  territory  to  come.  Germany 
was  the  last  to  respond,  and  the  text  of  its  answer,  so  far  as  pub 
lished,  guarantees  "absolute  equality  of  treatment  of  all  nations  with 
regard  to  trade,  navigation  and  commerce"  "so  long  as  it  is  not  found 
in  the  future  to  depart  from  this  principle  on  account  of  considera 
tion  of  reciprocity  by  divergence  from  it  by  other  governments." 

The  guarantee  of  equality  is  not  precisely  the  same  pledge  as  a 
maintenance  of  a  treaty  tariff,  but  as  Germany  is  of  course  included 
in  the  powers  which  in  the  final  dispatch  are  said  to  have  "accepted 
the  declaration  suggested  by  the  United  States  concerning  foreign  trade 
in  China,"  it  is  clear  that  Germany  with  the  rest  has  accepted  the  three 
points  of  protection  for  treaty  rights,  the  treaty  tariff  and  uniform 
rates  for  the  subjects  of  all  nations  over  China.  This  "declaration" 
will  constitute  the  common  datum  from  which  all  future  negotiations 
in  China  will  start.  It  creates  for  China,  its  wide  territory,  its 
great  population  and  its  growing  trade,  a  common  agreement  among 
civilized  nations  which  must  control  all  their  future  actions. 

The  treaties  of  Vienna,  Paris  and  Berlin  were  no  more  important 
in  determining  the  mutual  rights  and  relations  of  European  states,  or 
the  Berlin  convention  for  Africa.  This  "declaration"  brings  to  a 
common  basis  a  great  body  of  treaties  extending  over  half  a  century, 
defines  action  and  limits  interference  with  foreign  commercial  rights 
in  all  future  acquisitions  by  any  signatory  powers,  and  creates  a  new 
"doctrine"  for  China  by  establishing  the  right  of  the  Imperial  Gov 
ernment  to  collect  duties,  requiring  its  assent  to  any  change  in  the 
present  tariff,  and  guaranteeing  its  leases  of  treaty  "settlements." 

Firmness  of  Our  Demands. — This  great  service  has  been  done  by 
the  United  States  for  the  trade  and  peace  of  the  world,  by  the  firm 
but  amicable  demand  that  recognized  treaty  rights  should  be  accepted 


as  constituting,  so  to  speak,  a  servitude  or  easement  upon  all  Chinese 
territory.  Once  accepted  by  all  nations,  this  declaration  will,  as 
past  precedents  show,  be  enforced  by  all  nations.  Important  to  each 
European  nation,  this  concession  is  of  paramount  value  to  the  United 
States,  whose  Pacific  coast  line  is  the  greatest  on  that  ocean,  whose 
posts  encircle  and  cross  it,  and  whose  trade  is  destined  to  be  greater 
than  that  of  any  other  nation.  During  the  twentieth  century  this  new 
"doctrine"  established  for  China  is  destined  to  be  as  important  as  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  has  been  for  the  Americans  in  the  past  century.  It 
protects  the  present,  it  safeguards  the  future  and  it  establishes  the 
United  States  in  an  impregnable  position,  antagonizing  no  nation, 
entangled  with  none  and  demanding  for  all  and  of  all  the  equal  rights 
guaranteed  by  past  treaties  and  accepted  by  this  new  "declaration." 
Each  of  the  powers  interested — Great  Britain,  France,  Germany, 
Russia,  Italy  and  Spain — gave  a  formal  pledge  in  writing  as  follows: 

1.  That  it  will  in  no  wise  interfere  with  any  treaty  port  or 
any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  "sphere  of  interest"  or  leased 
territory  it  may  have  in  China. 

2.  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the  time  being  shall  apply 
to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such  ports  as  are  within 
such  "spheres  of  influence"  (unless  they  be  "free  ports")  no  matter 
to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that  duties  so  leviable  shall  be 
collected  by  the  Chinese  Government. 

3.  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels  of  another 
nationality   frequenting  any  port  in   such  "sphere"   than   shall  be 
levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality,  and  no  higher  railroad  charges 
over  lines  built,  controlled  or  operated  within  its  "sphere,"  or  mer 
chandise  belonging  to  citizens  or  subjects  of  other  nationalities,  trans 
ported  through  such  "sphere,"  than  shall  be  levied  on  similar  merchan 
dise  belonging  to  its  own  nationality  transported  over  equal  distances. 

Gains  Made  by  Our  Treaties. — These  pledges  were  given  in  each 
case  with  the  understanding  that  they  would  stand  if  the  other  powers 


made  similar  pledges,  which  they  all  did.  Then  each  power  was 
informed  of  the  fact  that  the  others  had  acceded.  When  that  was 
accomplished  the  matter  was  ended.  Great  Britain  was  the  first  power 
approached  and  Japan  the  last.  All  of  them  showed  the  utmost  cor 
diality  toward  the  United  States,  and  the  shape  in  which  the  matter 
now  stands,  while  not  literally  in  the  form  of  a  treaty,  practically  has 
the  same  effect.  There  is  no  probability  of  any  power  withdrawing 
from  that  pledge  as  long  as  the  United  States  has  the  support  of  any 
other  great  nation  in  holding  the  others  to  the  pledges  given.  There 
will  never  be  any  question  about  Great  Britain  and  Japan  standing  by 
the  United  States  in  this  matter,  and  therefore  this  great  diplomatic 
achievement,  one  of  the  most  important  in  the  history  of  the  United 
States,  is  secure  to  our  people. 




The  trust  principle  is  not  a  new  principle,  but  the  trust  prin 
ciple  is  manifesting  itself  in  so  many  ways,  and  the  trusts  have  grown 
so  rapidly,  that  people  now  feel  alarmed  about  trusts  who  did  not  feel 
alarmed  three  years  ago.  The  trust  question  has  grown  in  importance 
because  within  two  years  more  trusts  have  been  organized,  when  we 
come  to  consider  the  capitalization  and  the  magnitude  of  the  interests 
involved,  than  were  organized  in  all  the  previous  history  of  the 
country,  and  the  people  now  come  face  to  face  with  this  question :  Is 
the  trust  a  blessing  or  a  curse?  If  a  curse,  what  remedy  can  be 
applied  to  the  curse  ? 

I  want  to  start  with  the  declaration  that  a  monopoly  in  private 
hands  is  indefensible  from  any  standpoint,  and  intolerable.  I  make 
no  exceptions  to  the  rule.  I  do  not  divide  monopolies  into  good 
monopolies  and  bad  monopolies.  There  is  no  good  monopoly  in  pri 
vate  hands.  There  can  be  no  good  monopoly  in  private  hands  until 
the  Almighty  sends  us  angels  to  preside  over  the  monopoly.  There  may 
be  a  despot  who  is  better  than  another  despot,  but  there  is  no  good 
despotism.  One  trust  may  be  less  harmful  than  another.  One  trust 
magnate  may  be  more  benevolent  than  another,  but  there  is  no  good 
monopoly  in  private  hands,  and  I  do  not  believe  it  is  safe  for  society 
to  permit  any  man  or  group  of  men  to  monopolize  any  article  of  mer 
chandise  or  any  branch  of  industry. 

What  is  the  defence  made  of  the  monopoly?  The  defence  of  the 
monopoly  is  always  placed  on  the  ground  that  if  you  allow  a  few 
people  to  control  the  market  and  fix  the  price  they  will  be  good  to  the 
people  who  purchase  of  them.  The  entire  defence  of  the  trusts  rests 



upon  a  money  argument.  If  the  trust  will  sell  to  a  man  an  article 
for  a  dollar  less  than  the  article  will  cost  under  other  conditions,  then 
in  the  opinion  of  some  that  proves  a  trust  to  be  a  good  thing.  In  the 
first  place  I  deny  that  under  a  monopoly  the  price  will  be  reduced.  In 
the  second  place,  if  under  a  monopoly  the  price  is  reduced,  the  objec 
tions  to  a  monopoly  from  other  standpoints  far  outweigh  any  financial 
advantage  that  the  trust  may  bring.  But  I  protest  in  the  beginning 
against  settling  every  question  upon  the  dollar  argument.  I  protest 
against  the  attempt  to  drag  every  question  down  to  the  low  level  of 
dollars  and  cents. 

Lincoln's  Warning. — In  1859  Abraham  Lincoln  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Republicans  of  Boston  who  were  celebrating  Jefferson's  birthday, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  letter  he  said :  "The  Republican  party  believes 
in  the  man  and  the  dollar,  but  in  case  of  conflict  it  believes  in  the  man 
before  the  dollar/'  In  the  early  years  of  his  administration  he  sent 
a  message  to  Congress,  and  in  that  message  he  warned  his  country 
men  against  the  approach  of  monarchy.  And  what  was  it  that  alarmed 
him  ?  He  said  it  was  the  attempt  to  put  capital  upon  an  equal  footing 
with,  if  not  above,  labor  in  the  structure  of  government,  and  in  that 
attempt  to  put  capital  even  upon  an  equal  footing  with  labor  in  the 
structure  of  government  he  saw  the  approach  of  monarchy.  Lincoln 
was  right.  Whenever  you  put  capital  upon  an  equal  footing  with  labor 
or  above  labor  in  the  structure  of  government  you  are  on  the  road 
toward  a  government  that  rests  not  upon  reason  but  upon  force. 

Nothing  is  more  important  than  that  we  shall  in  the  beginning 
rightly  understand  the  relation  between  money  and  man.  Man  is  the 
creature  of  God  and  money  is  the  creature  of  man.  Money  is  made 
to  be  the  servant  of  man,  and  I  protest  against  all  theories  that 
enthrone  money  and  debase  mankind. 

What  is  the  purpose  of  the  trust  or  the  monopoly  ?  For  when  I 
use  the  word  trust  I  use  it  in  the  sense  that  the  trust  means  monopoly. 
What  is  the  purpose  of  monopoly  ?  You  can  find  out  from  the  speeches 


made  by  those  who  are  connected  with  trusts.  I  have  here  a  speech 
made  by  Charles  E.  Flint  at  Boston  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  last 
May,  and  the  morning  papers  of  the  twenty-sixth  in  describing  the 
meeting  said  he  defended  trust  principles  before  an  exceedingly  sym 
pathetic  audience,  and  then  added :  "For  his  audience  was  composed 
almost  exclusively  of  Boston  bankers."  "We  thus  secure/'  he  says, 
"the  advantages  of  larger  aggregations  of  capital  and  ability;  if  I 
am  asked  what  they  are,  the  answer  is  only  difficult  because  the  list 
is  so  long." 

Advantages  Claimed  by  the  Trust. — But  I  want  now  to  quote  to 
you  a  few  of  the  advantages  to  be  derived  by  the  trusts  from  the  trust 
system.  "Kaw  material  bought  in  large  quantities  is  secured  at  lower 
prices."  That  is  the  first  advantage.  One  man  to  buy  wool  for  all 
the  woolen  manufacturers.  That  means  that  every  man  who  sells  wool 
must  sell  it  at  the  price  fixed  by  this  one  purchaser  in  the  United 
States.  The  first  thing  is  to  lower  the  price  of  raw  material.  The 
great  majority  of  the  people  are  engaged  in  the  production  of  raw 
material  and  in  the  purchase  of  finished  products.  Comparatively 
few  can  stand  at  the  head  of  syndicates  and  monopolies  and  secure 
the  profits  from  them.  Therefore,  the  first  advantage  of  a  monopoly 
is  to  lower  the  price  of  the  raw  material  furnished  by  the  people. 
Note  the  next  advantage :  "Those  plants  which  are  best  equipped  and 
most  advantageously  situated  are  run  continuously  and  in  preference 
to  those  less  favored." 

The  next  thing,  after  they  have  bought  all  the  factories,  is  to 
close  some  of  them  and  to  turn  out  of  employment  the  men  who  are 
engaged  in  them.  If  you  will  go  about  over  the  country  you  will  see 
where  people  have  subscribed  money  to  establish  enterprises,  and 
where  these  enterprises,  having  come  under  the  control  of  the  trusts, 
have  been  closed  and  stand  now  as  silent  monuments  of  the  trust 

Behold  the  next  advantage:     "In  case  of  local  strikes  and  fires, 


the  work  goes  on  elsewhere,  thus  preventing  serious  loss."  Do  not 
the  laboring  men  understand  what  that  means?  "In  case  of  local 
strikes  or  fires,  the  work  goes  on  elsewhere,  thus  preventing  serious 
loss."  What  does  it  mean?  It  means  that  if  the  people  employed  in 
one  factory  are  not  satisfied  with  the  terms  fixed  by  the  employer, 
and  strike,  the  trust  can  close  that  factory  and  let  the  employes  starve 
while  work  goes  on  in  other  factories,  without  loss  to  the  manufac 

How  Labor  Is  Oppressed. — It  means  that  when  the  trust  has 
frozen  out  the  striking  employes  in  one  factory  and  compelled  them  to 
return  to  work  at  any  price  to  secure  bread  for  their  wives  and  children, 
it  can  provoke  a  strike  somewhere  else  and  freeze  the  workmen  out 
there.  When  a  branch  of  industry  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  one  great 
monopoly,  so  that  every  skilled  man  in  that  industry  has  to  go  to  the 
one  man  for  employment,  then  that  one  man  will  fix  wages  as  he 
pleases,  and  the  laboring  men  will  share  the  suffering  of  the  man  who 
sells  the  raw  materials. 

"There  is  no  multiplication  of  the  means  of  distribution,  and  a 
better  force  of  salesmen  takes  the  place  of  a  large  number."  That  is 
the  next  advantage  named.  I  want  to  warn  you  that  when  the 
monopoly  has  absolute  control,  brains  will  be  at  a  discount,  and  rela 
tives  will  be  found  to  fill  these  positions.  When  there  is  competition 
every  employer  has  to  get  a  good  man  to  meet  competition,  but  when 
there  is  no  competition,  anybody  can  sit  in  the  office  and  receive  let 
ters  and  answer  them,  because  everybody  has  to  write  to  the  same 
house  for  anything  he  wants.  There  is  no  question  about  it.  A  trust, 
a  monopoly,  can  lessen  the  cost  of  distribution.  But  when  it  does  so 
society  has  no  assurance  that  it  will  get  anything  of  the  benefits  from 
that  reduction  of  cost.  But  you  will  take  away  the  necessity  for  skill 
and  brains.  You  will  take  away  the  stimulus  that  has  given  to  us  the 
quick,  the  ever  alert  commercial  traveler.  These  commercial  evangel 
ists,  who  go  from  one  part  of  the  country  to  the  other,  proclaiming  the 


merits  of  their  respective  goods,  will  not  be  needed,  because  when  any 
body  wants  merchandise,  all  he  has  to  do  is  to  write  to  the  one  man 
who  has  the  article  for  sale  and  say,  <rWhat  will  you  let  me  have  it 
for  to-day  ?" 

And  here  is  another  advantage:  "Terms  and  conditions  of  sale 
become  more  Tinifonn  and  credit  can  be  more  safely  granted/'  The 
trust  cannot  only  fix  the  price  of  what  it  sells,  but  it  can  fix  the  terms 
upon  which  it  sells.  You  can  pay  cash,  or,  if  there  is  a  discount,  it  is 
just  so  much  discount,  and  you  have  to  trust  to  the  manager's  gener 
osity  as  to  what  is  fair  when  he  is  on  one  side  and  you  on  the  other. 

The  Promise  to  Lower  Prices. — What  is  the  first  thing  to  be 
expected  of  a  trust?  That  it  will  cut  down  expenses.  What  is  the 
second?  That  it  will  raise  prices.  We  have  not  had  in  this  country 
a  taste  of  a  complete  trust,  a  complete  monopoly,  and  we  cannot  tell 
what  will  be  the  results  of  a  complete  monopoly  by  looking  at  the 
results  that  have  followed  from  an  attempt  to  secure  a  monopoly.  A 
corporation  may  lower  prices  to  rid  itself  of  competitors;  but  when 
it  has  rid  itself  of  competitors,  what  is  going  to  be  the  result?  My 
friends,  all  you  have  to  know  is  human  nature.  God  made  men 
selfish.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  He  made  a  mistake  when  He  did, 
because  selfishness  is  merely  the  outgrowth  of  an  instinct  of  self- 
preservation.  It  is  the  abnormal  development  of  a  man's  desire  to 
protect  himself;  but  everybody  who  knows  human  nature  knows  how 
easy  it  is  to  develop  that  side  of  a  man's  being.  Occasionally  I  find 
a  man  who  says  he  is  not  selfish,  but  when  I  do,  I  find  a  man  who  can 
prove  it  only  by  his  own  affidavit. 

I  believe  in  self-government.  I  believe  in  the  doctrines  that 
underlie  this  government.  I  believe  that  people  are  capable  of  gov 
erning  themselves.  Why  ?  Because  in  their  sober  moments  they  have 
helped  to  put  rings  in  their  own  noses,  to  protect  others  from  them 
selves  and  themselves  from  others  in  hours  of  temptation.  And  so  I 
believe  we  must  recognize  human  nature.  We  must  recognize  selfish- 


ness,  and  we  must  so  make  our  laws  that  people  shall  not  be  per 
mitted  to  trespass  upon  the  rights  of  others  in  their  efforts  to  secure 
advantages  for  themselves. 

How  Society  Is  Interested. — I  believe  society  is  interested  in  the 
independence  of  every  citizen.  I  wish  we  might  have  a 
condition  where  every  adult  who  died  might  die  leaving  to  his  widow 
and  children  enough  property  for  the  education  of  his  children  and 
the  support  of  his  widow.  Society  is  interested  in  this  because  if 
a  man  dies  and  leaves  no  provision  for  his  wife  and  children,  the 
burden  falls  upon  society.  But  while  I  wish  to  see  every  person  secur 
for  himself  a  competency,  I  don't  want  him  to  destroy  more  than  he  i 
worth  while  he  is  doing  that.  And  I  believe  the  principle  of  monopoly 
finds  its  inspiration  in  the  desire  of  men  to  secure  by  monopoly  what 
they  cannot  secure  in  the  open  field  of  competition.  In  other  words, 
if  I  were  going  to  try  to  find  the  root  of  the  monopoly  evil,  I  would 
do  as  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  do — go  back  to  the  Bible  for  an 
explanation — and  I  would  find  it  in  the  declaration  that  the  love  of 
money  is  the  root  of  all  evil. 

Let  me  repeat  that  the  primary  cause  of  monopoly  is  the  love  of 
money  and  the  desire  to  secure  the  fruits  of  monopoly ;  but  I  believe 
that  falling  prices,  caused  by  the  rising  dollar,  have  contributed  to  this 
desire,  and  intensified  it,  because  people,  seeing  the  fall  in  prices,  and 
measuring  the  loss  of  investments,  have  looked  about  for  some  means 
to  protect  themselves  from  this  loss,  and  they  have  joined  in  combina 
tions  to  hold  up  prices  to  protect  their  investments  from  a  loss  which 
would  not  have  occurred  but  for  the  rise  in  the  value  of  dollars  and 
the  fall  in  the  level  of  prices. 

Another  thing  that,  in  my  judgment,  has  aided  monopoly  is  a 
high  tariff.  Nobody  can  dispute  that  a  tariff  law,  an  import  duty, 
enables  a  trust  to  charge  for  its  product  the  price  of  a  similar  foreign 
product  plus  the  tariff. 


Free  Trade  Not  a  Panacea. — Now,  some  have  suggested  that  to 
put  everything  on  the  free  list  that  trusts  make  would  destroy  the 
trusts.  I  do  not  agree  with  this  statement,  as  it  is  made  so  broadly.  I 
believe  that  the  high  tariff  has  been  the  means  of  extortion,  and  that 
it  has  aided  trusts  to  collect  more  than  they  otherwise  could  collect. 
But  I  do  not  believe  you  could  destroy  all  trusts  by  putting  all  trust- 
made  articles  on  the  free  list.  Why?  Because,  if  an  article  can  be 
produced  in  the  country  as  cheaply  as  it  can  be  produced  abroad,  the 
trust  could  exist  without  the  aid  of  any  tariff,  although  it  could  not 
extort  so  much  as  it  could  with  the  tariff.  While  Borne  relief  may 
come  from  modifications  of  the  tariff,  we  cannot  destroy  monopoly 
until  we  lay  the  axe  at  the  root  of  the  tree  and  make  monopoly  impos 
sible  by  law. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  discrimination  by  railroads  has  aided 
trusts.  No  question  about  it.  If  one  man  can  secure  from  a  railroad 
better  rates  than  another  man,  he  will  be  able  to  run  the  other  man 
out  of  business.  And  there  is  no  question  that  discrimination  and 
favoritism  secured  by  one  corporation  against  a  rival  have  been  largely 
instrumental  in  enabling  the  favored  corporations  to  secure  practically 
a  complete  monopoly.  Now,  that  can  be  remedied  by  laws  that  will 
prevent  this  discrimination ;  but  when  we  prevent  the  discrimination — 
when  we  place  every  producer  upon  the  same  footing  and  absolutely 
prevent  favoritism — monopoly  may  still  exist.  The  remedy  must  go 
farther.  It  must  be  complete  enough  to  prevent  the  organization  of  a 

Now,  what  can  be  done  to  prevent  the  organization  of  a 
monopoly?  I  think  we  differ  more  in  remedy  than  we  do  in  our 
opinion  of  the  trust.  I  venture  the  opinion  that  few  people  will 
defend  monopoly  as  a  principle,  or  a  trust  organization  as  a  good 
thing,  but  I  imagine  our  great  difference  will  be  as  to  remedy,  and  I 
want,  for  a  moment,  to  discuss  the  remedy. 


How  to  Destroy  Trusts  Is  the  Question. — We  have  a  dual  form  of 
government.  We  have  a  State  government  and  a  Federal  government, 
and  while  this  dual  form  of  government  has  its  advantages,  and,  to 
my  mind,  advantages  which  can  hardly  be  overestimated,  yet  it  also 
has  its  disadvantages.  When  you  prosecute  a  trust  in  the  United 
States  court,  it  hides  behind  State  sovereignty;  and  when  you 
prosecute  it  in  the  State  court,  it  rushes  to  cover  under  Federal 
jurisdiction — and  we  have  had  some  difficulty  in  prosecuting  a 

I  believe  we  ought  to  have  remedies  in  both  State  and  nation, 
and  that  they  should  be  concurrent  remedies.  In  the  first  place,  every 
State  has,  or  should  have,  the  right  to  create  any  private  corporation 
which,  in  the  judgment  of  the  people  of  the  State,  is  conducive  to  the 
welfare  of  the  people  of  that  State.  I  believe  we  can  safely  intrust 
to  the  people  of  a  State  the  settlement  of  a  question  which  concerns 
them.  If  they  create  a  corporation,  and  it  becomes  destructive  of  their 
best  interests,  they  can  destroy  that  corporation,  and  we  can  safely 
trust  them  both  to  create  and  annihilate,  if  conditions  make  annihila 
tions  necessary.  In  the  second  place,  the  State  has,  or  should  have, 
the  right  to  prohibit  any  foreign  corporation  from  doing  business  in 
the  State,  and  it  has,  or  should  have,  the  right  to  impose  such  restric 
tions  and  limitations  as  the  people  of  the  State  may  think  necessary 
upon  foreign  corporations  doing  business  in  the  State.  In  other 
words,  the  people  of  the  State  not  only  should  have  a  right  to  create 
such  corporations  as  they  may  want,  but  they  should  be  permitted  to 
protect  themselves  against  any  outside  corporation. 

But  I  do  not  think  this  is  sufficient.  I  believe  that  in  addition 
to  a  State  remedy  there  must  be  a  Federal  remedy,  and  I  believe  Con 
gress  has,  or  should  have,  the  power  to  place  restrictions  and  limita 
tions,  even  to  the  point  of  prohibition,  upon  any  corporation  organized 
in  any  State  that  wants  to  do  business  outside  of  the  State.  I  say  that 
Congress  has,  or  should  have,  power  to  place  upon  the  corporation 


such  limitations  and  restrictions,  even  to  the  point  of  prohibition,  as 
may  to  Congress  seem  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  public. 

Let  the  People's  Voice  Decide. — Now,  I  believe  that  these  con 
current  remedies  will  prove  effective.  To  repeat,  the  people  of  every 
State  shall  first  decide  whether  they  want  to  create  a  corporation. 
They  shall  also  decide  whether  they  want  any  outside  corporation  to 
do  business  in  the  State;  and,  if  so,  upon  what  conditions;  and  then 
Congress  shall  exercise  the  right  to  place  upon  every  corporation  doing 
business  outside  of  the  State  in  which  it  is  organized  such  limitations 
and  restrictions  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  public. 
.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  people  of  one  State  can  rely  upon  the 
people  of  another  State  in  the  management  of  corporations.  I  am 
ready  to  adopt  any  method  that  anybody  can  propose  that  looks  to 
the  annihilation  of  the  trusts. 

One  method  has  occurred  to  me,  and  it  seems  to  me  a  complete 
method.  It  is  this :  That  Congress  should  pass  a  law  providing  that 
no  corporation  organized  in  any  State  should  do  business  outside  of 
the  State  in  which  it  is  organized  until  it  receives  from  some  power 
created  by  Congress  a  license  authorizing  it  to  do  business  outside 
of  its  own  State.  Now,  if  the  corporation  must  come  to  this  body 
created  by  Congress  to  secure  permission  to  do  business  outside  of  the 
State,  then  the  license  can  be  granted  upon  conditions  which  will,  in 
the  first  place,  prevent  the  watering  of  stock ;  in  the  second  place,  pre 
vent  monopoly  in  any  branch  of  business ;  and,  third,  provide  for  pub 
licity  as  to  all  of  the  transactions  and  business  of  the  corporation. 

Amend  the  Constitution. — If  such  law  be  unconstitutional,  and 
it  has  been  so  declared  by  the  Supreme  Court,  I  am  in  favor  of  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  that  will  give  Congress  power  to 
destroy  every  trust  in  the  country.  The  first  condition  which  I  sug 
gest  is  that  no  water  should  be  allowed  in  the  stock.  I  do  not  agree 
with  those  who  say  it  is  a  matter  entirely  immaterial  whether  a  cor 
poration  has  water  in  its  stock  or  not.  It  may  be  true  that,  in  the 


long  run,  if  you  are  able  to  run  as  long  as  the  corporation  can,  the 
stock  will  fall  to  its  natural  level;  but  during  all  that  time  the  harm 
goes  on;  during  all  that  time  the  trust  demands  the  right  to  collect 
dividends  upon  capital  represented  by  no  money  whatever.  I  do  not 
believe  that  any  State  should  permit  the  organization  of  a  corporation 
with  a  single  drop  of  water  in  the  stock  of  that  corporation.  The 
farmer  cannot  inflate  the  value  of  his  land  by  watering  the  value  of 
that  land.  The  merchant  in  the  store  cannot  inflate  the  value  of  the 
goods  upon  his  shelves.  Why  should  the  corporation  be  permitted  to 
put  out  stock  that  represents  no  real  value  ? 

Why,  there  are  instances  where  there  are  $4  of  water  for  $l.of 
money.  No  man  can  defend  stock  that  does  not  represent  money 
invested,  and  only  in  the  case  of  a  monopoly  can  you  secure  dividends 
upon  stock  that  does  not  represent  money  invested.  In  my  judgment, 
when  you  take  from  monopoly  the  power  to  issue  stock  not  repre 
sented  by  money,  you  will  go  more  than  half  the  way  toward  destroy 
ing  monopoly  in  the  United  States. 

The  law  should  provide  for  publicity.  As  has  been  well  said,  cor 
porations  cannot  claim  that  they  have  a  right,  or  that  it  is  necessary, 
to  cover  their  transactions  with  secrecy,  and  when  you  provide  for 
publicity,  so  that  the  people  can  know  just  what  there  is  in  the  cor 
poration,  just  what  it  is  doing,  and  just  what  it  is  making,  you  will 
take  another  long  step  toward  the  destruction  of  monopoly. 

To  Make  Monopoly  Impossible. — But  I  am  not  willing  to  stop 
there.  I  do  not  want  to  go  one  or  two  steps ;  I  want  to  go  all  the  way, 
and  make  a  monopoly  absolutely  impossible.  And,  therefore,  as  a 
third  condition,  I  suggest  that  this  license  shall  not  be  granted  until 
the  corporation  shows  that  it  has  not  had  a  monopoly  and  is  not 
attempting  a  monopoly  of  any  branch  of  industry  or  of  any  article 
of  merchandise — and  then  provide  that,  if  the  law  is  violated,  the 
license  can  be  revoked.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  government  giving 
privileges  to  be  exercised  by  a  corporation  without  reserving  the  right 


to  withdraw  them  when  those  privileges  have  become  hurtful  to  the 

Now  I  may  be  mistaken,  but  as  I  have  studied  the  subject  it  has 
seemed  to  me  that  this  method  of  dealing  with  the  trusts  would  prove 
an  effective  method;  but  if  you  once  established  the  system  and 
require  the  license,  then  Congr  ss  can,  from  year  to  year,  add  such 
new  conditions  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  public 
from  the  greed  and  avarice  of  great  aggregations  of  wealth.  I  do  not 
go  so  far  as  some  do,  and  say  that  there  shall  be  no  private  corpora 
tions;  but  I  say  this — that  a  corporation  is  created  by  law;  that  it  is 
created  for  the  public  good,  and  that  it  should  never  be  permitted  to 
do  a  thing  that  is  injurious  to  the  public,  and  that  if  any  corporation 
enjoys  any  privileges  to-day  which  are  hurtful  to  the  public,  those 
privileges  ought  to  be  withdrawn  from  it.  In  other  words,  I  am  will 
ing  that  we  should  first  see  whether  we  can  preserve  the  benefits  of  the 
corporation  and  take  from  it  its  possibilities  for  harm. 

My  contention  is  that  we  have  been  placing  the  dollar  above  the 
man;  that  we  have  been  picking  out  favorites  and  bestowing  upon 
them  special  privileges,  and  every  advantage  we  have  given  them  has 
been  given  them  to  the  detriment  of  other  people.  My  contention  is 
that  there  is  a  vicious  principle  running  through  the  various  policies 
which  we  have  been  pursuing ;  that  in  our  taxation  we  have  been  impos 
ing  upon  the  great  struggling  masses  the  burden  of  government,  while 
we  have  been  voting  the  privileges  to  a  few  people  who  will  not  pay 
their  share  of  the  expenses  of  the  government. 

Unjust  Tax  a  Larceny. — Every  unjust  tax  law  is  an  indirect 
form  of  larceny.  If,  for  instance,  a  man  who  ought  to  pay  $10  only 
pays  $5,  and  one  who  ought  to  pay  only  $5  pays  $10,  the  law  that 
compels  this  contribution  from  these  two  men  virtually  takes  $5  from 
one  man's  pocket  and  puts  that  $5  into  the  other  man's  pocket,  and  I 
have  claimed  that  when  we  collected  our  taxes  we  were  making  the 
poor  people  pay  not  only  their  share,  but  the  share  of  the  men  whom 


they  have  no  chance  to  meet  at  the  summer  resorts.  There  are  some 
people  who  have  visible  property,  others  who  have  invisible  property, 
and  the  visible  property  is  always  .taxed.  The  invisible  property  has 
too  often  escaped,  and  as  a  result  the  people  owning  visible  property 
have  not  only  paid  their  own  taxes,  but  the  taxes  that  should  have  been 
paid  by  the  owners  of  invisible  property.  I  have  advocated  an  income 
tax  because  I  believe  it  the  most  just  tax. 

If  the  government  will  quit  picking  out  favorites,  and  follow  the 
doctrine  of  equal  rights  to  all  and  special  privileges  to  no  man,  I  have 
no  fear  that  any  man,  by  his  own  brain  or  his  own  muscle,  will  be  able 
to  secure  a  fortune  so  great  as  to  be  a  menace  to  the  welfare  of  his 
fellowmen.  If  we  secure  a  government  whose  foundations  are  laid 
in  justice  and  laws  exemplifying  the  doctrine  of  equality  before  the 
law — if  we  can  secure  such  a  government  and  such  laws — and  wealth 
is  then  accumulated  to  a  point  where  it  becomes  dangerous,  we  can 
meet  that  question  when  it  arises,  and  I  am  willing  to  trust  the 
wisdom  of  society  to  meet  every  question  that  arises  and  remedy  every 

The  Millionaire  a  Menace. — As  to  the  multi-millionaires  now  in 
existence,  I  would  wait  and  see  whether  they  would  die  off  soon 
enough  to  relieve  the  country  of  danger.  Life  is  short.  If,  however, 
their  accumulations  should  become  a  menace,  I  would  then  consider 
what  measures  would  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  society.  And 
this  brings  me  to  what  I  regard  as  a  very  important  branch  of  this 
subject.  Every  trust  rests  upon  a  corporation — at  least,  that  rule  is 
so  nearly  universal  that  I  think  we  can  accept  it  as  a  basis  for  legisla 
tion.  Every  trust  rests  upon  a  corporation,  and  every  corporation  is  a 
creature  of  law.  The  corporation  is  a  man-made  man. 

When  God  made  man  as  the  climax  of  creation,  he  looked  upon 
his  work  and  said  that  it  was  good,  and  yet  when  God  finished  His 
work  the  tallest  man  was  not  much  taller  than  the  shortest,  and  the 
strongest  man  was  not  much  stronger  than  the  weakest.  That  was 


God's  plan.  We  looked  upon  His  work  and  said  that  it  was  not  quite 
as  good  as  it  might  be,  and  so  we  made  a  fictitious  person  called  a 
corporation,  that  is  in  some  instances  a  hundred  times,  a  thousand 
times,  a  million  times  stronger  than  the  God-made  man.  Then  we 
started  this  man-made  giant  out  among  the  God-made  men.  When 
God  made  man  He  placed  a  limit  to  his  existence,  so  that  if  he  was  a 
bad  man  he  could  not  do  harm  long;  but  when  we  made  our  man- 
made  man,  we  raised  the  limit  as  to  age.  In  some  States  a  corpora 
tion  is  given  perpetual  life. 

When  God  made  man  He  breathed  into  him  a  soul,  and  warned 
him  that  in  the  next  world  he  would  be  held  accountable  for  the 
deeds  done  in  the  flesh ;  but  when  we  made  our  man-made  man  we  did 
not  give  him  a  soul,  and  if  he  can  avoid  punishment  in  this  world,  he 
need  not  worry  about  the  hereafter. 

The  Right  of  Government  to  Control. — My  contention  is  that 
the  government  that  created  must  retain  control,  and  that  the  man- 
made  man  must  be  admonished :  "Remember  now  thy  Creator  in  the 
days  of  thy  youth/'  and  throughout  thy  entire  life. 

Let  me  call  your  attention  again  to  this  distinction.  We  are  not 
dealing  with  the  natural  man ;  we  are  not  dealing  with  natural  rights. 
We  are  dealing  with  the  man-made  man  and  artificial  privileges. 
What  government  gives  the  government  can  take  away.  What  the 
government  creates  it  can  control,  and  I  insist  that  both  the  State 
government  and  the  Federal  government  must  protect  the  God-made 
man  from  the  man-made  man. 

I  have  faith  that  these  questions  will  be  settled,  and  settled  right, 
but  I  want  to  protest  against  this  doctrine  that  the  trust  is  a  natural 
outgrowth  of  natural  laws.  It  is  not  true.  The  trust  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  unnatural  conditions  created  by  man-made  laws.  There 
are  some  who  would  defend  everything,  good  or  bad,  on  the  ground 
that  it  is  destiny  and  that  you  cannot  inquire  into  it.  The  fact  that 
it  is  proves  that  it  is  right;  the  fact  that  it  is  proves  that  it  has  come 


to  stay,  and  the  argument  most  frequently  made  in  defence  of  a  vicious 
system  is,  not  that  it  is  right  and  ought  to  stay,  but  that  it  has  come 
to  stay  whether  you  like  it  or  not.     I  say  that  that  is  the  argument 
that  is  usually  advanced  in  behalf  of  an  error — it  is  here ;  it  has  com 
to  stay — what  are  you  going  to  do  about  it  ? 

All  Evil  Is  Remediable, — I  believe  that,  in  a  civilized  society,  the 
question  is  not  what  is  but  what  ought  to  be,  and  that  every  proposi 
tion  must  be  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  reason.  If  you  can  prove  that  a 
thing  is  good,  let  it  stay;  but  if  you  cannot  prove  that  it  is  good,  you 
cannot  hide  behind  the  assertion  that  it  is  here  and  that  you  cannot 
get  rid  of  it.  I  believe  that  the  American  people  can  get  rid  of  any 
thing  that  they  do  not  want — and  that  they  ought  to  get  rid 
of  everything  that  is  not  good.  I  believe  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
citizen  to  give  to  his  countrymen  the  benefit  of  his  conscience  and  his 
judgment,  and  cast  his  influence,  be  it  small  or  great,  upon  the  right 
side  of  every  question  that  arises.  In  the  determination  of  questions 
we  should  find  out  what  will  make  our  people  great  and  good  and 
strong  rather  than  what  will  make  them  rich.  "A  good  name  is  rather 
to  be  chosen  than  great  riches."  Shall  we  decide  the  ethics  of  larceny 
by  discussing  how  much  the  man  is  going  to  steal  or  the  chances  of  his 
getting  caught?  No,  my  friends,  we  must  decide  questions  upon  a 
higher  ground,  and  if  you  were  to  prove  to  me  that  a  monopoly  would 
reduce  the  price  of  the  articles  that  we  have  to  purchase,  I  would  still 
be  opposed  to  it  for  a  reason  which,  to  my  mind,  overshadows  all 
pecuniary  arguments.  The  reason  is  this :  Put  the  industrial  system 
of  this  nation  in  the  hands  of  a  few  men,  and  let  them  determine  the 
price  of  raw  material,  the  price  of  the  finished  product,  and  the  wages 
paid  to  labor,  and  you  will  have  an  industrial  aristocracy  beside  which 
a  landed  aristocracy  would  be  an  innocent  thing. 

Principles  of  the  Declaration  Violated. — I  may  be  in  error,  but 
in  my  judgment  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people,  will  be  impossible  when  a  few  men  control  all  the  sources  of 


production  and  dole  out  daily  bread  to  all  the  rest  on  such  terms  as 
the  few  may  prescribe.  I  believe  that  this  nation  is  the  hope  of  the 
world.  I  believe  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  grand 
est  document  ever  penned  by  human  hands.  The  truths  of  that  decla 
ration  are  condensed  into  four  great  propositions :  That  all  men  are 
created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  with  inalienable  rights;  that 
governments  are  instituted  among  men  to  preserve  those  rights,  and 
that  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed.  Such  a  government  is  impossible  under  an  industrial 
aristocracy.  Place  the  food  and  clothing,  all  that  we  eat  and  wear  and 
use,  in  the  hands  of  a  few  people,  and  instead  of  being  a  government  of 
the  people  it  will  be  a  government  of  the  syndicates,  by  the  syndicates, 
and  for  the  syndicates.  Establish  such  a  government,  and  the  people 
will  soon  be  powerless  to  secure  a  legislative  remedy  for  any  abuse. 
Establish  such  a  system,  and  on  the  night  before  election  the  employes 
will  be  notified  not  to  come  back  on  the  day  after  election  unless  the 
trusts'  candidate  is  successful.  Establish  such  a  government,  and 
instead  of  giving  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  people,  you.  will  virtually 
give  the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  heads  of  monopolies,  with  each  man 
empowered  to  vote  as  many  times  as  he  has  employes.  I  am  not  will 
ing  to  place  the  laboring  men  of  this  country  absolutely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  heads  of  monopolies.  I  am  not  willing  to  place  the  men  who 
produce  the  raw  material  absolutely  in  the  hands  of  the  monopolies, 
because  when  you  control  the  price  that  a  man  is  to  receive  for  what 
he  produces  you  control  the  price  that  he  is  to  receive  for  his  labor  in 
the  production  of  that  thing. 

The  farmer  has  no  wages  except  as  wages  are  measured  by  the 
price  of  his  product,  and  when  you  place  it  in  the  power  of  the  trust 
to  fix  the  price  of  what  the  farmer  sells,  you  place  it  in  the  power  of 
the  trust  to  lower  the  wages  that  the  farmer  receives  for  his 
work,  and  when  you.  place  it  in  the  power  of  the  trust  to  raise  the 
price  of  what  he  buys,  you.  do  the  farmer  a  double  injury,  because  he 


burns  the  candle  at  both  ends  and  suffers  when  he  sells  to  the  trust  and 
again  when  he  buys  of  the  trust. 

All  Labor  on  an  Equality. — Some  people  have  tried  to  separate 
the  laboring  man  who  works  in  the  factory  from  the  laboring  man 
who  works  on  the  farm.  I  want  to  warn  the  laboring  men  in  the 
factories  that  they  cannot  separate  themselves  from  those  who  toil  on 
the  farm  without  inviting  their  own  destruction.  I  beg  the  laboring 
men  in  the  factories  not  to  join  the  monopolies  to  crush  the  farmer, 
for  as  soon  as  the  farmer  is  crushed  the  laboring  man  will  be  crushed, 
and  in  a  test  of  endurance  the  farmer  will  stand  it  longer  than  the 
laboring  man. 

I  come  from  an  agricultural  State — one  of  the  great  agricul 
tural  States  of  this  nation — and  I  want  to  say  to  you  that  while  our 
people  are,  I  believe,  a  unit  against  the  trusts,  we  can  stand  the  trusts 
longer  than  the  laboring  man  can;  we  can  stand  all  the  vicious  poli 
cies  of  government  longer  than  the  laboring  man  can.  The  farmer 
was  the  first  man  on  the  scene  when  civilization  began,  and  he  will 
be  the  last  one  to  disappear.  The  farmer  wants  to  own  his  home ;  he 
ought  to  own  it.  I  think  that  this  nation  is  safer  the  larger  the  pro 
portion  of  home-owners.  I  want  every  man  with  a  family  to  own  his 
home;  the  farmer  wants  to  own  his  home,  but  if  you  will  not  allow 
him  to  own  his  home,  he  can  rent.  He  will  have  to  be  employed  to 
work  the  farm. 

Take  his  farm  from  him  by  mortgage  if  you  like,  but  the  man 
who  forecloses  the  mortgage  and  buys  the  property  will  not  work  the 
farm.  He  will  need  the  farmer  to  work  for  him,  and  he  will  have  to 
give  the  farmer  enough  to  live  on  or  the  farmer  cannot  work.  When 
prices  fall  so  low  that  the  farmer  cannot  buy  coal,  he  can  burn  corn. 
But  when  prices  fall  so  low  that  the  coal  miner  cannot  buy  corn,  he 
cannot  eat  coal.  You  can  drive  the  farmer  down  so  that  he  cannot 
buy  factory-made  goods,  but  his  wife  can  do  like  the  wife  of  old- 
make  the  clothing  for  the  family  off  of  the  farm ;  but  when  you  close 


your  factories  it  will  take  all  of  the  accumulated  wealth  of  the  cities 
to  feed  the  people  brought  to  the  point  of  starvation  by  vicious, 
greedy,  avaricious  legislation. 

A  Union  of  Effort  for  Public  Good. — But  why  should  we  try  to 
see  who  can  hold  out  the  longest  in  suffering?  Why  try  to  see  who 
can  endure  the  most  hardships  and  yet  live  ?  Why  not  try  to  see  who 
can  contribute  most  to  the  greatness  and  to  the  glory  and  to  the  pros 
perity  of  this  nation?  Why  not  vie  with  each  other  to  see  who  can 
contribute  most  to  make  this  government  what  the  fathers  intended 
it  to  be  ?  For  one  hundred  years  this  nation  has  been  the  light  of  the 
world.  For  one  hundred  years  the  struggling  people  of  all  nations 
have  looked  to  this  nation  for  hope  and  inspiration.  Let  us  settle 
these  great  questions;  let  us  teach  the  world  the  blessing  of  a  govern 
ment  that  comes  from  the  people;  let  us  show  them  how  happy  and 
how  prosperous  people  can  be.  God  made  all  men,  and  He  did  not 
make  some  to  crawl  on  hands  and  knees  and  others  to  ride  upon  their 
backs.  Let  us  show  what  can  be  done  when  we  put  into  actual  prac 
tice  the  great  principles  of  human  equality  and  of  equal  rights.  Then 
this  nation  will  fulfill  its  holy  mission,  and  lead  the  other  nations  step 
by  step  in  the  progress  of  the  human  race  toward  a  higher  civilization. 




Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Thomas  Benton  left  behind  him  a  valuable  record  of  his  political 
experience  in  his  "Thirty  Years  in  the  United  States  Senate."  Mr. 
Elaine  did  a  similar  work  in  his  "Twenty  Years  in  Congress."  The 
memoirs  of  Generals  Grant  and  Sherman  give  to  us  the  story  of  varied 
movements  by  contesting  armies  upon  many  bloody  battlefields.  But 
no  one  to  my  knowledge  has  recorded  with  any  fidelity  the  dramatic 
movements  to  which  by  outward  influences  the  life  of  the  business  man 
has  been  subjected  since  the  year  1865  or  1870.  The  business  man,  I 
know,  is  nowhere  regarded  as  a  hero  or  statesman.  He  neither  makes 
laws  nor  conducts  military  campaigns.  He  is  so  common  a  factor  in 
the  operations  of  ordinary  life  that  he  fails  to  attract  the  public  eye. 
Nevertheless,  within  the  range  of  his  activities  the  wisdom  of  the  states 
man  and  the  courage  of  the  war  leader  are  often  required  of  him.  If 
he  cannot  make  law  he  must  always  be  on  the  alert  to  watch  the  laws 
that  are  made.  If  such  laws  touch  upon  the  field  of  economics  he 
must  anticipate  their  action  and  adjust  to  their  operation  and  antici 
pated  effects.  If  he  cannot  direct  the  movement  of  armies  and  win  at 
once  victory  and  fame,  he  must  be  quick  to  know  the  commercial  effect 
of  battles,  sieges  and  long-drawn  campaigns.  The  last  thirty  years 
have  been  to  him  a  period  of  dangerous  vicissitudes  and  peculiar  trials. 

Money  Which  Had  Only  Local  Value, — In  the  year  1870  all  busi 
ness  affairs  were  carried  on  in  the  United  States  with  a  medium  of 
exchange  entirely  dislocated  from  the  world's  money  standard.  Prices 
of  all  commodities,  wares  and  labor  service  were  stated  in  terms  of  an 
irredeemable  currency.  All  time  accounts  were  payable  in  the  same 


money.  And  yet  in  itself  that  money  was  no  true  measure  of  the 
values  which  it  served  to  transfer.  Every  commodity  having  in  any 
of  its  parts  or  as  a  whole  a  value  in  foreign  markets  was  really 
measured  by  its  price  in  gold  in  the  world's  market.  The  value  of 
the  "greenback"  was  itself  related  to  gold,  and  upon  the  unsettled  sea 
of  the  public  credit  the  value  of  our  domestic  money  rose  and  fell. 
Goods  or  manufactures  sold  one  day  at  an  apparent  profit  on  their 
previous  cost  could  not  on  the  day  or  the  week  following  be  replaced 
with  the  amount  received  in  payment. 

Have  you  ever  studied  the  oscillations  in  value  of  that  instrument 
of  exchange  by  which,  perforce,  all  our  domestic  trade  and  commerce 
was  conducted?  Let  us  glance  at  the  records.  On  January  1,  1862, 
the  greenback  was  worth  one  hundred  cents  in  gold.  In  twelve  months 
it  fell  31  per  cent.  The  next  seven  months  it  advanced  15  per  cent  on 
its  previous  price.  The  next  five  months  afterward  it  fell  18  per  cent. 
Then  in  six  months  more  it  fell  40  per  cent.  In  the  next  six  months  it 
advanced  20  per  cent.  Then  in  six  months  more  it  fell  40  per  cent. 
The  next  six  months  it  advanced  52  per  cent.  In  the  next  twelve 
months  it  fell  6  per  cent.  The  next  six  months  it  rose  13  per  cent. 
Then  it  rose  10  per  cent  in  three  years — that  is,  for  January, 
1870,  it  stood  at  82.4.  It  then  in  two  years  rose  11  per  cent.  In 
January,  1875,  it  was  rated  as  worth  89.9.  From  that  year,  when 
the  Eesumption  Act  was  passed,  the  oscillations  were  less  marked, 
a  range  of  from  five  to  seven  per  cent  per  annum,  with  a  general 
upward  movement  to  January  1,  1879,  when  once  more  one  dollar  in 
greenbacks  would  command  one  dollar  in  gold. 

While  I  have  noted  these  fluctuations  by  convenient  periods,  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  each  and  every  day  between  the  periods 
there  were  minor  but  constant  fluctuations.  With  what  certainty  of 
direction  could  the  mariner  sail  his  ship  if  the  compass  by  which  he 
reckoned  was  subject  to  such  lawless  aberrations  ?  At  noon  each  day 
he  could  determine  by  the  sun  how  far  he  was  off  his  course,  but  this 



would  always  be  after  the  fact.  It  would  not  help  his  calculations  for 
the  morrow.  No  wonder  men  mistook  loss  for  profit  and  profit  for  loss. 

Evils  of  a  Credit  System. — Under  such  conditions  trade  degener 
ated  into  mere  speculation.  Every  fall  in  the  value  of  the  money 
was  at  once  expressed,  or  ought  to  have  been  expressed,  by  a  rise  in  the 
price  of  commodities.  Those  who  bought  most  largely  on  credit 
and  made  the  fewest  sales  realized  profits  in  excess  of  the  legitimate 
and  careful  trader,  who  had  a  conscience  about  credit,  and  who  believed 
it  was  the  business  of  a  merchant  to  distribute  his  wares.  Inventories 
showed  wealth  in  figures.  They  encouraged  extravagance,  but  in  many 
cases  the  wealth  in  figures  became  the  father  of  bankruptcy  in  fact. 
By  the  year  1873  the  bitter  fruits  of  the  artificial  condition  appeared. 
The  simulacrum  of  prosperity  was  dissolved.  The  system  of  credits, 
extended  and  enlarged  by  years  of  rising  prices,  fell  into  ruin.  Mer 
chants,  manufacturers,  bankers  and  transportation  lines  one  after 
another  shared  a  common  fate. 

Looking  backward  it  now  appears  a  strange  coincidence  that  in 
that  same  year,  1873,  a  piece  of  legislation  should  have  been  inaugu 
rated  which  was  in  after  years  to  save  the  country  from  a  repetition 
of  the  injurious  effects  of  a  rapidly  depreciating  money.  In  that  year 
the  coinage  laws  were  revised,  and  with  no  comprehension  of  the  great 
economic  consequences  involved  in  it  the  unit  of  value  was  made  to 
consist  of  gold,  while  the  silver  dollar  was  dropped  from  the  coinage. 

Great  efforts  have  been  made  to  prove  that  this  action  was  the 
result  of  a  wicked  scheme  of  the  money  power.  However  wicked  the 
money  power  may  be,  it  does  not  deserve  credit  for  omniscience,  and 
omniscience  alone  could  have  forseen  that  the  commercial  value  of 
the  silver  dollar,  then  greater  than  its  yellow  brother,  gold,  would 
steadily  decline  to  a  fraction  of  its  then  equivalent.  Whether  this 
legislative  act  was  purely  fortuitous,  or  whether  it  was  a  providential 
interposition,  as  a  critical  period  in  our  national  life,  the  event  was  one 
of  far-reaching  importance.  Had  it  not  occurred  as  it  did,  and  when 


it  did,  there  is  no  room  whatever  to  doubt  that  after  climbing  the  hill 
to  specie  payments  in  1879,  we  should  have  repeated,  through  the  effect 
of  silver  as  our  standard  money,  the  losses  and  crosses  which  marked 
the  depreciation  of  our  paper  money  from  1864  to  1879.  It  is  very 
certain  that  if  the  coinage  act  of  1873  had  been  delayed  five  years,  or 
even  three  years,  it  would  never  have  been  adopted. 

Free  Coinage  a  Business  Menace. — The  proof  lies  in  the  frantic 
efforts  of  a  powerful  party  to  secure  a  repeal  of  that  act.  The  effort 
began  in  1878,  when  silver  had  already  fallen  in  price.  That  effort  has 
not  been  relazed*  to  this  day,  though  faith  in  its  success  is  giving  way. 
Notwithstanding  the  failure  to  secure  the  free  coinage  at  our  mints, 
at  the  old  ratio  of  16  to  1,  the  effort  to  achieve  that  result  has  been, 
until  a  recent  period,  a  most  disturbing  influence  upon  business  affairs. 
The  legislative  struggle  for  free  coinage  began  in  1878.  Though  unsuc 
cessful,  it  forced  injurious  compromises.  The  Bland  Act  of  1878 
required  the  purchase  and  coinage  by  the  government  of  $2,000,000  in 
silver  per  month.  The  so-called  Sherman  Act  of  1890  required  the 
purchase  of  not  less  than  4,500,000  ounces  per  month.  The  total 
effect  of  these  doings  was  to  force  into  the  channels  of  circulation 
something  more  than  $500,000,000,  nominal  value,  in  money,  the  real 
value  of  which  in  the  world's  market  is  now  less  than  one-half  of  that 
sum.  The  great  loss  involved  in  the  transaction  has  been  assumed  by  the 
government,  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  since  it  is  right  that  the  risk 
and  burden  of  a  public  folly  should  be  distributed  over  all  the  people. 

During  the  long  period  from  1878  to  1893,  when  the  act  was 
repealed,  there  was  constant  fear  that  our  finances  would  degenerate  to 
what  is  popularly  called  the  silver  basis.  This  fear  intimidated  capital, 
restricted  enterprise  and  gave  to  all  engaged  in  business  activities  a 
a  sense  of  doubt  and  apprehension. 

The  Panic  of  1893.— In  1893,  when  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman 
law  hung  in  the  balances,  the  fear  culminated  in  the  most  destructive 
panic  in  our  history.  It  may  not  be  just  to  ascribe  that  business 


reaction  to  the  silver  question  alone.  Depression  and  reaction  will 
come  as  the  natural  result  of  overtrading,  speculation  and  injudicious 
credit.  These  causes  no  doubt  co-operated  to  produce  the  panic  of  1893, 
but  they  are  intensely  aggravated  by  the  silver  question,  so-called, 
The  year  1896  witnessed  in  a  milder  form  the  commercial  experience 
of  1893,  and  it  is  not  unjust  to  charge  the  perturbation  of  1896  to  the 
fear  that  a  revolution  in  our  standard  money  was  at  hand. 

I  have  pointed  out  the  disturbing  and  injurious  effect  of  a  depre 
ciated  paper  money.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  depreciated  metallic  money 
would  have  been  scarcely  less  injurious.  I  will  pass  by  any  consideration 
of  the  shock  and  loss  of  the  change  from  the  gold  to  the  silver  standard 
and  refer  only  to  the  fluctuations  in  silver  as  measured  by  the  world's 
money,  gold,  during  the  years  1873  to  1893.  In  1873  the  silver  in  a 
silver  dollar  would  buy  in  the  market  one  dollar  and  one  and  six-tenths 
cents  in  gold.  In  1878  the  silver  in  a  silver  dollar  would  but  buy  89.2 
cents  in  gold.  In  1883  it  would  buy  85.8;  in  1888,  72.7;  in  1893,60.4, 
and  in  1896  the  silver  in  a  silver  dollar  could  buy  but  45.6  cents  in 
gold.  Between  these  dates  there  were  continuous  oscillations  in  rela 
tive  value  up  and  down  between  silver  and  gold.  The  range  of  fluctua 
tion  was  much  more  limited  than  that  experienced  with  our  irredeem 
able  paper,  but  was  violent  enough  to  cause  a  constant  and  deeply 
injurious  derangement  to  trade  and  industry. 

Constantly  in  peril,  our  domestic  money  of  account  has  neverthe 
less  been  steadily  maintained  by  the  public  credit  on  an  even  parity  with 
the  world  standard,  gold.  The  act  of  Congress,  which,  by  the  approval 
of  the  President,  became  the  law  on  March  14,  1900,  sets  at  rest  this 
disturbing  question  of  the  standard.  Unless  the  credit  of  the  govern 
ment  shall  utterly  fail,  the  assurance  is  absolute  that  for  at  least  six 
years  we  are  safe  from  change.  The  business  man  may  now  know 
that  his  goods,  sold  on  four  months'  credit,  will  be  paid  for  in  money 
equal  in  value  to  that  represented  in  the  goods  sold.  The  foundation 
of  credit  and  commerce  is  at  last  secure.  All  our  kinds  of  money 


are  equal  in  value  with  one  another,  and  all  alike  are  as  good  as 

The  Deranging  Effects  of  Tariff  Changes. — In  addition  to  the 
disconcerting  influences  already  referred  to,  it  is  proper  to  put  some 
emphasis  upon  the  deranging  effect  of  tariff  changes.  Of  these,  during 
the  thirty-year  period,  there  have  been  several  of  a  radical  character. 
I  cannot  speak  of  them  at  length,  nor  will  I  undertake  to  discuss  the 
economic  theories  by  which  the  more  radical  changes  have  been  justi 
fied  in  the  opinion  of  the  political  power  which  inaugurated  them. 
Whether  meritorious  in  fact  and  ultimately  of  general  benefit,  every 
such  change  in  the  cause  of  economic  disturbance  to  the  commercial  and 
industrial  status  quo.  They  give  at  least  great  temporary  advantage 
to  the  few  at  the  cost  and  loss  of  the  many. 

There  were  several  modifications  and  revisions  in  the  war  tariff 
between  the  years  1862  and  1876.  These  modifications  occurred  in  the 
years  1864,  1865,  1867,  1870,  1872  and  1875.  In  1883  there  was  a 
general  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  which  carried  a  considerable  reduc 
tion  in  the  rates  of  duty.  Seven  years  after — 1890 — radical  changes 
were  made  by  which  duties  were  largely  increased.  Again,  in  1894, 
what  was  known  as  the  Wilson  Act  worked  a  large  reduction  in  the 
average  rates  of  the  McKinley  tariff.  Four  years  after,  the  Dingley 
Act  of  1898  took  the  place  of  the  Wilson  Act,  and  the  rates  therein 
established  now  continue  to  be  the  law. 

Panics  of  Eecent  Years. — I  cannot  stop  to  more  than  suggest 
the  several  periods  during  the  last  thirty  years,  when  sudden  derange 
ments  have  occurred  from  causes  outside  of  those  enumerated.  In 
1871  the  Chicago  fire  destroyed  $200,000,000  of  existing  capital. 
Through  the  beneficence  of  insurance,  and  by  reason  of  a  wide-spread 
ing  network  of  relationship  through  credit  and  otherwise,  the  strain 
of  the  loss  was  widely  distributed.  Yet  it  brought  financial  ruin  to 
thousands.  In  1884  the  failure  of  a  great  bank  in  New  York  caused  a 
forced  liquidation,  which  involved  serious  losses  to  many.  In  1890  the 


Barings,  in  London,  suspended  payment,  with  liabilities  of  $150,000,- 
000.  While  the  shock  of  this  disaster  waa  much  softened  by  the 
courageous  action  of  the  Bank  of  England  and  its  associates,  the 
depressing  effect  of  the  failure  on  industrial  undertakings  was  felt 
throughout  the  civilized  world. 

In  1894,  when  our  domestic  business  life  was  fairly  emerging  from 
the  dark  days  which  followed  1893,  the  Venezuela  message  brought  us 
suddenly  face  to  face  with  the  possibilities  of  war  with  our  best 
customer.  Politically  considered,  the  message  may  have  been  justified ; 
I  am  not  considering  that  question.  I  think  it,  however,  safe  to 
affirm  that  economically  looked  at  it  was  a  severe  blow  to  reviving 
industry.  It  developed  a  new  crisis  in  commercial  affairs  and  seriously 
impeded  the  revival  of  business. 

In  1898  we  faced  the  actualities  of  war  with  all  its  possibilities 
of  cost  in  treasure  and  loss  in  precious  lives.  Again  was  the  man 
of  business  affairs  and  responsibilities  compelled  to  forecast  contin 
gencies  and  consequences,  which  it  required  the  gift  of  foreknowledge 
to  properly  comprehend. 

Marvelous  Increase  and  Prosperity. — Since  1870  the  population 
has  increased  substantially  100  per  cent.    In  the  same  time  our  annual 
expenditures  in  the  cause  of  public  education  have  increased  227  per 
cent.    The  number  of  newspapers  and  periodicals,  261  per  cent.    The 
number  of  post  offices,  163  per  cent.     The  receipts  of  the  Post  Office 
Department,  although  postal  rates  have  been  lowered,  were  380  per  cent 
greater  last  year  than  in  1870.    The  number  of  telegrams  showed  an 
increase  of  739  per  cent.    The  miles  of  railroad  operated  in  1870  were 
52,822;  in  1899  they  were  186,810,  an  increase  of  253  per  cent.    The 
increase  in  tons  of  freight  carried  one  mile  shows  an  increase  in  twenty 
years  of  192  per  cent ;  we  have  no  data  prior  to  1880 ;  while  the  freight 
rate  per  ton  per  mile  fell  61  per  cent.     While  in  general  the  vessel 
tonnage  shows  no  gain,  but  a  serious  decline,  it  is  notable  that  the 
tonnage  by  water  through  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  Canal  increased  3000 


per  cent.  In  agriculture,  wheat  and  corn  have  not  much  increased 
beyond  the  ratio  of  increase  in  population.  The  diversity  of  products 
has  greatly  increased.  In  cotton  during  the  thirty  years  there  has 
been  an  increase  of  300  per  cent,  while  population  was  increased  100 
per  cent. 

Our  growth  in  manufacturing  has  some  remarkable  illustrations. 
Our  own  cotton  mills  in  1870  used  857,000  bales.  In  1899  they  con 
sumed  3,632,000  bales,  an  increase  of  324  per  cent.  In  1870  we  con 
verted  583,000  pounds  of  raw  silk  into  finished  products.  In  1899  we 
used  11,236,000  pounds,  an  increase  of  1,825  per  cent.  We  used  in 
manufactures  last  year  42,000,000  more  pounds  of  crude  rubber  than 
in  1870,  a  growth  of  431  per  cent.  The  production  of  pig  iron  shows 
an  increase  of  607  per  cent.  The  manufacture  of  steel  grew  from  less 
than  69,000  in  1870  to  nearly  13,000,000  tons  in  1899,  an  increase 
of  12,893  per  cent.  For  the  same  period  the  production  of  coal 
grew  from  33,000,000  tons  to  196,000,000  tons,  an  increase  of  498 
per  cent.  The  production  of  petroleum  increased  from  185,000,000 
gallons  in  1870  to  2,000,325,000  gallons  in  1898— a  growth  of  1,100 
per  cent.  The  development  of  our  manufacturing  interests  is  best 
indicated,  perhaps,  by  the  increase  in,  our  export  of  manufactures. 
They  increased  from  a  valuation  of  $68,000,000  in  1870  to  $338,- 
000,000  in  1899,  or  396  per  cent.  Taking  our  foreign  commerce  as  a 
whole,  we  have  an  export  value  in  1870  of  $392,000,000,  against 
$1,227,000,000  in  1899— an  increase  of  212  per  cent,  while  during  the 
same  periods  our  imports  increased  but  60  per  cent.  Taken  as  a  whole, 
for  the  four-year  period,  1895  to  1899,  the  value  of  our  exports  was 
$1,534,000,000  in  excess  of  our  imports. 

Domestic  Trade  Gains. — Our  internal  domestic  trade  has  shared 
in  a  similar  development.  The  total  freight  carried  one  mile  in  1898 
exceeded  the  amount  carried  in  1895  by  26,000,000,000  tons.  This 
increase  required  the  use  of  300  trains,  each  loaded  to  the  extent  of 
1,000  tons,  running  continuously  twenty-four  hours  each  day  through 


the  entire  year.  But  I  will  not  burden  you  with  further  illustrations 
of  our  great  development.  The  facts  submitted  are  startling  in  their 
nature,  and  full  of  encouragement  for  the  future.  They  prove  the 
truth  of  the  somewhat  hackneyed  phrase,  "Peace  hath  her  victories 
no  less  renowned  than  war."  These  triumphs  of  peace  have  been 
gained,  as  I  have  shown,  amid  many  depressing  influences.  What 
might  they  not  have  been  as  the  result  of  these  years  since  1860  could 
peace  have  prevailed,  could  the  aberrations  and  vicissitudes  caused  by 
a  bad  money  system  have  been  avoided  ?  We  need  not,  however,  repine. 
We  front  the  future  well  equipped  with  all  the  instruments  of  pro 
ductivity.  We  have  no  complications  with  any  foreign  power,  threat 
ening  our  peace  or  disturbing  our  commerce.  The  tokens  of  industrial 
prosperity  appear  on  every  hand.  The  revenues  of  the  government  are 
more  than  sufficient  for  all  public  requirements.  The  credit  of  the 
commercial  community  is  such  as  to  give  a  sense  of  freedom  and  secur 
ity  to  commercial  activities.  Are  we,  therefore,  safe  in  the  future  from 
the  injurious  influences  which  have  disturbed  the  past?  It  would  be 
gratifying  to  answer  that  question  in  the  affirmative,  but  it  cannot  be 
so  answered. 

Questions  Which  Remain  to  Be  Settled. — The  problems  of  life 
never  cease.  Old  errors  are  resurrected  and,  clothed  in  new  garb,  afflict 
society  until  again  laid  to  rest.  Changing  conditions  also  beget  new 
problems.  Prejudice  and  a  lack  of  knowledge  obscure  the  way.  Some 
of  these  problems  are  immediately  before  us.  The  labor  question,  trans 
portation,  combinations  of  capital,  are  the  names  of  those  most  promi 
nent.  In  the  field  of  production  and  exchange  economic  principles 
must  be  recognized  and  obeyed.  Majority  votes  cannot  alter  them. 
To  carefully  study  these  principles  with  an  earnest  desire  to  know  the 
truth  concerning  them,  to  employ  all  energy  in  making  it  known 
among  all  the  people  are  duties  resting  with  solemn  force  upon  the 
business  men  of  America.  They  are  duties  which  apathy  and  indif 
ference  will  seek  to  avoid,  but  which  patriotism  and  courage  will 
gladly  assume. 




In  my  long  service  in  the  United  States  Senate  I  favored  the  tak 
ing  of  measures  to  bring  back  the  carrying  trade  into  our  own  hands, 
and  by  that  means  to  increase  the  exportation  and  sale  of  all  the  abun 
dant  productions  of  our  country,  beginning  with  the  farm,  the  mine 
and  the  forest,  and  running  through  all  our  manufacturing  industries 
to  the  very  last  and  finest  fabrications  that,  from  the  crude  material, 
have  gone  through  the  hands  of  thousands  of  different  workmen  and 
have  increased  in  value  a  thousand  fold. 

It  is  this  working  up  of  the  raw  material  and  selling  the  final 
product  that  produces  national  prosperity  and  wealth,  which  means  the 
gain  and  saving  of  the  men  and  women,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  who 
contribute  to  or  do  the  work.  The  factory  can  do  nothing  without  the 
first  and  essential  aid  of  the  farm,  the  mine  and  the  forest.  The  work 
men  can  do  nothing  without  the  mills,  tools  and  other  appliances  of  all 
sorts,  nor  without  fair  and  prompt  pay.  They  must  support  them 
selves  and  their  families  in  comfort  and  educate  their  children.  Their 
employers  cannot  pay  them  unless  they  can  find  markets  for  and  sell 
their  goods  so  made.  Therefore  the  more  extensive  and  varied  the 
markets  the  greater  is  the  opportunity  for  all  these  co-operative  works 
to  go  on  successfully.  All  this  is  self-evident,  but,  like  other  self- 
evident  truths,  it  cannot  be  stated  too  often,  for  on  it  depends  the 
whole  co-operative  life  and  happiness  of  the  nation. 

Community  of  Common  Interest. — Thus  it  is  manifest  that  every 
occupation  and  every  accumulation  of  capital  in  our  country  have  a 
common  interest  in  promoting  the  increase  of  our  export  trade.  How, 
then,  can  this  be  best  done?  The  producing  and  commercial  classes 


of  other  nations  know  and  have  known  for  a  long  time  how  they  can 
achieve  best  these  large  ends  for  themselves;  they  and  their  govern 
ments  know  that  the  only  effectual  way  is  to  have  the  means  of  trans 
portation  their  own  and  always  in  their  own  control,  in  peace  and  in 
war.  They  know  that  in  time  of  peace  the  flag  of  their  own  country 
at  the  masthead  is  a  constant  guarantee  of  safety  and  respect,  and  also 
that  it  is  a  continual  and  free  advertisement  of  the  goods  their  ships 
carry  as  the  production  of  their  country. 

No  farmer,  if  he  could  help  it,  would  send  his  product  to  even  the 
nearest  market  by  the  wagon  of  his  neighboring  farmer,  or  any  other 
conveyance  whose  owner  had  the  same  sort  of  things  to  sell ;  he  knows 
that  if  he  would  find  the  best  customers  and  get  the  best  prices  he  must 
run  his  own  wagon,  or  control  his  own  means  of  transportation.  The 
farmer,  the  miner,  the  manufacturer  and  the  merchant,  each  and  all 
are  in  the  same  case.  In  our  own  country  and  among  themselves  they 
know  this  perfectly  well  and  act  upon  it  as  best  they  can. 

Any  man,  any  nation  or  any  country  that  trusts  his  or  its  com 
petitors  to  do  any  part  of  his  business  is  sure  to  fail  in  the  end.  All 
farmers,  all  miners,  all  the  manufacturers  and  all  the  merchants,  etc., 
make  up  the  famly  of  the  nation,  for  a  nation  is  nothing  else  than  a 
union  of  all  these  really  co-operating  families.  Just  like  a  single 
personal  family,  they  must  co-operate  or  else  the  family  will  grow  poor 
in  comparison  with  the  neighboring  family,  of  which  all  the  members 
try  to  help  each  other. 

What,  then,  are  we  to  do  in  order  to  restore  in  common  to  all  our 
people  the  full  and  best  benefits  of  trade  in  those  foreign  markets 
which  may  need  our  produce  and  manufactured  articles  of  all  kinds? 
That  our  means  of  communication  and  transportation  are  chiefly 
necessary  the  experience  of  centuries  among  all  nations  has  proved 
true.  A  single  illustration  among  scores  that  might  be  referred  to  of 
this  truth  may  be  stated.  It  appears  in  British  history  that  our  fore 
fathers  in  the  colonies  had  become  "the  carriers  for  all  the  colonies  of 


North  America  and  the  West  Indies,"  and  that,  as  a  consequence,  the 
British  home  manufactures,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Dutch,  etc.,  were 
being  pushed  out  of  the  markets,  and  the  produce  and  manufactures  of 
our  colonies  carried  in.  So  measures  were  taken  by  the  British  King 
and  the  British  Parliament  to  grant  monopolies  to  British  companies 
to  trade  in  the  West  Indies. 

Advantage  of  Having  Our  Own  Ships. — It  may  be  stated  briefly 
that  the  nation  which  has  the  quickest  and  best  means  of  communi 
cation,  under  its  own  flag  and  authority,  with  other  nations  will 
surely  have  the  best  share  of  foreign  trade. 

As  I  have  said,  the  flag  of  a  country  at  the  masthead  of  its  ships 
is  a  great  advertisement  of  the  productions  it  has  to  sell,  just  as  in 
every  town  of  our  country  the  name  of  the  producer,  the  manufacturer 
and  the  merchant  on  his  wagon  that  delivers  his  goods  is. 

There  are  only  four  possible  ways  of  reaching  the  end  of  putting 
our  country  for  all  its  people  on  a  fair  footing  with  other  countries  in 
the  respect  before  mentioned. 

First. — Discriminating  duties. 

This  method,  in  view  of  our  treaties  with  many  other  nations, 
it  would  take  a  long  time  to  put  into  operation — so  long  that  the  trade 
would  become  still  more  firmly  established  in  the  hands  of  our  com 
petitors,  and,  if  adopted,  would  be  likely  to  lead  to  countervailing  dis 
criminations  by  other  governments.  Eecent  experience  has  also 
shown  that  very  powerful,  and,  perhaps,  controlling  influences 
would  very  likely  be  able  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  discriminating 
duties,  even  in  the  cases  where  no  treaty  obligation  stands  in  the  way. 

Second. — It  has  been  suggested  that  a  bounty  on  the  exportation 
in  foreign  as  well  as  American  vessels  of  the  products  of  the  farm,  such 
as  wheat  and  corn,  etc.,  should  be  provided  for  by  Congress.  Such  a 
scheme,  I  think,  would  prove  wholly  illusory. 

In  the  first  place  the  producer,  whose  crop  goes  through  the  hands 
of  the  middlemen  and  the  shippers,  will  surely  find  that  he  gets  no 


more  for  his  crop  than  he  would  without  the  bounty,  and  that  the  mid 
dleman,  the  shipper  and  the  foreign  market  agent  have  taken  all  the 
bounty,  and  that  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  which  is  his 
treasury,  has  been  exhausted  to  that  extent  with  no  good  to  him. 

No  Bounty  Should  Be  Given. — In  the  second  place  it  is  perfectly 
plain  that  no  law  can  be  passed  to  give  this  bounty.  The  producers, 
the  manufacturers  and  the  laborers  are  all  co-operative  parts  of  the 
whole  national  family,  and  no  class  can  or  ought  to  be  favored  without 
the  other.  But  it  may  be  answered  that  we  have  given  bounties  to  the 
fisheries  and  to  the  producers  of  sugar.  So  we  have. 

As  to  fisheries,  the  bounties  were  given  because  we  must  have  for 
national  defence  a  portion  of  our  citizens  always  taught  and  skillful  in 
ships  and  the  work  of  the  sea,  so  that  our  navies  might  find  the  men 
ready  to  carry  our  flag  on  to  victory,  as  at  Manila  and  at  Santiago,  and 
in  other  like  emergencies  that  for  the  present  age  are  likely  to  come 
to  every  nation. 

As  to  the  sugar  bounty  of  a  few  years  ago,  it  was  given  in  order, 
if  possible,  to  diminish  the  enormous  drain  on  the  earnings  of  our 
own  people  in  buying  foreign-grown  sugar. 

If,  for  example,  only  one-tenth  of  the  wheat,  corn  and  pork  con 
sumed  in  the  United  States  were  produced  in  our  country,  nearly 
every  citizen  would  favor  any  law  tending  to  increase  home  produc 
tion.  Happily  for  us,  our  farms,  mines,  forests  and  manufactured 
products  do  not  in  general  fall  into  these  classes.  All  are  abundant, 
and  in  every  part  of  our  country  almost  all  things  necessary  to  the 
comfort  of  our  people  can  be  produced,  and  thus  every  interest  is 
reciprocally  common  with  every  other.  A  bounty,  therefore,  on  the 
exportation  of  the  particular  products  of  one  kind  of  industry  would 
be  an  invidious  distinction  against  all  others. 

Third. — Postal  subsidies  have  been  suggested  as  an  adequate 
means  to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  American  shipping.  Such  subsidies 
are  undoubtedly  useful,  as  other  nations  have  found,  but  they  are 


only  useful,  or,  indeed,  possible  as  auxiliary  aids  to  merchant  vessels 
carrying  cargoes,  and  except  on  great  and  established  lines  of  trans 
portation,  it  would  be  absolutely  impossible  to  give  postal  subsidies 
sufficient  to  enable  the  vessels  to  run. 

A  Real  Remedy  Proposed. — Fourth. — The  only  other  method  to 
the  great  national  end  that  almost  everybody  professes  to  be  for  is  the 
one  substantially  contained  in  the  measure  proposed  in  the  last  Con 
gress.  The  measure  has  been  so  much  misunderstood  by  some  of 
those  citizens  who  wish  to  increase  our  shipping  interests,  and  so 
misrepresented  by  those  who,  from  whatever  motive,  desire  to  prevent 
anything  being  done,  that  it  is  proper  to  state  concisely  what  the  fun 
damental  features  of  the  measure  were. 

1.  It  provided  for  the  systematic  payment,  limited  to  a  definite 
period  of  time,  of  sufficient  compensation,  and  only  a  sufficient  one,  to 
American  vessels  sailing  to  and  from  foreign  ports,  in  order  to 
enable  them  to  perform  the  voyage  with  a  fairly  full  cargo  of  Ameri 
can  products  and  returning  with  a  fairly  full  cargo  of  imports. 
Without  the  cargoes  the  ship  owners  could  not  afford  to  make  the 
voyages  and  thus  get  the  compensation.  The  effect,  therefore,  would 
be  to  help  American  cargoes  in  American  ships  to  every  foreign  port 
where  such  cargoes  could  possibly  be  disposed  of,  and  thus  open  to 
American  trade  in  ports  where  American  vessels  are  now  almost 
never  seen,  and  where  a  very  few  American  products  are  now  sold,  as 
well  as  to  increase  our  trade  in  ports  and  countries  where  we  already 
have  some  trade  carried  on  in  foreign  ships  and  always  under  the 
influence  of  foreign  prejudice  and  foreign  competition. 

A  Bounty  Which  Everyone  May  Compete  For. — 2.  This  first  and 
main  proposition  made  the  business  and  the  compensation  open  to 
every  American  shipbuilder,  to  every  American  ship  owner  and  to 
every  American  industry.  There  could  be  no  trusts,  pools  or  syndi 
cates,  inasmuch  as  the  sea  is  open  to  all,  and  a  single  ship  with  its 
cargo  would  be  absolutely  free  and  independent.  No  line  or  com- 


bination  could  be  favored,  as  they  must  usually  be  and  almost  always 
are  when  subsidies  are  given  to  particular  lines  for  carrying  the  mails, 
etc.,  etc. 

The  treasury  was  guarded  by  the  fact  above  stated  that  the  ves 
sels  could  not  run  without  a  paying  cargo,  for  the  compensation  was 
so  small  that  the  cargo  was  indispensable  to  the  profits  of  the  voyage, 
and  the  sending  of  the  cargoes  is  the  very  thing  the  people  of  the 
United  States  need  to  accomplish. 

4.  The  bill  required  that  the  ships  built  and  used  for  this  pur 
pose  should  be  capable  of  naval  use  in  time  of  need  and  could  be  taken 
at  any  time  by  the  United  States  for  this  purpose. 

5.  The  bill  also  provided  for  these  vessels  taking  and  educating 
a  certain  number  of  American  boys  in  the  various  branches  of  sea 
manship,  so  that  if  the  vessels  should  be  able  to  operate  with  the  aid 
provided  there  would  always  be  a  large  and  increasing  number  of 
Americans  who  would  be  able  in  time  of  need  to  defend  the  interests 
of  the  country. 

6.  The  bill  also  provided  that  these  vessels  should  carry  the  mails 
of  the  United  States,  whenever  required,  free  of  charge,  and  thus  direct 
communication  by  postal  facilities  would  be  established  to  every  port 
where  these  compensated  vessels  should  go. 

7.  The  bill  also  provided  that  no  arrangement  should  be  made 
under  it  after  ten  years  from  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  it  also  provided 
for  various  and  exhaustive  limitations  and  safeguards  in  the  interest  of 
the  public  service. 

The  foregoing  is,  in  substance,  a  statement  of  the  main  and 
important  features  of  the  scheme.  If  we  are  really  in  earnest  in  wish 
ing  to  take  measures  to  increase  our  foreign  trade  and  dispose  of  the 
vast  and  increasing  amount  of  our  surplus  products  by  having  the 
whole  business,  so  far  as  possible,  in  our  own  hands,  protected  and 
advertised  by  our  own  flag,  and  put  ourselves  in  a  strong  and  undis 
turbed  position  in  case  of  war  between  the  powers  that  now  possess 


the  chief  carrying  trade  of  the  globe,  and  if  we  wish  to  do  it  in  such 
a  way  as  to  help  all  citizens  alike,  without  favoritism  and  partiality, 
I  know  of  no  means  so  sure  to  accomplish  it  as  the  scheme  above 

The  state  of  commercial  competition  for  foreign  markets  between 
the  producing  and  manufacturing  nations  is  growing  more  and  more 
intense,  and  if  anything  is  to  be  done  to  put  the  United  States  on  a 
secure  footing  it  should  be  done  quickly.  Other  nations  are  perfectly 
right  in  taking  every  peaceable  means  to  increase  the  markets  for  the 
sale  of  the  productions  of  their  citizens,  but  while  our  carrying  trade 
remains  in  the  hands  of  other  nations  our  export  trade  will  always  be 
at  a  disadvantage,  and  in  case  of  war  between  any  of  the  principal 
powers  would  be  in  danger  of  being  injuriously  broken  up  or  obstructed 
unless  we  shall  have  our  own  ships  and  our  own  flag  to  carry  it  on 
and  protect  it. 



Member  of  Congress,  Iowa. 

The  subject  of  a  canal  connecting  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  oceans  is  one  that  for  more  than  half  a  century  has  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  American  people.  The  desire  for  its  construc 
tion  seems  to  grow  with  the  increase  of  our  population^  the  develop 
ment  of  our  capacity  of  production,  and  the  necessity  for  the  expansion 
of  our  commerce. 

All  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the  country  have  demanded 
this  waterway.  Boards  of  trade,  chambers  of  commerce,  state  legis 
latures,  and  the  American  press  have  with  marked  unanimity  spoken 
in  favor  of  the  early  completion  of  this  canal,  and  at  various  periods 
it  has  received  the  serious  attention  of  the  government. 

There  seems  to  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  states  of  Nicaragua 
and  Costa  Kica  will  give  their  consent  for  the  construction  of  this 
great  work.  These  states  are  friendly  disposed  toward  our  govern 
ment  and  our  people,  and  have  interests  connected  with  it  that  are, 
in  proportion  to  wealth  and  population,  even  greater  than  ours.  It 
will  traverse  either  the  border  or  the  interior  of  Nicaragua  for  a  dis 
tance  of  about  one  hundred  and  ninety  miles.  It  will  give  to  that 
state  a  waterway  from  its  capital  and  its  most  productive  region  to 
the  sea.  It  will  place  that  country  on  one  of  the  great  waterways  of 
the  world,  bringing  it  into  immediate  contact  with  a  large  foreign 
commerce  and  those  who  conduct  it.  The  splendid  soil  and  climate  of 
their  agricultural  region  will  be  seen  and  known  in  such  a  way  as  to 
compel  immigration,  settlement,  and  largely  increased  production.  In 
very  many  ways  the  state  will  have  advantages  not  now  possessed  and 


that  will  be  for  a  long  time  lost  if  another  route  by  which  the  oceans 
are  connected  should  be  adopted.  All  of  these  considerations  induce 
the  belief  that  these  two  enlightened  states  will  be  glad  to  aid  our 
government  cordially  and  efficiently  in  carrying  out  this  great  design. 

First  Efforts  to  Build  the  Canal. — The  practicability  of  this  work 
is  a  question  that  has  been  thoroughly  studied.  As  early  as  1850 
Colonel  0.  W.  Childs,  an  eminent  civil  engineer,  surveyed  and  located 
a  canal  route  from  Lake  Nicaragua  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  also  made 
careful  examination  of  the  eastern  division,  extending  from  the  lake 
to  the  mouth  of  the  San  Juan  Kiver.  He  reported  the  route  to  be 
practicable  within  the  limits  of  reasonable  cost. 

Twenty-two  years  later  a  careful  survey  of  the  whole  route  was 
made  by  Commander  Lull,  of  the  United  States  Navy.  His  compe 
tency  as  an  engineer  is  vouched  for  by  his  contemporaries.  He  spent 
much  time  in  a  patient  investigation  of  the  subject.  He  reported  that 
the  enterprise  was  feasible.  Later  Mr.  A.  G.  Menocal,  a  naval  engineer 
who  is  highly  endorsed  as  reliable  and  competent,  under  the  direction 
of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company,  made  very  elaborate  surveys  of  a 
route  from  Greytown  to  Brito,  and  he  established  a  line  and  made 
estimates  of  its  cost.  These  surveys  and  estimates  were  submitted  to 
a  board  of  five  practical  engineers  occupying  high  places  in  their  pro 
fession  in  this  country.  His  plans  met  with  their  hearty  approval 
and  were  pronounced  by  them  to  be  eminently  practicable. 

In  1895,  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  the  President 
appointed  a  commission  of  which  Lieutenant- Colonel,  now  Brigadier- 
General,  Ludlow,  United  States  Army,  was  president.  Rear-Admiral 
Endicott,  United  States  Navy,  and  Mr.  Noble,  a  civil  engineer  of 
great  experience  and  high  repute,  were  the  other  members.  This 
commission  spent  many  months  in  personal  examinations  of  the  route, 
in  making  additional  surveys,  and  in  studying  the  surveys  and  plans 
made  by  others.  Their  careful  studies  resulted  in  the  opinion  that 
the  enterprise  of  constructing  the  canal  from  an  engineering  stand 
point  was  feasible. 


Two  years  ago  still  another  commission  was  appointed  by  th< 
President  consisting  of  Eear- Admiral  John  G.  Walker,  United  Statei 
Navy,  Colonel  Peter  C.  Haines,  Corps  of  Engineers,  United  Statei 
Army,  and  Professor  Lewis  N.  Haupt.  This  commission  also  spen 
many  months  along  the  line  of  the  projected  canal  and  in  the  study  o: 
the  reports  and  surveys  made  by  their  predecessors.  They  also  adde( 
very  largely  to  the  surveys  theretofore  made.  They  examined  the  worl 
in  all  of  its  aspects,  studying  the  conditions  of  the  country,  its  precipi 
tation,  its  geological  formation,  its  liability  to  seismic  disturbances 
the  labor  supply,  the  cost  of  materials,  and  all  of  the  questions  sug 
gested  to  prudent  inquiry. 

Practicability  of  Constructing. — Their  report  in  all  of  its  ampL 
details  has  just  been  laid  before  us,  together  with  the  reports  of  a  largi 
number  of  scientists  and  skilled  engineers  called  to  their  aid.  Al 
agree  that  the  canal  can  be  constructed  with  all  of  its  appurtenance 
within  reasonable  limits  of  cost.  These  reports  above  referred  to,  th 
opinions  of  the  engineers  and  scientists  believed  to  be  entirely  compe 
tent  for  their  work,  justify  us  in  recommending  the  undertaking  o 
the  enterprise  as  one  that  is  entirely  practicable,  and  that  can  be  com 
pleted  for  a  sum  of  money  the  expenditure  of  which  will  be  wise. 

It  is  true  that  the  estimates  of  costs  are  variable,  ranging  as  the; 
do  from  less  than  $40,000,000  to  a  possible  $145,000,000.  It  is,  how 
ever,  proper  to  say  that  the  size  and  character  of  the  canal  estimate! 
for  is  as  variable  as  is  the  cost.  The  earlier  estimates  were  for  a  cana 
suited  to  ships  of  the  times.  The  later  estimates  are  for  ships  of  thi 
time.  Fifteen  feet  depth  and  50  feet  width  was  the  size  of  the  earlie 
project.  Thirty  feet  depth  and  150  feet  width  are  the  dimensions  o 
the  later  proposed  canal. 

Of  course  an  estimate  for  construction  of  a  work  like  this  in  j 
tropical  region,  with  excessive  rainfall,  in  a  sparsely  settled  country 
destitute  in  a  large  degree  of  the  necessary  materials,  must  be  more  o: 
less  speculative.  Much  the  larger  portion  of  the  unskilled  labor  wil 


have  to  be  imported,  which  is  also  true  of  all  of  the  skilled  labor.  Some 
of  the  streams  that  have  to  be  dammed  or  diverted  are  torrential  in 
character  and  in  some  instances  drain  large  areas.  Along  the  eastern 
coast  the  rainfall  is  nearly  three  hundred  inches,  and  near  the  lake  is 
nearly  one  hundred  inches.  These  considerations  greatly  increase  the 
labor  of  making  reliable  estimates,  but  it  is  believed  that  the  addition 
of  50  per  cent  to  the  Chicago  prices  for  construction  in  the  eastern 
division  and  33J  per  cent  to  the  Chicago  prices  in  the  western  division, 
with  20  per  cent  added,  or  $118,113,700  in  all,  will  be  more  than 
enough  to  cover  the  total  cost  of  the  canal. 

Its  Benefits  to  Shipping. — In  discussing  the  cash  remuneration 
that  will  come  to  the  United  States  from  the  ownership  of  this  canal, 
estimates  only  can  be  made,  and  there  has  been  great  difference  of 
opinion  expressed  by  persons  and  writers  on  this  subject,  as  to  the 
extent  of  the  use  that  would  be  made  of  the  canal  by  the  shipping  of 
the  world.  One  gentlemen  has  said  that  in  his  judgment  not  more 
than  300,000  tons  would  pass  through  the  canal  annually.  Another 
has  said  that  11,000,000  tons  would  pass  through  the  canal.  Gentle 
men  connected  with  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  gave  it  as  their 
opinion  that  5,000,000  or  6,000,000  of  tonnage  would  be  the  amount 
that  would  pass  through  the  canal  annually. 

Of  course  we  have  a  right  to  assume  that  whatever  the  amount  be, 
it  would  be  an  increasing  amount  from  year  to  year.  At  present  $1.55 
per  ton  is  the  toll  charged  for  the  use  of  the  Suez  Canal.  If  that 
rate  was  the  rate  charged  at  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  and  4,000,000  be 
the  tonnage  passing  through  it,  an  aggregate  sum  of  more  than 
$6,000,000  would  be  the  receipts.  It  is  estimated  that  the  cost  of 
maintaining  and  operating  the  canal  would  be  $1,000,000  annually. 
If  the  United  States  borrowed  money  to  invest  in  the  enterprise,  this 
sum  would  pay  the  annual  interest,  the  cost  of  maintaining  and  oper 
ating,  and  leave  a  surplus  of  more  than  $1,000,000.  And  with  the 
increasing  tonnage  we  might  reasonably  hope  for  such  accumulations 


of  surplus  as  would  in  a  few  years  fully  reimburse  the  government  for 
its  outlay.  Or  if  it  should  be  the  policy  to  use  the  canal  to  stimulate 
the  building  up  of  our  merchant  marine,  it  could  be  made  a  most 
powerful  factor. 

The  Great  Savings  Accomplished. — A  British  merchant  trading 
from  any  port  in  Great  Britain  to  Hongkong,  chartering  a  6,000  ton 
vessel  and  using  the  Suez  Canal,  must  pay  as  tolls  a  sum  in  excess  of 
$18,000  for  the  round  voyage.  His  American  rival  trading  from  New 
York  to  Hongkong,  using  the  Nicaragua  Canal  free  of  toll  because  he 
used  a  vessel  made  in  an  American  shipyard,  out  of  American  material, 
and  by  American  labor,  and  loaded  with  American  merchandise,  would 
possess  marked  advantages — advantages  so  marked  as  to  make  it  to  his 
interest  to  stimulate  American  shipbuilding. 

It  is  this  kind  of  a  canal,  that  may  be  used  in  this  way — discrimi 
nating  in  favor  of  our  merchants  and  our  shipbuilders,  and  our  labor 
(if  such  should  be  the  policy  of  the  government) — that  we  are  anx 
ious  to  secure. 

We  are  aware  that  there  are  a  number  of  persons  who  claim  to 
have  concessions  from  the  governments  of  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica 
investing  them  with  rights  to  navigate  the  San  Juan  River  and  Lake 
Nicaragua.  Others  claim  to  be  authorized  to  construct  this  great 
waterway  connecting  the  oceans.  But  it  is  believed  by  your  committee 
that  these  rights  have  either  lapsed  or  are  of  inconsiderable  value,  or 
have  been  obtained  for  speculative  purposes.  However  this  may  be,  it 
should  be  the  purpose  of  the  government  to  deal  directly  with  the  gov 
ernments  of  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica.  Those  governments  can  adjust 
all  questions  growing  out  of  these  concessions  much  more  easily  than 
the  United  States.  It  is  not  believed  that  any  one  of  these  real  or 
alleged  concessionnaires  has  any  rights  or  interests  that  he  can  convey 
to  the  United  States;  and  it  is  not  deemed  wise  to  have  any  joint 
interest  or  interests  or  copartnership,  or  any  interest  growing  out  of 
corporate  relations  with  any  of  these  persons.  It  is  our  opinion  that 


the  people  of  the  United  States  want  a  government  canal,  one  that  will 
be  completely  under  the  control  of  the  Unitd  States. 

No  Infringement  of  Foreign  Eights. — It  is  claimed  by  some  per 
sons  that  creating  this  short  passage  to  our  Pacific  possessions  would 
be  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  other  maritime  nations;  that  connect 
ing  the  waters  of  two  oceans  is  a  matter  of  such  vast  concern  that  it 
becomes  international  in  its  character.  But  we  think  the  people  of 
no  other  country  would  have  a  right  to  object  if  the  people  of 
the  United  States  saw  fit  to  construct  a  ship  canal  from  New  York  to 
San  Francisco  on  the  territory  belonging  solely  to  the  United  States. 
Nor  would  the  people  of  any  other  country  have  the  right  to  object  if 
Mexico  on  her  own  territory  constructed  a  canal  across  the  isthmus  of 
Tehauntepec.  Nor  yet  again  could  any  one  rightfully  object  to  Nic 
aragua  constructing  a  canal  on  her  own  soil  from  the  Caribbean  Sea 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Now,  if  this  be  true,  if  these  states  would  have 
the  right  on  their  own  territory,  using  their  own  means  to  provide  for 
themselves  this  great  advantage  to  their  commerce,  could  not  either 
one  of  them  grant  to  another  state  upon  terms  entirely  advantageous 
and  satisfactory  to  the  parties  the  right  to  construct  a  canal  similar  to 
the  one  under  discussion  ? 

No  one  would  have  the  right  to  quarrel  with  Nicaragua  in  thus 
disposing  to  the  United  States  of  a  right  which  unquestionably  belongs 
to  her.  The  fact  that  it  would  enable  us  in  an  emergency  and  in  cer 
tain  directions  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  our  navy,  does  not  constitute 
such  a  state  of  facts  as  would  allow  our  rivals  to  object  to  our  build 
ing  this  canal.  Other  nations  are  now  making  large  additions  to  their 
naval  power  by  the  use  of  their  shipyards.  We  certainly  possess  the 
right  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  our  navy  by  increasing  the  number 
of  our  ships.  When  we  have  the  ships  we  have  the  right  to  send  them 
wherever  we  choose;  and  the  mere  fact  that  by  the  rapid  transfer 
through  the  Nicaragua  Canal  of  our  naval  vessels  to  the  Pacific,  or 
from  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Atlantic,  thus  increasing  the  efficiency 


of  a  given  squadron,  surely  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  an  undue 
advantage  that  the  United  States  would  have  through  this  waterway. 

America  Must  Look  to  Her  Interests. — We  want  to  increase 
our  power  upon  the  high  seas.  Our  people  are  intent  upon  having 
their  full  share  of  the  commerce  of  the  world.  This  canal  is  an 
aid  in  that  direction.  It  is  true  that  it  will  disturb  the  conditions 
of  equality  that  now  exist,  but  every  effort  that  the  successful  mer 
chant  makes  is  an  effort  to  disturb  this  equality,  and  to  secure 
advantages  for  himself.  .Steamships  instead  of  sailing  vessels;  the 
huge  vessels  of  to-day  instead  of  the  smaller  ones  of  fifty  years  ago; 
improvements  in  machinery,  in  manufacture — all  of  these  are  efforts 
to  disturb  the  equality  of  conditions  that  exist  between  the  merchants. 
They  are  all  deemed  justifiable,  praiseworthy,  and  the  securement  of 
this  short  route  is  only  an  effort  of  greater  magnitude  in  this  same 
direction.  We  save  10,000  miles  in  the  passage  to  China  over  the  old 
route  by  way  of  Cape  Horn.  Our  government  would  have  precisely 
the  same  right  to  take  offence  at  the  use  of  the  Suez  Canal  by  British 
merchants,  as  would  the  English  government  at  our  using  the  Nic 
aragua  Canal. 

At  all  events,  we  want  our  share  of  the  world's  commerce,  and  to 
secure  it  we  must  have  all  of  the  utilities  that  are  possible.  Nor  can  we 
expect  to  get  our  share  without  fierce  struggles.  There  is  now  the  most 
intense  rivalry  for  this  commerce  on  the  part  of  commercial  nations, 
and  our  rivals  will  use  all  political  and  commercial  influences,  and 
diplomacy  with  all  of  its  arts,  menacing,  perhaps,  to  drive  us  out  of 
the  field. 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty. — There  are  persons  who  say  that  we 
are  bound  by  treaty  stipulations  with  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain  to  refrain  from  carrying  out  this  enterprise.  This  state 
ment  we  do  not  believe.  We  recognize  the  fact  that  fifty  years  ago 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  entered  into  an  alliance  to  secure 
the  building  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal.  Any  person  who  dispassionately 


studies  carefully  that  treaty  must  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
primary  stipulations  in  the  Clayton-Bulwer  conventions  looked  to  the 
immediate  building  of  a  canal  under  the  influences  that  might  be 
exerted  by  the  two  governments  rather  than  to  a  prohibition  of  either 
to  build  it.  Great  Britain  has  allowed  fifty  years  to  elapse  without 
any  movement  on  her  part  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  that  article. 
It  has  been  a  dead  letter  from  the  day  the  treaty  was  signed  to  the 
present  moment. 

This  Nicaragua  Canal  can  properly  be  described  in  other  words 
by  calling  it  the  "short  route  to  the  East."  And  then  properly  para 
phrasing  the  sentence,  "Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  bound 
themselves  not  to  secure  us  against  the  other,  the  short  route  to  the 
Bast."  In  1850  the  Nicaragua  route  was  the  only  "short  route  to 
the  East"  that  any  man  had  in  his  thoughts,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
agreement  was  that  Great  Britain  would  not  secure  "the  short  route 
to  the  East"  without  the  consent  and  co-operation  of  the  United  States. 

Violations  by  Great  Britain. — But  in  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  contract,  Great  Britain  has,  through  her  control  over  the  Suez 
Canal,  secured  for  herself  "the  short  route  to  the  East,"  one  that  is 
on  her  territory  as  completely  for  all  practical  purposes  as  though  it 
was  on  the  soil  of  Ireland;  one  that  is  completely  under  the  control 
of  her  guns,  at  Gibraltar  and  the  islands  in  the  Mediterranean  and 
on  the  Eed  Sea,  and  yet  we  are  blandly  told  that,  notwithstanding 
the  failure  on  her  part  to  observe  the  letter  of  the  seventh  article  of 
the  treaty  and  the  spirit  of  the  first  article,  we  are  bound  by  a  treaty 
of  alliance  entered  into  fifty  years  ago. 

The  last  fifty  years  has  wrought  a  remarkable  change  in  our 
relations  to  a  waterway  crossing  the  isthmus — 1850  was  only  four 
years  removed  fr,om  our  first  occupation  of  California.  It  was  only 
four  years  later  than  the  passage  of  the  first  party  of  emigrants  from 
the  Mississippi  River  under  the  protection  of  a  military  force  to  Oregon. 
It  was  but  two  years  after  the  cession  of  large  landed  interests  on  the 


Pacific  Coast  from  Mexico.  It  was  only  three  years  after  settlement 
of  the  disputed  boundary  of  our  northwest  Pacific  possessions. 

In  1850  not  more  than  10,000  inhabitants  were  on  the  Pacific 
Coast.  Our  coastwise  trade  with  that  coast  was  insignificant  in  value 
or  amount.  jSTow  we  have  millions  of  citizens  living  on  the  coast. 
We  have  hundreds  of  millions  of  commerce,  we  have  thousands  of 
millions  of  wealth.  We  have  acquired  Alaska,  Hawaii,  the  Philippine 
Islands.  There  is  no  comparison  between  the  meagre  interests  of  fifty 
years  ago  and  the  colossal  interests  of  to-day.  The  situation  has  so 
changed,  the  interests  of  our  people  now  and  then  are  so  diverse,  the 
necessity  of  responding  to  these  changed  conditions  are  so  overwhelm 
ing  that  the  most  censorious  of  those  who  lead  in  the  formation  of 
the  world's  judgment  would  say  that  our  present  action  must  be  in 
harmony  with  these  new  conditions  rather  than  with  the  old.  There 
is  a  law  of  self-preservation  that  should  control  the  action  of  com 
munities  no  less  than  of  individuals. 

Every  Treaty  May  Be  Repealed. — Irrepealable  statutes  are  not 
tolerated.  Even  the  most  solemnly  enacted  constitutions  must  give 
way  to  the  demands  of  the  later  generations  when  it  is  found  that 
their  provisions  are  harmful  to  the  public  welfare.  And  we  know  of 
no  other  form  of  enactment,  having  sanctity  above  law  and  constitu 
tion,  that  the  overwhelming  needs  of  the  people  may  not  with  con 
sistency  and  morality  demand  the  repeal  of. 

But  we  think  it  safe  to  say  neither  the  United  States  nor  Great 
Britain  has  continuously  regarded  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  as  in 
force.  In  1868  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua  exchanged  ratifica 
tions  of  a  treaty  of  friendship,  commerce,  and  navigation.  The  follow 
ing  is  a  part  of  the  sixteenth  article  of  that  treaty : 

"The  Eepublic  of  Nicaragua  agrees  that,  should  it  become  necessary 
at  any  time  to  employ  military  forces  for  the  security  and  protection 
of  persons  and  property  passing  over  any  of  the  routes  aforesaid,  it 
will  employ  the  requisite  force  for  that  purpose;  but  upon  failure  to 


do  this  from  any  cause  whatever  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  consent  or  at  the  request  of  the  government  of  Nicaragua, 
or  the  minister  thereof  at  Washington,  or  of  the  competent,  legally 
appointed  local  authorities,  civil  or  military,  may  employ  such  force 
for  this  and  for  no  other  purpose;  and  when,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
government  of  Nicaragua,  the  necessity  ceases  such  force  shall  be 
immediately  withdrawn. 

"In  the  exceptional  case,  however,  of  unforeseen  or  imminent 
danger  to  the  lives  or  property  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  the 
forces  of  said  republic  are  authorized  to  act  for  their  protection  with 
out  such  consent  having  been  previously  obtained." 

The  last  quoted  paragraph  above  gives  to  the  United  States 
the  right  to  send  its  forces  into  Nicaragua  to  defend  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  and  their  property,  the  property  in  contemplation 
being  the  Nicaragua  Canal.  The  use  of  a  military  force  always  implies 
the  right  to  establish  fortifications  for  defensive  purposes. 

Evidences  of  Treaty  Abrogation. — Now  it  is  possible  that  the 
United  States  would  at  that  early  day — only  seventeen  years  after 
the  negotiation  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  convention — have  secured  from 
Nicaragua  the  right  thus  to  use  her  military  forces  if  the  authorities 
had  not  believed  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  was  abrogated.  But 
again,  at  an  earlier  period — in  1860 — Great  Britain  herself  concluded 
a  treaty  with  the  State  of  Nicaragua,  in  which  there  was  an  Article  XVI 
above  quoted.  This  was  eight  years  before  our  treaty  with  Nicaragua. 
Will  it  be  contended  that  Great  Britatn  had  the  right  to  secure  from 
Nicaragua  an  agreement  that  she  might  enter  with  her  military  forces 
the  territory  of  Nicaragua,  and  use  her  military  forces  for  the  defence 
of  her  people  and  her  property,  including  the  right  to  build  such  fortifi 
cations  as  might  be  needed  for  her  military  forces,  and  yet  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  be  in  force  ? 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  in  1850  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  contemplated  the  speedy  completion  of  a  Nicaragua  Canal. 


They  proposed  to  have  joint  interests  by  joint  contributions  to  it. 
But  the  possibilities  of  a  Suez  Canal,  that  followed  years  after  1850 
dawned  upon  the  maritime  world,  changed  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain.  She  no  longer  desired  the  Nicaragua  Canal  for  her  own 
uses.  She  directed  her  conduct  with  reference  to  the  new  conditions, 
yet  still  uses  this  ghost  of  a  dead  treaty  to  frighten  the  people  of  the 
United  States  from  securing  the  great  advantages  certain  to  flow  to  us 
from  the  successful  completion  of  this  great  undertaking. 

The  National  Cabinet 

Birth,  Education  and  Qualifications 

of  the 


Biographic  View 

of  the  distinguished  Jurists  and  Statesmen  comprising  the 
Advisory  Counselors  of  the  Chief  Executive,  and  to  whose 
keeping  has  been  entrusted  the  Department  management 
of  the 

Country's  Home  and  Foreign  Affairs 




HAY,  JOHN.— Born  in  Salem,  Ind.,  October  8,  1838.  Received 
his  early  education  in  Warsaw,  111.,  and  at  the  academy  in  Springfield, 
111.  Graduated  at  Brown  University  in  1858.  Studied  law  in  Spring 
field,  111.,  and  admitted  to  practice  before  the  Illinois  courts  in  1861, 
but  was  immediately  called  to  Washington  by  President  Lincoln  to 
serve  as  one  of  his  assistant  secretaries. 

Field  Duty. — During  his  service  in  this  capacity,  which  really 
ended  only  with  Lincoln's  death,  he  performed  much  active  duty  in 
the  field,  serving  as  an  adjutant  and  aide-de-camp  to  Generals  Hunter 
and  Gillmore,  and  receiving  the  rank  of  brevet  colonel  of  United  States 
Volunteers.  On  March  22,  1865,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  Lega 
tion  to  France,  which  position  he  retained  until  March  18,  1867,  when 
he  retired. 

As  Secretary  of  Legation. — On  May  20,  1867,  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  Legation  to  Austria-Hungary,  where  he  acted  in  the 
capacity  of  charge  d'affaires  until  August  12,  1868.  On  June  29, 
1869,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  Legation  to  Spain,  which  office 
he  retained  until  he  retired  on  October  1,  1870. 

As  Editor. — On  his  retiracy  he  moved  to  New  York,  where  he 
served  for  five  years  on  the  editorial  staff  of  the  Tribune,  and  for 
seven  months  of  the  time  was  editor-in-chief  of  that  journal.  In  1874 
he  married  Miss  Clara  Stone,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  in  1875  removed 
to  Cleveland  to  reside.  Here  he  carried  on  his  literary  work,  and  took 
an  active  part  as  a  Eepublican  in  political  affairs,  particularly  in  the 
campaigns  of  1876,  1880  and  1884. 

Assistant  Secretary  of  State. — On  November  1,  1879,  he  was 
appointed  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  by  President  Hayes,  in  which 
capacity  he  served  until  his  retiracy,  May  3,  1881.  In  1881  he  repre- 



sented  the  United  States  at  the  International  Sanitary  Congress  in 
Washington,  of  which  he  was  the  president. 

As  Author. — He  now  for  some  years  devoted  himself  largely  tc 
literary  work,  and  became  author  of  a  number  of  excellent  volumes 
among  which  was  the  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  written  in  conjunc 
tion  with  John  G.  Nicolay.  He  had  previously  published  several 
works,  among  which  were  "Castilian  Days,"  "Pike  County  Ballads/ 
and  a  translation  of  Castelar's  "Democracy  in  Europe." 

Ambassador. — On  March  19,  1897,  he  was  appointed  by  Presidenl 
McKinley  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary  to  Greal 
Britain,  which  position  he  filled  with  rare  ability  and  satisfaction  until 
his  retiracy,  September  19,  1898.  On  the  next  day,  September  20,  he 
was  appointed  by  President  McKinley  to  be  Secretary  of  State,  to  suc 
ceed  the  Hon.  John  Sherman,  who  retired  on  account  of  age. 

Secretary  of  State. — In  his  capacity  as  Secretary  of  State,  Mi- 
Hay  has  been  singularly  fortunate  in  handling  the  many  delicate 
questions  growing  out  of  the  Spanish  War,  Chinese  affairs,  new  terri 
torial  acquisitions,  and  the  industrial  and  commercial  attitude  of  the 
United  States  toward  other  nations.  He  came  into  his  office  thor 
oughly  equipped  by  his  former  long  diplomatic  experience,  and  struck 
a  time  in  the  history  of  American  affairs  during  which  his  services 
were  of  immense  practical  value  to  the  administration  with  which 
he  co-operated,  and  to  the  country  at  large.  In  Chinese  matters  he 
secured  the  pledges  of  the  various  European  powers  to  maintain  the 
treaty  rights  of  the  United  States  in  China,  if  such  a  thing  as  parti 
tion  of  the  country  took  place ;  and  in  any  and  every  controversy,  anc 
in  all  relations,  with  foreign  countries,  he  maintained  harmony  anc 
increased  national  respect. 

GAGE,  LYMAN  J.— Born  June  28,  1836,  in  the  town  of  De 
Euyter,  Madison  County,  N".  Y.  Received  his  primary  education  in  the 
schools  of  his  native  county;  but,  in,  1848,  his  parents  removed  tc 


Rome,  N".  Y.,  where  the  son  received  the  advantages  of  further  educa 
tion  at  the  Rome  Academy.  His  school  career  ended  at  the  early  age  of 
seventeen  years,  when  he  gave  way  to  his  business  desires,  and  entered 
the  Oneida  Central  Bank  in  the  humble  capacity  of  office  boy,  followed 
in  due  course  of  time  by  promotions  through  some  of  the  junior 

Moves  to  the  West.— The  life  did  not  suit  his  ambitions,  and  in 
1855  he  went  to  Chicago  to  better  his  fortune.  After  many  trials  inci 
dent  to  the  life  of  an  unknown  youth  amid  strange  surroundings,  he 
obtained  a  position  as  clerk  in  a  planing  mill.  Here  he  had  time  to 
look  about  him  for  further  opportunity,  and  in  1858  he  secured  a  book 
keeper's  position  in  the  Merchants'  Loan  and  Trust  Company  of  Chi 
cago.  He  had  seemingly  struck  a  congenial  atmosphere  and  propitious 
environment,  for  his  promotion  was  rapid,  and  his  development  com 
prehensive.  By  1861  he  had  reached  the  position  of  cashier,  and 
retained  it  till  1868,  growing  all  the  time  in  the  confidence  of  the 
institution  and  manifesting  that  grasp  of  financial  conditions  which 
was  afterwards  to  place  him  in  high  position  in  the  government  service. 

As  Bank  Cashier. — The  Merchants'  Loan  and  Trust  Company 
was  a  State  institution.  Young  Gage  believed  that  the  national  bank 
ing  system  was  superior  to  that  of  a  state,  and,  in  1868,  he  accepted 
the  appointment  of  cashier  of  the  First  National  Bank  of  Chicago. 
This  opened  to  him  the  opportunity  for  which  he  longed. 

As  Bank  Vice-President. — The  charter  of  the  bank  having 
expired,  it  was  reorganized  and  rechartered  in  1882,  with  a  capital 
increased  to  $3,000,000,  and  with  Mr.  Gage  promoted  to  the  position 
of  vice-president  and  general  manager. 

Bank  President. — In  1891  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  bank, 
in  which  position  he  became  an  influential  factor  in  the  financial  world 
and  his  bank  one  of  the  strongest  institutions  of  the  country. 

Secretary  of  Treasury. — During  his  financial  career  Mr.  Gage 
had  been  singularly  free  from  political  affiliations.  He  never  held 


nor  coveted  public  office,  though  often  solicited  to  do  so.  This  solici 
tation  became  especially  urgent  at  times  in  connection  with  the  mayor 
alty  of  Chicago.  His  breadth  of  views  on  finance,  his  great  success  in 
the  banking  world,  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  business  associ 
ates  throughout  the  country,  led  President  McKinley  to  choose  him 
for  the  high  position  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  was  appointed 
on  March  4,  1897,  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  March  5,  1897.  Hav 
ing  previously,  February  15,  1897,  resigned  the  presidency  of  his  own 
bank,  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  United  States  Treasury 
Department  immediately  on  his  confirmation. 

Success  as  Treasury  Official, — During  his  growing  career  he 
served  as  president  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  World's  Columbian 
Exposition,  president  of  the  American  Bankers'  Association,  and 
president  of  the  Civic  Federation  of  Chicago.  During  his  official 
career  at  Washington  he  wrought  many  beneficial  changes  in  the  man 
agement  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  gave  stout  support  to  the 
administration  in  the  bringing  about  of  regulations  and  measures  look 
ing  to  the  placing  of  the  national  currency  on  a  gold  standard  and  to 
the  refunding  of  the  national  debt  at  lower  rates  of  interest.  At  no 
time  has  the  credit  of  the  country  been  higher  and  the  national  treas 
ury  in  closer  touch  with  the  people  than  under  the  management  of 
Mr.  Gage. 

ROOT,  ELIHU.— Born  in  Clinton,  Oneida  County,  N.  Y.,  Feb 
ruary  15,  1845.  His  early  education  was  obtained  in  the  schools, 
public  and  academic,  of  his  native  town,  and  in  1864  he  graduated 
from  Hamilton  College,  where  his  father,  Oren  Boot,  was  for  many 
years  professor  of  mathematics. 

Admission  to  Bar. — After  graduation  he  taught  school  at  the 
Eome  Academy.  This  was  in  1865.  He  then  entered  the  University 
Law  School  of  the  City  of  New  York,  whence  he  graduated  in  1867, 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  since  which  he  has  been  in  active  practice 
in  the  City  of  New  York. 


As  United  States  Attorney. — In  March.  1883,  he  was  appointed 
by  President  Arthur  United  States  Attorney  for  the  Southern  Dis 
trict  of  New  York,  and  served  with  distinction  in  that  capacity  until 
July,  1885.  He  was  a  delegate  at  large  to  the  State  Constitu 
tional  Convention  of  1894,  and  served  as  chairman  of  the  Judiciary 
Committee,  a  position  which  did  much  to  bring  him  renown  as  a  jurist 
of  great  learning  and  sound  judgment.  Though  in  no  sense  a  poli 
tician,  he  rose  to  high  place  in  the  councils  of  the  Kepublican  party, 
and  grew  to  attract  national  attention. 

Situation  in  War  Department. — When  Secretary  of  War  Alger 
resigned  the  war  portfolio  in  1899  the  situation  was  a  complicated 
one.  The  affairs  of  the  department  had  become  confused,  requiring 
a  legal  mind  to  straighten  them  out.  Moreover,  the  situation  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Eico  and  the  Philippines  was  such  as  to  require  a  management 
of  the  War  Department  by  one  familiar  with  the  problems  of  law  that 
required  solution. 

As  Secretary  of  War. — It  was  in  such  an  emergency  that  Presi 
dent  McKinley  turned  to  Mr.  Root  as  the  man  best  fitted  to  repre 
sent  the  war  branch  of  the  government.  He  was  appointed  Secretary 
of  War  August  1,  1899,  and  reappointed  March  5,  1901.  With  his 
appointment  attacks  upon  the  management  of  the  department  ceased, 
and  he  proceeded  with  singular  industry  and  tact  to  rearrange  it  so 
that  it  would  run  smoothly  and  effectively.  In  his  methods  he  thor 
oughly  represented  the  administration,  and  secured  the  confidence  and 
respect  of  the  field  and  staff  officials. 

KNOX,  PHILANDER  CHASE.— Born  in  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  in  1842. 
Received  preliminary  education  in  the  public  and  academic  schools 
of  the  city,  and  entered  Mt.  Union  College,  Ohio,  whence  he  graduated 
in  1872.  He  then  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1875. 

As  United  States  District  Attorney. — He  served  as  United 
States  District  Attorney  for  one  year,  and  then  resigned  in  order  to 


devote  himself  more  exclusively  to  his  practice.  By  the  industry  he 
used  and  the  ready  talents  at  command  he  rose  speedily  to  distinction 
in  his  profession,  and  found  in  it  a  source  of  large  income. 

A  Leading  Lawyer. — While  he  combined  all  the  qualifications  of 
a  great  general  lawyer,  he  became  an  admitted  leader  in  corporation 
law,  and  was  chosen  to  represent  many  of  the  industrial  and  financial 
organizations  of  his  end  of  the  State  and  elsewhere. 

Civic  and  Social  Life. — In  1897  he  was  elected  president  of  the 
Bar  Association  of  Pennsylvania.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Lawyers' 
Club  of  Philadelphia  and  of  the  Lawyers'  Club  of  New  York.  For 
three  years  he  served  in  the  honorable  position  of  president  of  the 
Duquesne  Club,  and  is  a  distinguished  member  of  the  American  and 
many  other  Pittsburg  clubs,  and  of  the  Union  League  of  New  York. 

Chosen  Attorney-General. — His  ability  and  prominence  attracted 
President  McKinley's  notice,  and  his  probity  and  general  grasp'  of 
national  law  and  of  administrative  questions  recommended  him  for 
the  place  made  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  Attorney-General  Griggs. 
Accordingly,  the  President  tendered  him  the  office  of  Attorney- Gen 
eral,  which  he  hesitated  to  accept  for  a  long  time,  on  account  of  the 
sacrifice  it  would  occasion  of  his  professional  business.  But  after 
urgent  solicitation  he  yielded,  and  in  March,  1901,  accepted  the  place 
and  became  a  member  of  the  President's  political  and  administrative 

Ability  as  Adviser. — In  the  brief  period  of  his  service  before 
the  President's  lamented  death,  he  ably  met  all  the  requirements  of 
the  place,  and  proved  to  be  one  of  the  strongest  and  safest  of  the  Presi 
dent's  advisers. 

SMITH,  CHARLES  EMORY.— Born  in  Mansfield,  Conn.,  Feb 
ruary  18,  1842.  Eemoved  when  young  with  his  parents  to  Albany, 
N.  Y.  Educated  at  Albany  Academy  and  at  Union  College,  Schenec- 
tady,  N.  Y.,  where  he  graduated  in  1861. 


In  the  Civil  War. — During  the  Civil  War  he  acted  as  aid  to 
General  Rathbone,  under  the  war  governor,  Morgan,  in  raising  and 
organizing  volunteer  regiments. 

As  Editor. — In  1865  he  became  editor  of  the  Albany  Express, 
which  position  he  filled  with  ability  until  1870,  when  he  became  joint 
editor  of  the  Albany  Evening  Journal.  He  continued  this  connection 
with  daily  growing  influence  and  professional  aptitude  until  1877, 
when  he  became  sole  editor,  and  a  growing  power  in  political  circles. 

In  Politics, — In  1876  he  was  chosen  as  a  delegate  to  the  Repub- 
lican  National  Convention,  and  served  as  secretary  of  the  Platform 
Committee.  Two  years  afterwards,  in  1878,  he  was  elected  regent 
of  the  State  University  by  the  Legislature  of  New  York.  For  several 
years  in  succession  he  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  Republican  State  Con 
ventions  in  New  York,  and  on  account  of  his  prominence  and  aptitude 
for  such  work  he  was  invariably  made  chairman  of  committees  on 
resolutions,  and  consequent  author  of  the  platforms. 

Editor  of  "Press". — In  1880  he  moved  to  Philadelphia  to  assume 
the  editorship  of  the  Philadelphia  Press.  To  this  position  he  brought 
a  thorough  equipment,  not  only  as  a  writer,  but  as  one  in  intimate 
touch  with  modern  journalism.  The  paper  was  reorganized  through 
out,  and,  on  account  of  its  editorial  strength  and  general  enterprise, 
soon  became  a  leader  in  the  news  literature,  and  a  powerful,  though 
conservative,  political  factor  in  the  State. 

As  Orator. — During  this  period  of  his  life  Mr.  Smith  came  to 
be  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  effective  orators  of  his  city,  and 
proved  to  be  equally  ready  on  political  stump  or  civic  platform.  He 
took  a  particularly  active  and  brilliant  part  in  the  campaign  of  1888, 
which  resulted  in  the  election  of  President  Harrison. 

Minister  to  Russia. — In  1890  he  was  appointed  Minister  to 
Russia  by  President  Harrison,  and  during  the  two  years  which  he 
retained  this  position  he  was  active  in  the  relief  work  of  the  great 
Russian  famine  of  1891-92,  and  had  charge  of  the  American  con- 


tribution  of  over  $100,000  in  money  and  five  shiploads  of  food,  all  of 
which  he  distributed  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  own  government  and 
that  of  Russia. 

Again  Editor. — On  his  return  from  Russia,  Mr.  Smith  resumed 
his  editorial  work  on  the  Press,  interspersing  his  labors  with  public 
addresses  and  literary  monographs.  Under  his  able  direction  the 
journal  had  extended  success  and  became  even  more  an  exponent  of  the 
higher  and  purer  political  thought  of  the  State  and  nation. 

Postmaster-General. — On  April  21,  1898,  President  McKinley 
tendered  him  the  position  of  Postmaster- General,  and  sent  his  name 
to  the  Senate.  The  nomination  was  immediately  confirmed,  and  he 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office.  His  regime  has  been  distin 
guished  by  an  extension  of  the  free  rural  delivery  system,  and  by  a 
great  battle  for  an  increase  of  postal  rates  on  matter  whose  carriage 
the  government  cannot  afford  under  existing  laws  and  regulations. 

LONG,  JOHN  DAVIS.— Born  in  Buckfield,  Oxford  County,  Me., 
October  27,  1838.  Received  his  preparatory  education  in  the  common 
school  of  his  native  town  and  the  Hebron  Academy,  Maine.  Was 
graduated  from  Harvard  in  1857.  Taught  school  two  years  in  West- 
ford  Academy,  Massachusetts. 

Enters  the  Bar. — Studied  law  at  Harvard  Law  School  and  in 
private  offices.  Was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  has  since  practiced.  Was 
a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  in  1875,  1876,  1877  and 
1878.  Was  Speaker  of  the  House  during  the  last  three  years. 

Governor. — Was  Lieutenant-Governor  of  his  State  in  1879  and 
Governor  in  1880,  1881  and  1882. 

In  Congress. — Was  elected  to  the  Forty-eighth  and  re-elected  to 
the  Forty-ninth  and  Fiftieth  Congresses.  Was  for  several  years  on  the 
Statehouse  Construction  Commission  of  his  State.  Is  senior  member 
of  the  law  firm  of  Long  &  Hemenway.  Was  appointed  and  confirmed 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  March  5,  1897. 


HITCHCOCK,  ETHAN  ALLEN.— A  great-grandson  of  Ethan 
Allen,  of  Vermont.  Was  born  in  Mobile,  Ala.,  September  19,  1835; 
lived  a  year  at  New  Orleans,  and  then  removed  to  Nashville,  Tenn., 
where  he  attended  private  schools,  completing  his  course  of  study  in 
1855  at  the  military  academy  in  New  Haven,  Conn. 

In  Mercantile  Business. — Rejoining  his  family,  who  were  then 
living  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  he  engaged  in  mercantile  business  until  1860, 
when  he  went  to  Chicago  to  enter  the  commission  house  of  Olyphant 
&  Co.,  of  which  firm  he  was  made  a  partner  in  1866.  Retired  from 
business  in  1872,  and  spent  a  couple  of  years  in  Europe. 

Minister  to  Russia. — Returning  to  the  United  States  in  1874, 
was  engaged  as  president  of  several  manufacturing,  mining,  and  rail 
way  companies,  until  he  was  appointed,  August  16,  1897,  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Russia.  Reached  his 
post  in  December  of  that  year,  and  on  February  11,  1898,  was  made 
Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  St. 
Petersburg,  where  he  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  as  the  first 
American  Ambassador  accredited  to  the  Russian  Court,  until  he 
left  for  home  to  assume,  on  February  20,  1899,  the  duties  of  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  for  which  office  he  was  nominated  by  the  President 
and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  the  same  day,  December  21, 1898. 

WILSON,  JAMES.— Born  in  Ayrshire,  Scotland,  August  16, 1835. 
In  1852  he  came  to  the  United  States,  settling  in  Connecticut  with  his 
parents.  In  1855  he  went  to  Iowa,  locating  in  Tama  County,  where, 
as  early  as  1861,  he  engaged  in  farming.  Was  elected  to  the  State 
Legislature,  and  served  in  the  Twelfth,  Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth 
General  Assemblies,  being  Speaker  of  the  House  in  the  last-mentioned 

In  Congress. — Was  elected  to  Congress  in  1872,  and  served  in 
the  Forty-third,  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Congresses;  in  the 
interim  between  the  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Congresses  served 


as  a  member  of  the  Railway  Commission;  from  1870  to  1874  was  a 
regent  of  the  State  University,  and  for  the  six  years  previous  to  becom 
ing  Secretary  of  Agriculture  was  director  of  the  Agricultural  Experi 
ment  Station  and  professor  of  agriculture  at  the  Iowa  Agricultural 
College  at  Ames.  Was  confirmed  Secretary  of  Agriculture  March  5, 

Men  of  National  Mark 

Biographic  Sketches  of  American 
Characters  Eminent  in 

Civic  and  Official  Life 

Men  who  have  impressed  themselves  on  our   institutions.      The 
great  leaders  of  thought  and  action.    Heroes  distinguished 
for  achievement  on  land   and   sea.     Governors  and 
administrative  men,  to  whom  have  been  com 
mitted  the  destinies  of  our  new  island 
possessions,  and  the  American 
policy  of   colonization. 





TAFT,  WILLIAM  H.— William  H.  Taft,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
head  of  Philippine  Civil  Government,  is  the  son  of  the  late  Alphonso 
Taft,  who  served  from  1865  to  1871  as  judge  of  the  Superior  Court 
of  that  city,  United  States  Attorney- General,  under  President  Grant, 
and  afterwards  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Austria  and  to  Eussia. 

As  Attorney. — Springing  from  a  source  so  eminent  in  law  and 
diplomacy,  the  son  followed  an  inherited  inclination  toward  the  legal 
profession,  and  at  an  early  period  reached  the  distinction  of  a  leading 
jurist  in  his  city. 

As  Judge. — Being  of  strong  judicial  turn,  he  was  honored  with 
the  appointment  of  judge  of  the  United  States  Court  for  the  sixth 
judicial  circuit,  with  residence  at  Cincinnati,  in  which  capacity  his 
great  legal  ability,  sterling  judgment  and  vigorous  administrative 
capacity  attracted  executive  attention  to  him  as  the  proper  person  to 
entrust  with  the  new  and  delicate  duties  connected  with  the  institution 
of  civil  government  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Head  of  Philippine  Commission. — Accordingly,  on  February  6, 
1900,  President  McKinley  announced  that  he  had  selected  a  new 
commission,  composed  of  five  members,  to  proceed  to  the  Philippines 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  work  of  instituting  a  civil  regime, 
of  which  commission  Judge  Taft  had  been  made  chairman.  The 
other  members  were  Professor  Dean  C.  Worcester,  of  the  University  of 
Michigan;  General  Luke  E.  Wright,  of  Tennessee;  Judge  Henry  C. 
Ide,  of  Vermont,  and  Professor  Bernard  Moses,  of  the  University  of 
California.  The  President  was  widely  complimented  for  his  selection 
of  such  an  able  and  eminent  body  of  men,  and  for  officering  it  with  a 
chairman  who  united  so  thoroughly  the  judicial  turn  with  power  of 
initiative.  At  the  date  of  his  appointment,  Judge  Taft  was  only 
about  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  therefore  in  that  mental  and  physical 



prime  demanded  for  his  arduous  and  protracted  task  amid  a  strange 
people  and  exacting  climate.  He  has  already  inaugurated  a  satisfactory 
civil  government  in  many  islands,  and  in  time  all  will  accept  his 

ALLEN,  CHARLES  H. — First  Governor  of  Porto  Rico. — Born  in 
Lowell,  Mass.,  and  after  passing  through  the  public  schools,  graduated 
at  Amherst  College  in  1869.  Though  a  good  writer  and  speaker,  he 
entered  upon  a  manufacturing  career. 

In  Public  Life. — While  still  a  young  man  he  served  in  many 
local  offices,  and  then  in  the  Massachusetts  House  in  1881  and  1882, 
then  in  the  Massachusetts  Senate  in  1883,  and  in  Congress  for  two 
terms.  Against  his  will  he  was  nominated  for  governor  of  Massachu 
setts  in  1891,  against  William  E.  Eussell. 

Assistant  Secretary  of  Navy. — He  came  to  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  as  assistant  secretary  in  1898,  at  the  age  of  fifty-two,  at  a  per 
sonal  sacrifice  and  as  a  patriotic  duty.  He  at  once  greatly  improved 
the  work  of  the  office  and  became  the  alter  ego  of  the  Secretary,  per 
forming  his  duties  with  satisfaction  during  his  absence.  No  other 
official  ever  had  more  of  the  respect  and  regard  of  the  navy  than  he. 

Governor  of  Porto  Rico. — His  discretion,  firmness,  courage,  tact 
and  unvarying  courtesy,  together  with  wonderful  organizing  and 
executive  ability,  were  qualities  which  commended  him  to  the  Presi 
dent  as  an  ideal  civic  ruler  of  Porto  Rico.  He  had  already  visited  the 
island  and  studied  its  institutions  and  people.  He  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  governor  at  San  Juan  on  May  1,  1900.  The  spirit  of  his 
incumbency  is  foreshadowed  in  remarks  made  at  the  time  of  his 
appointment.  Said  he:  "My  own  inclination  and  my  personal  inter 
ests  urge  me  to  decline  the  appointment;  but  one  should  not  always 
choose  the  easy  way;  there  is  a  patriotic  duty  sometimes  to  be  per 
formed.  My  effort  shall  be  to  administer  the  government  so  as  to 
Command  and  hold  the  confidence  of  the  people ;  to  help  them  to  realize 


the  best  there  is  in  them,  and  to  assist  them  in  the  development  of  the 
island  along  the  lines  which  have  made  us  a  prosperous  nation/' 
Resigned,  to  take  effect  September  1,  1901,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Governor  Hunt. 

MILES,  NELSON  A.— Born  at  Wachusettville,  Mass.,  on  August 
8,  1839,  and  educated  in  the  schools  of  his  native  town.  When  the 
Civil  War  broke  out  he  entered  the  volunteer  service  as  captain  of  the 
Twenty-second  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  September,  1861.  Was 
made  adjutant-general  of  a  brigade  for  distinguished  services  at  Fair 
Oaks  and  Malvern  Hill. 

Colonel  of  Sixty-first  New  York  Regiment.— On  September  30, 
1862,  he  was  appointed  colonel  of  the  Sixty-first  New  York  Volunteers, 
which  regiment  he  gallantly  commanded  at  the  Battle  of  Fredericks- 
burg;  he  was  severely  wounded  at  the  Battle  of  Chancellorsville. 

Major-General. — On  May  12,  1864,  he  was  promoted  to  be  a 
brigadier-general,  and  further  distinguished  himself  in  the  campaigns 
before  Richmond.  In  August,  1864,  he  was  promoted  to  brevet 
major-general  and  to  full  major-general  of  volunteers  in  October, 

In  Regular  Army. — On  July  28,  1866,  he  was  made  a  colonel 
of  the  Fortieth  Infantry  in  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States. 
On  March  15,  1869,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Fifth  United  States 
Infantry,  having  been  first  commissioned  a  brevet  brigadier,  and  then 
brevet  major-general  in  the  regular  army,  on  March  2,  1867.  He  was 
promoted  to  be  full  brigadier  in  the  United  States  army  in  December, 
1880,  and  to  be  a  full  major-general,  April  5,  1890. 

In  Indian  Wars. — He  commanded  many  military  departments, 
and  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  the  suppression  of  Indian 
outbreaks.  During  the  serious  riots  at  Chicago,  in  July,  1894,  he  com 
manded  the  United  States  troops  sent  to  the  scene.  On  October  5, 
1895,  he  assumed  command  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  with 


headquarters  at  Washington.  Pending  the  surrender  of  the  Spaniards 
at  Santiago,  he  visited  the  scene  and  took  part  in  the  deliberations 
which  led  to  capitulation. 

In  Porto  Kico. — He  led  the  army  which  invaded  the  island  of 
Porto  Kico,  and  was  fast  reducing  it  to  subjection  when  word  came 
of  the  signing  of  the  protocol,  under  whose  terms  hostilities  were 

Lieutenant-General.— On  June  8,  1900,  he  was  commissioned 
by  the  President  as  lieutenant-general  of  the  army,  this  honorary 
grade  having  been  revived  by  the  Military  Academy  Act  of  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

MacARTHITR,  MAJOR-GENERAL  ARTHUR.— Born  in  the  State 
of  Massachusetts  and  received  a  liberal  education.  Entered  the 
Civil  War  as  a  first  lieutenant,  and  by  1865  had  passed  through  the 
grades  of  lieutenant  and  brevet  colonel  of  Twenty-fourth  Wisconsin 

In  Regular  Army. — On  February  23,  1866,  he  entered  the  regular 
army  as  first  lieutenant  of  the  Seventeenth  Infantry.  On  July  1,  1866, 
was  promoted  to  captain  of  Thirty-sixth  Infantry.  On  July  1,  1889, 
became  major  and  assistant  adjutant-general.  On  May  26,  1896,  was 
promoted  to  lieutenant-colonel.  On  May  27,  1898,  was  appointed 
brigadier-general  of  United  States  Volunteers.  Subsequently  pro 
moted  to  major-general  of  volunteers,  and  assigned  to  duty  as  com 
mander  of  Second  Division,  Eighth  Corps,  1898-99,  in  Havana,  Cuba. 

In  the  Philippines. — After  the  Spanish-American  War  was  pro 
moted  to  brigadier-general  in  regular  army,  and  assigned  to  duty 
(1899)  as  commander  of  the  division  of  Philippine  Islands.  Remained 
in  this  command  till  relieved  by  the  appointment  of  General  Chaffee 
in  the  summer  of  1901.  During  his  service  in  the  islands  he  carried 
on  many  active  campaigns  against  the  insurgent  tribes,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  crushing  out  rebellion  to  such  an  extent  as  to  admit  of  the 


introduction  of  civil  government  under  Judge  Taft,  the  head  of  the 
Philippine  Commission. 

HUNT,  WILLIAM  H.— Born  in  New  Orleans,  November  5,  1857. 
His  father,  William  Henry  Hunt,  was  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under 
Garfield  and  Arthur,  and  afterwards  Minister  to  Eussia. 

A  Montana  Judge. — After  graduating  at  Yale  College,  Mr.  Hunt 
settled  in  Montana,  and  served  as  a  member  of  the  convention  which 
drafted  the  constitution  of  the  State  in  1884.  He  was  elected  judge  of 
the  district  of  Montana  in  1889,  and  again  in  1892.  In  1894  he  was 
elected  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 

Secretary  of  Porto  Rico. — When  Charles  H.  Allen  was  appointed 
governor  of  Porto  Eico,  Mr.  Hunt  was  made  secretary  of  the  insular 
government,  which  position  he  held  until  the  resignation  of  Governor 
Allen,  to  take  effect  September  1,  1901. 

Governor  of  Porto  Rico. — In  July,  President  McKinley  named 
him  as  Allen's  successor,  and  the  succession  took  effect  on  Mr.  Allen's 

WOOD,  LEONARD.— Born  at  Winchester,  N.  H.,  October  9,  1860. 
Graduated  at  Harvard  Medical  School,  1884.  Appointed  first-lieu 
tenant  and  assistant  surgeon  in  United  States  Army,  January  5,  1886, 
and  captain  and  surgeon  January  5,  1891. 

Colonel  of  "Rough  Riders."— Eecruited  First  United  States 
Cavalry  Eegiment  of  Volunteers  ("Eough  Eiders")  for  Spanish  War, 
and  became  its  colonel  May  8,  1898. 

Brigadier  General. — Promoted  to  brigadier  general  of  volunteers 
July  8,  1898,  for  gallant  service  at  San  Juan  Hill  and  Las  Guasimas, 
and  to  major-general  of  volunteers  December  9,  1899. 

Military  Governor  of  Cuba. — December  13,  1899,  assigned  to 
command  of  Division  of  Cuba,  relieving  General  Brooks  as  division 
commander  and  military  governor  of  the  island.  He  at  once  sum- 


moned  a  Cabinet  of  six  natives  of  the  island,  and  began  those  vigorous 
reforms  which  have  made  his  name  conspicuous. 

WHEELER,  JOSEPH. — Joseph  Wheeler  was  born  in  Augusta, 
Ga.,  September  10,  1836.  He  was  the  third  of  the  name,  his  grand 
father,  Joseph  Wheeler,  being  a  direct  descendant  of  Moses  Wheeler, 
one  of  the  early  settlers  of  New  England.  He  graduated  at  West 
Point,  in  1859,  as  lieutenant  of  cavalry,  and  served  in  New  Mexico. 

In  Confederate  Army. — Became  lieutenant  of  artillery  in  the 
Confederate  Army,  and  was  successively  promoted  to  the  command 
of  a  regiment,  brigade,  division  and  army  corps,  and  in  1862  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  army  corps  of  cavalry  of  the  western 
army,  which  command  he  retained  until  the  close  of  the  war,  becom 
ing,  in  1864,  senior  cavalry  general  of  the  Confederate  armies. 

Congressional  Career. — He  was  appointed  Professor  of  Phil 
osophy,  Louisiana  Seminary,  in  1866,  which  he  declined.  He  became 
a  lawyer  and  planter,  and  was  elected  to  the  Forty-seventh,  Forty- 
ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth, 
Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 

In  Spanish-American  War. — When  the  Spanish-American  War 
broke  out  General  Wheeler  was  appointed  by  President  McKinlcy 
major-general  of  volunteers,  his  commission  dating  May  4,  1898,  and 
he  was  assigned  to  command  the  cavalry  division  of  the  army  at  San 
tiago.  On  June  24,  with  900  men,  he  fought  and  defeated  Lieutenant- 
General  Linares  at  Las  Guasimas,  Cuba,  with  over  2,000  regular 
Spanish  troops.  At  the  Battle  of  San  Juan,  July  1  and  2,  he  was 
senior  officer  in  immediate  command,  and  was  senior  member  of  com 
mission  which  negotiated  the  surrender  of  Santiago.  August  18  he 
was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  United  States  forces  at  Mon- 
tauk,  L.  I.,  and  on  October  5  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the 
Fourth  Army  Corps. 


In  the  Philippines. — He  was  honorably  mustered  out  as  major- 
general,  and  was  appointed  brigadier-general  of  volunteers  April  12, 
1899,  and  on  August  31  was  placed  in  command  of  the  First  Brigade, 
Second  Division,  Eighth  Corps,  in  the  Philippines.  Was  engaged  with 
enemy  at  Santa  Rita,  September  9,  and  also  on  September  16,  in  the 
capture  of  Porac,  September  28,  and  the  various  engagements  with 
the  enemy  at  Angeles,  October  10  to  17  inclusive.  He  returned  to  the 
United  States  in  February,  1900,  after  the  insurrection  was  practi 
cally  subdued. 

LEE,  FITZHUGH.— Born  at  Clermont,  Fairfax  County,  Va., 
November  19,  1835.  Graduated  at  West  Point  Military  Academy, 
1856.  Served  as  second  lieutenant  of  Second  Cavalry,  and  wounded 
in  frontier  Indian  War.  Cavalry  instructor  at  West  Point,  1860-61. 

In  Confederate  Service. — Entered  Confederate  service  and  served 
as  adjutant-general  under  Ewell,  and  then  as  colonel  of  First  Virginia 
Cavalry,  participating  in  all  the  battles  of  1861-62,  fought  by  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  Promoted  to  brigadier-general,  1862; 
and  to  major-general,  1863. 

Cavalry  Commander. — In  1865  commanded  the  entire  cavalry 
service  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  until  its  surrender  to  Gen 
eral  Meade.  Elected  governor  of  Virginia  for  the  term  1886-90. 

In  Spanish-American  War. — In  1893,  appointed  Consul  to 
Havana,  where  he  served  until  breaking  out  of  Spanish-American 
War,  1898,  when  he  was  commissioned  a  major-general  of  United 
States  Volunteers  and  placed  in  command  of  an  army  corps.  After 
the  war  he  was  made  Military  Governor  of  Havana,  and  was  active 
and  influential  in  restoring  order  and  reconciling  Cubans  to  their 
new  conditions.  Subsequently,  he  was  assigned  to  duty  in  the  United 
States  Army  as  Commander  of  the  Department  of  Missouri. 

SCHIEY,  WINFIELD  SCOTT.— Born  at  Frederick,  Md.,  1839. 
Graduated  at  Naval  Academy,  1860.    On  duty  on  frigate  "Niagara," 


in  Chinese  waters,  1860-61.  Promoted  to  master,  1861,  and  to  lieu 
tenant,  July  16,  1862. 

Service  During  Civil  War, — Served  during  the  Civil  War  in 
West  Gulf  Blockading  Squadron,  and  participated  in  the  engagements 
leading  to  the  capture  of  Port  Hudson  in  1863.  Remained  in  South 
ern  waters  until  1866,  when  transferred  to  Pacific  Coast  for  active 

At  Naval  Academy. — Made  lieutenant-commander,  1866,  and 
transferred  for  duty  to  Naval  Academy.  In  active  service  in  Eastern 
waters,  1869-71,  in  which  last  year  he  participated  in  a  successful 
attack  by  American  marines  upon  the  Korean  forts  on  Salee  River. 

Rescues  Greely. — In  1872,  Professor  of  Modern  Languages  at 
Annapolis.  Promoted  to  commodore,  1874,  and  in  same  year  com 
manded  the  "Relief  Expedition"  which  rescued  Lieutenant  Greely 
and  his  command  from  their  ice  imprisonment  at  Cape  Sabine.  After 
service  in  various  capacities,  promoted  to  captain,  March  31,  1888. 
Commanded  the  "Baltimore"  during  Chilean  troubles,  1891. 

In  Spanish-American  War. — Promoted  to  commodore,  February, 
1898,  and  placed  in  command  of  Flying  Squadron  operating  against 
Cuba.  In  command  of  the  "Brooklyn"  during  the  capture  and  destruc 
tion  of  Cervera's  fleet,  July  3,  1898,  and  fairly  divided  the  honors  of 
the  occasion  with  other  commanding  officers.  August,  1898,  promoted 
to  rear-admiral,  and  served  further  as  commander  of  South  Atlantic 

SAMPSON,  WILLIAM  THOMAS,— Born  in  Palmyra,  K  Y.,  Feb 
ruary  9,  1840.  Appointed  to  navy,  September  24,  1857.  Graduated 
with  first  honors  at  Naval  Academy,  Annapolis,  in  1861,  and  promoted 
to  master.  Commissioned  lieutenant,  July  16,  1862. 

B-escue  From  Drowning. — Executive  officer  of  the  ironclad 
"Patapsco"  when  it  was  blown  up  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  was  res 
cued  from  the  water  into  which  he  was  blown.  Commissioned  lieuten- 


ant-commander,  July  25,  1866;  and  commander,  August  9,  1874. 
Promoted  to  captain,  March,  1889. 

Superintendent  of  Naval  Academy. — Superintendent  of  Naval 
Academy,  1886-90.  In  conjunction  with  Lieutenant  Joseph  Strauss 
invented  the  superimposed  turrets  adopted  by  the  navy.  February, 
1898,  president  of  board  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  destruc 
tion  of  the  United  States  battleship  "Maine,"  in  Havana  harbor,  Feb 
ruary  15. 

Appointed  Commander. — Upon  declaration  of  war  with  Spain 
(1898),  appointed  commander  of  North  Atlantic  Squadron  with  rank 
of  acting  rear-admiral,  and  in  same  year  promoted  to  be  commodore. 
In  1899,  promoted  to  be  rear-admiral. 

Commanding  Atlantic  Fleet. — During  the  Spanish  War  he  com 
manded  the  entire  Atlantic  fleet  comprising  125  vessels  of  all  classes. 
That  part  of  his  fleet  operating  against  Cuba,  and  especially  at  Santi 
ago,  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet,  under  Cervera,  on  its  attempt  to 
escape  from  Santiago  harbor,  July  3,  1898.  Kesumed  command  of  the 
North  Atlantic  fleet,  December,  1898.  October  14,  1899,  appointed  to 
command  of  Boston  Navy  Yard. 

CLEVELAND,  GROVER.— Born  in  Caldwell,  Essex  County, 
N.  J.,  March  18,  1837.  Eeceived  an  academic  education,  and  moved  to 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  in  1855,  where  he  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1859. 

Assistant  District  Attorney. — Assistant  District  Attorney  of  Erie 
County,  1863-66.  Sheriff  of  the  county,  1870-73.  Mayor  of  Buffalo, 
1881.  The  strength  and  economy  of  his  administration  brought  him 
conspicuously  before  the  people  of  New  York  State. 

Governor  of  New  York. — In  1883  he  was  elected  governor,  on 
the  Democratic  ticket,  in  which  capacity  he  added  largely  to  his  repu 
tation  as  a  sterling  official. 


President  of  United  States. — Nominated  for  and  elected  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  in  1884,  over  James  G.  Elaine,  by  a  majority 
of  37  in  the  electoral  college.  In  1888  he  was  again  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  President,  but  was  defeated  by  Benjamin  Harrison,  the 
Republican  candidate.  Returned  to  his  law  practice  in  the  city  of 
New  York. 

Again  President. — In  1892  was  again  elected  to  the  Presidency 
over  President  Harrison.  During  his  second  administration,  his 
party  swung  away  from  his  policy  of  a  gold  standard  and  adopted  the 
doctrine  of  free  silver  coinage,  leaving  Mr.  Cleveland  to  represent  only 
that  minority  branch  of  his  party,  which  became  known  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1896  as  "Gold  Democrats." 

In  Private  Life. — On  retiring  from  office,  March  3,  1897,  Mr. 
Cleveland  took  up  his  residence  in  Princeton,  N.  J.,  and  devoted  him 
self  to  the  quiet  life  of  a  publicist  and  civilian. 

HILL,  DAVID  B.— -Born  in  Havana,  N.  Y.,  August  29,  1843. 
Moved  to  Elmira  in  1862.  Received  a  liberal  education  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1864.  Began  practice  of  the  law  and  soon 
occupied  a  high  legal  standing. 

In  Public  Life. — Was  elected  to  the  New  York  Assembly  and 
served  for  the  term  1871-72.  Was  president  of  the  Democratic  State 
Conventions  of  1877  and  1881.  Elected  an  alderman  of  Elmira  in 
1880,  and  mayor  in  1882.  Elected  lieutenant-governor  of  the  State 
and  served  the  term  of  1882-85. 

Governor  and  Senator. — Elected  governor  of  the  State  for  the 
terms  1885-91,  and  to  the  United  States  Senate  for  the  term  1891-97. 
Mr.  Hill  was  a  conspicuous  candidate  for  the  Presidential  candidacy 
of  his  party  in  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1892.  In  the 
National  Convention  of  1896,  he  led  the  sound  money  forces  of  his 
party  against  the  various  free-silver  and  Populistic  combinations,  but 
was  overwhelmed  by  the  stampede  for  Bryan.  He  was  even  stronger 


in  the  councils  of  his  party  during  the  convention  period  of  1900, 
but  was  again  overruled  by  the  free-silver-coinage  sentiment. 
Since  his  Senatorship  he  has  carried  on  his  law  business  with  success, 
at  the  same  time  keeping  abreast  of  that  sentiment  in  his  party  which 
seeks  its  reorganization  on  traditional  lines,  and  opposes  hazardous  and 
belittling  coalitions. 

LOW,  SETH.— Born  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  January  18,  1850. 
Eeceived  his  earlier  education  in  the  Brooklyn  Polytechnic  Institute, 
and  graduated  from  Columbia  College  in  1870.  Has  been  honored 
with  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  by  the  University  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
Amherst  College,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Harvard  and  Prince 
ton  universities.  At  first  entered  upon  a  business  career  as  a  clerk, 
and  afterwards  as  a  partner,  in  the  tea-importing  house  of  his  father. 

In  Public  Life, — The  independent  forces  of  Brooklyn  made  him 
their  candidate  for  the  mayoralty,  and  elected  him  for  the  term  of 
1881-85,  during  which  time  he  gave  an  administration  which  did 
much  to  purify  the  city  and  bring  about  much  needed  reforms.  His 
independence  and  administrative  success  gave  him  great  prominence 
in  New  York  political  circles,  and  after  the  consolidation  of  the  city 
he  was  chosen  the  anti-Tammany  candidate  for  mayor.  But  the  coali 
tion  of  forces  in  his  favor  was  imperfect,  and  he  suffered  defeat. 

University  President, — On  the  removal,  rebuilding  and  new 
organization  of  the  Columbia  University  he  was  chosen  its  president, 
and  through  his  agency  the  institution  has  come  to  occupy  the  high 
plane  desired  by  all  its  patrons.  He  is  president  and  active  worker  in 
many  literary  and  scientific  societies,  and  an  influential  force  in  social 
life.  In  September,  1901,  he  was  nominated  as  candidate  for  mayor 
of  the  Greater  New  York,  by  a  coalition  of  all  the  anti-Tammany 
forces,  this  time  having  also  the  support  of  the  Republican  party,  which 
he  lacked  in  his  former  campaign. 


BRYAN,  WILLIAM  JENNINGS.— Born  at  Salem,  111.,  March  19, 
1860.  Educated  at  Whipple  Academy,  Jacksonville,  111.,  and  Illinois 
College,  where  he  graduated  in  1881.  Studied  law  at  Union  Law  Col 
lege,  Chicago,  and  admitted  to  bar  in  1883.  In  1887,  moved  to  Lin 
coln,  Neb.,  and  opened  law  office.  Soon  entered  upon  his  political 
career,  and  became  noted  as  an  eloquent  campaigner. 

In  Congress. — Elected  to  Congress  in  1890,  by  nearly  seven  thou 
sand  majority.  Though  the  youngest  member  of  the  Lower  House, 
he  was  assigned  a  place  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and 
soon  showed  a  mastery  of  tariff  reform  matters,  both  in  Committee 
and  by  his  discussions  on  the  floor.  He  stood  for  election  in  the  Fifty- 
third  Congress  (1892)  and  was  elected  by  a  reduced  majority.  He 
now  became  leader  of  the  free-silver  forces.  At  the  end  of  his  term 
he  declined  renomination  and  became  editor  of  the  World-Herald, 

Presidential  Nominee. — In  the  Democratic  National  Convention, 
of  July,  1896,  at  Chicago,  he  led  the  "free-silver  coinage"  wing  of  his 
party,  and  at  a  time  when  the  nomination  was  hanging  fire,  delivered 
an  eloquent  address  to  the  convention,  which  turned  sentiment  so 
powerfully  toward  himself  that  he  received  the  nomination  for  Presi 
dent  by  a  vote  of  528  to  148.  After  a  brilliant  campaign,  he  was 
defeated  by  McKinley,  the  Eepublican  candidate,  by  an  electoral 
vote  of  271  to  176.  In  1898,  became  colonel  of  Third  Nebraska  Regi 
ment,  raised  for  the  Spanish  War.  Again  nominated  for  President  by 
the  Democratic,  Populist  and  Silver  parties  in  1900,  at  Kansas  City. 
Made  an  active  traveling  canvass  as  before,  but  was  again  defeated  by 
a  vote  in  the  Electoral  College  of  292  to  155.  Became  well  known  as 
a  lecturer  and  author,  and  after  his  second  defeat  started  the  Com 
moner  newspaper  at  Lincoln,  a  weekly  devoted  to  the  measures  he 
regards  as  paramount  from  both  a  party  and  national  standpoint. 

The  Nation's  Law  Makers 





of  the  Careers  of  Men  of  the  Day,  upon  whom 

depends  a  solution  of  the  present  great 

problems  of  government 


For  information  respecting  men  of  mark,  and 
important  political  questions 





Melville  Weston  Fuller,  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  was 
born  in  Augusta,  Me.,  February  11,  1833 ;  was  graduated  from  Bow- 
doin  College  in  1853;  studied  law,  attended  a  course  of  lectures  at 
Harvard  Law  School,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1855.  Moved 
to  Chicago,  111.,  in  1856,  where  he  practiced  law  until  appointed  Chief 
Justice ;  in  1862  was  a  member  of  the  State  Constitutional  Convention ; 
was  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature  from  1863  to  1865;  was 
appointed  Chief  Justice  April  30,  1888,  confirmed  July  20,  1888,  and 
took  the  oath  of  office  October  8,  same  year. 

John  Marshall  Harlan,  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court,  was  born  in  Boyle  County,  Ky.,  June  1,  1833;  was 
graduated  from  Center  College,  Kentucky,  in  1850;  studied  law  at 
Transylvania  University;  practiced  his  profession  at  Frankfort; 
removed  to  Louisville  and  formed  a  law  partnership  with  Honorable 
W.  F.  Bullock;  in  1861  raised  the  Tenth  Kentucky  Infantry  Regiment 
and  served  in  General  George  H.  Thomas'  division;  was  elected 
attorney-general  by  the  Union  party  in  1863  and  filled  the  office  until 
1867,  when  he  returned  to  active  practice  in  Louisville;  served  as  a 
member  of  the  Louisiana  commission ;  was  commissioned  an  Associate 
Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  November  29,  1877,  and 
took  his  seat  December  10,  same  year. 

Horace  Gray,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  was  born  in  Boston,  Mass.,  March  24,  1828 ;  graduated 
from  Harvard  College  in  the  Class  of  1845  and  from  the  Harvard 
Law  School  in  1849 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1851 ;  was  appointed 
reporter  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Massachusetts  in  1854  and 
held  the  position  until  1861 ;  was  appointed  Associate  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Massachusetts  August  23,  1864,  and  Chief 
Justice  of  that  Court  September  5,  1873 ;  was  commissioned  an  Asso 
ciate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  by  President 
Arthur  December  19,  1881. 



David  Josiah  Brewer,  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court,  was  born  in  Smyrna,  Asia  Minor,  June  20,  1837 ;  grad 
uated  from  Yale  College  in  1856  and  from  the  Albany  Law  School  in 
1858;  established  himself  in  his  profession  at  Leavenworth,  Kan., 
in  1859;  from  1862  to  1865  was  judge  of  the  probate  and  criminal 
courts  of  Leavenworth  County;  from  1865  to  1869  was  judge  of  the 
district  court;  from  1869  to  1870  was  county  attorney  of  Leaven 
worth;  in  1870  was  elected  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  his 
State,  and  re-elected  in  1876  and  1882 ;  in  1884  was  appointed  judge  of 
the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  eighth  district;  was 
appointed  to  his  present  position,  to  succeed  Justice  Stanley  Matthews, 
deceased,  in  December,  1889,  and  was  commissioned  December  18, 

Henry  Billings  Brown,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  was  born  in  South  Lee,  Mass.,  March  2,  1836 ; 
graduated  from  Yale  College  in  1856;  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Wayne 
County,  Mich.,  in  July,  1860;  in  the  spring  of  1861  was  appointed 
Deputy  Marshal  of  the  United  States,  and  subsequently  Assistant 
United  States  Attorney  for  the  eastern  district  of  Michigan ;  appointed 
judge  of  the  State  Circuit  Court  of  Wayne  County;  appointed  by 
President  Grant  District  Judge  for  the  eastern  district  of  Michigan  in 
1875 ;  on  December  23,  1890,  was  appointed  Associate  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  to  succeed  Justice  Samuel  F.  Miller. 

George  Shiras,  Jr.,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  was  born  in  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  January  26,  1832;  was 
graduated  from  Yale  College  in  1853 ;  attended  the  Yale  Law  School 
in  1854;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Pennsylvania  in  1856;  practiced 
law  in  Pennsylvania  till  his  appointment  to  the  Supreme  Bench; 
received  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  from  Yale  University  in  1883 ;  was  one 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Presidential  electors  in  1888 ;  in  July,  1892,  was 
appointed  to  succeed  Justice  Joseph  t.  Bradley;  took  the  oath  of 
office  October  10,  1892. 

Edward  Douglass  White,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  was  born  in  the  parish  of  Lafourche,  La., 
in  November,  1845 ;  was  educated  at  Mount  St.  Mary's,  near  Emmits- 
burg,  Md.,  at  the  Jesuit  College  in  New  Orleans,  and  at  Georgetown 


(D.  C.)  College;  served  in  the  Confederate  army;  was  licensed  to 
practice  law  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  Louisiana  in  December,  1868 ; 
elected  State  Senator  in  1874;  was  appointed  Associate  "^istice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Louisiana  in  1878 ;  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  as  a  Democrat,  and  took  his  seat  March  4,  1891 ;  while  serving 
his  term  as  Senator  from  Louisiana  was  appointed,  February  19, 
1894,  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  took  his  seat 
March  12,  1894. 

Eufus  W.  Peckham,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  was  born  in  the  city  of  Albany  and  State  of  New 
York,  November  8,  1838 ;  educated  at  the  Albany  Academy ;  admitted 
to  the  bar  of  the  State  in  December,  1859.  In  1868  he  was  elected 
district  attorney  of  Albany  County;  was  subsequently  corporation 
counsel  of  Albany  City,  and  in  1883  was  elected  a  justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  While  serving  as  such  he  was  elected,  in 
1886,  an  associate  judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  New  York  State, 
and  while  occupying  a  seat  on  that  bench  he  was,  in  December,  1895, 
appointed  by  President  Cleveland  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 

Joseph  McKenna,  of  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  Associate  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  Pa., 
August  10,  1843 ;  attended  St.  Joseph's  College  of  his  native  city  until 
1855,  when  he  removed  with  his  parents  to  Benicia,  Cal.,  where  he  con 
tinued  his  education  at  the  public  schools  and  the  Collegiate  Institute, 
at  which  he  studied  law;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1865;  was  twice 
elected  district  attorney  for  Solano  County ;  served  in  the  Lower  House 
of  the  Legislature  in  the  sessions  of  1875  and  1876 ;  was  elected  to  the 
Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first  and  Fifty-second  Congresses; 
resigned  from  the  last-named  Congress  to  accept  the  position  of  United 
States  Circuit  Judge,  to  which  he  was  appointed  by  President  Harri 
son  in  1893 ;  resigned  that  office  to  accept  the  place  of  Attorney- Gen 
eral  of  the  United  States  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  McKinley ;  was 
appointed,  December  16,  1897,  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  to  succeed  Justice  Field,  retired,  and  took 
his  seat  January  26,  1898. 




John  T.  Morgan.— Born  at  Athens,  Tenn.,  June  20,  1824; 
received  an  academic  education,  chiefly  in  Alabama,  to  which  State  he 
emigrated  when  nine  years  old ;  studied  law,  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
in  1845;  joined  the  Confederate  army  in  May,  1861;  in  1863  was 
appointed  brigadier-general;  after  the  war  he  resumed  the  practice 
of  his  profession  at  Selma;  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate; 
took  his  seat  March  5,  1877;  was  re-elected  in  1882,  in  1888,  in  1894 
and  1900. 

Edmund  Winston  Pettus, — Born  in  Limestone  County, 
Ala.,  July  6,  1821 ;  educated  at  the  common  schools  in  Alabama  and 
at  Clinton  College ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1842 ;  in  1844  was  elected 
solicitor  for  the  seventh  circuit ;  served  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  Mexican 
War;  elected  judge  of  the  seventh  circuit  of  Alabama  in  1855 ;  in  1861 
went  into  the  Confederate  army ;  in  October,  1863,  was  made  a  briga 
dier-general  of  infantry;  in  November,  1896,  was  elected  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  Alabama  United  States  Senator  for  the  term  commencing 
March  4,  1897. 


George  Washington  Taylor,  of  First  District,  was  born 
January  16,  1849,  in  Montgomery  County,  Ala. ;  educated  at  the  South 
Carolina  University;  admitted  to  practice  at  Mobile,  Ala.,  November, 
1871 ;  was  elected  to  the  Lower  House  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Ala 
bama  in  1878;  in  1880  was  elected  state  solicitor  for  the  first  judicial 
circuit  of  Alabama,  and  was  re-elected  in  1886;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Jesse  F.  Stallings,  of  Second  District,  was  born  near  the  village 
of  Manningham,  Butler  County,  Ala.,  April  4,  1856 ;  graduated  from 
the  University  of  Alabama  in  1877 ;  studied  law  at  the  Law  School  of 
the  University  of  Alabama;  commenced  the  practice  of  law  in  Green- 


ville;  elected  by  the  Legislature  of  Alabama  solicitor  for  the  second 
judicial  circuit  in  November,  1886;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Henry  De  Lamar  Clayton,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in  Barbour 
County,  Ala.,  February  10,  1857;  is  a  lawyer  by  profession;  served  one 
term  in  the  Alabama  Legislature;  was  a  United  States  District  Attor 
ney  from  May,  1893,  to  October,  1896;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  F.  Aldrich,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  at 
Palmyra,  Wayne  County,  N".  Y.,  March  11,  1853;  graduated  from  War 
ren's  Military  Academy,  at  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. ;  removed  to  Alabama 
in  1874  and  engaged  in  mining  and  manufacturing;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth,  Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 

Willis  Brewer,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  is  a  native  Alabamian; 
in  1871  was  county  treasurer*  of  Lowndes;  was  state  auditor  from 
1876  to  1880;  was  state  legislator  from  1880  to  1882;  State  Senator 
from  1882  to  1890;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  H.  Bankhead,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in 
Moscow,  Marion  County  (now  Lamar),  Ala.,  September  13,  1842; 
was  self-educated ;  represented  Marion  County  in  the  General  Assembly, 
sessions  of  1865,  1866  and  1867;  was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate 
1876-77,  and  of  the  House  of  Representatives  1880-81 ;  was  elected 
to  the  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and 
Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  Lawson  Burnett,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born 
at  Cedar  Bluff,  Cherokee  County,  Ala.,  January  20,  1854;  educated 
in  the  common  schools  of  the  county,  at  the  Wesleyan  Institute,  Cave 
Springs,  Ga.,  and  Gaylesville  High  School,  Gaylesville,  Ala.;  elected 
to  the  Lower  House  of  the  Alabama  Legislature  in  1884,  and  to  the 
State  Senate  in  1886 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Richardson,  Democrat,  of  Eighth  District,  is  a  native 
of  Limestone  County,  Ala. ;  a  member  of  the  bar  of  Huntsville,  Ala., 
since  1867;  judge  of  the  Court  of  Probate  and  County  Court  of 


Madison  County,  Ala.;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  August  6, 

Oscar  W.  Underwood,  Democrat,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  in 
Louisville,  Jefferson  County,  Ky.,  May  6,  1862;  educated  at  Rigby 
School,  Louisville,  Ky.,  and  the  University  of  Virginia;  commenced 
the  practice  of  law  at  Birmingham,  Ala.,  September,  1884;  elected  to 
the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


James  H.  Berry.  Democrat,  was  born  in  Jackson  County,  Ala., 
September  29,  1839;  received  a  classical  education;  elected  to  the 
admitted  to  practice  in  1866 ;  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Arkansas 
in  1866;  re-elected  in  1872;  elected  judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  in  1878; 
elected  governor  in  1882 ;  elected  to  the  United  State  Senate,  and  took 
his  seat  March  25,  1885;  re-elected  in  1889  and  1895. 

James  K.  Jones,  Democrat,  was  born  in  Marshall  County,  Miss., 
September  29,  1839;  received  a  classical  education;  elected  to  the 
State  Senate  of  Arkansas  in  1873;  re-elected  under  the  new  govern 
ment,  and  in  1877  was  elected  president  of  the  Senate;  elected  to  the 
Forty-seventh  Congress ;  re-elected  to  the  Forty-eighth  and  Forty-ninth 
Congresses;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  took  his  seat 
March  4,  1885;  was  re-elected  in  1890  and  1897. 


Philip  Doddridge  McCulloch,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was 
born  in  Murfreesboro,  Tenn.,  June  23,  1851;  educated  at  Andrew 
College;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  August,  1872;  removed  to  Marianna, 
Ark.,  in  February,  1874;  elected  to  the  office  of  prosecuting  attorney 
of  the  first  judicial  district  of  the  State  in  September,  1878;  renomi- 
nated  and  elected  three  successive  terms;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

John  Sebastian  Little,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born 
at  Jenny  Lind,  Sebastian  County,  Ark.,  March  15,  1893;  educated 


in  the  common  schools  and  at  Cane  Hill  College,  Arkansas ;  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1874;  in  1877  elected  district  attorney  for  the  twelfth 
circuit  of  Arkansas;  re-elected  for  four  successive  terms;  was  elected 
a  representative  to  the  Legislature  in  1884;  in  1886  was  elected 
circuit  judge;  in  September,  1894,  elected  to  Fifty-third  Congress; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Thomas  Chipman  McRae,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
at  Mount  Holly,  Union  County,  Ark.,  December  21,  1851 ;  graduated 
in  law  at  the  Washington  and  Lee  University,  Virginia,  in  class  of 
1871-72;  admitted  to  practice  January  8,  1873;  member  of  the  State 
Legislature  of  Arkansas  in  1877 ;  elected  to  the  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth, 
Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Leake  Terry,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
in  Anson  County,  N.  C.,  September  27,  1850;  removed  with  his  parents 
to  Arkansas  in  1861 ;  admitted  to  Trinity  College,  North  Carolina,  in 
1869,  and!  graduated  in  June,  1872;  studied  law  and  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  November,  1873;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  Septem 
ber,  1878;  served  eight  terms  as  city  attorney  of  Little  Eock;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con- 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Hugh  Anderson  Dinsmore,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
in  Benton  County,  Ark.,  December  24,  1850;  educated  in  private 
schools  in  Benton  and  Washington  counties;  studied  law  at  Benton- 
ville;  in  September,  1878,  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  the  fourth 
judicial  district  of  Arkansas;  was  re-elected  in  1880,  and  again  with 
out  opposition  in  1882;  in  January,  1887,  was  appointed  Minister 
Resident  and  Consul-General  of  the  United  States  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Korea;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Stephen  Brundidge,  Jr.,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was 
born  in  White  County,  Ark.,  January  1,  1857;  educated  in  the  pri 
vate  schools  of  the  county,  studied  law  at  Searcy,  and  in  1878  was 
admitted'  to  the  bar;  in  September,  1886,  was  elected  prosecuting 
attorney  for  the  first  judicial  district  of  Arkansas,  and  re-elected  in 


1888;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


George  Clement  Perkins,  Republican,  was  born  at  Kennebunk- 
port,  Me.,  in  1839;  went  to  California  in  1855  and  engaged  in  mer 
cantile  pursuits;  in  1868  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate;  in  1879  he 
was  elected  governor  of  California,  serving  until  January,  1883; 
appointed,  July  24,  1893,  United  States  Senator.  In  January,  1895, 
having  made  a  thorough  canvass  before  the  people  of  his  State,  he 
was  elected  by  the  Legislature  on  the  first  ballot  to  fill  the  unexpired 
term;  re-elected  in  1897. 

Thomas  Robert  Bard,  Eepublican,  was  born  in  Chambersburg, 
Pa.,  December  8,  1841;  went  to  California  in  1864;  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  at  an  extra  session  of  the  State  Legislature,  by 
unanimous  vote  of  the  Republican  majority,  to  fill  the  vacancy  occa 
sioned  by  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  Stephen  M.  White,  Democrat, 
March  3,  1899,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  in  the  Senate  March  5,  1900. 


John  A.  Barham,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in 
Missouri  July  17,  1844;  removed  with  his  parents  to  California  in 
1849 ;  educated  at  the  Hesperian  College ;  studied  law  and  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  1868;  elected'  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Samuel  Davis  Woods,  Republican,  of  Second  District)  was  born 
at  Mount  Pleasant,  Maury  County,  Tenn.,  on  September  19,  1845; 
reached  California  in  February,  1850,  was  educated  in  the  public 
schools,  and  admitted  to  practice  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  California 
in  April,  1875 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  to  fill  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  resignation  of  Marion  De  Vries. 

Victor  Howard  Metcalf,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
in  Utica,  Oneida  County,  N.  Y.,  October  10,  1853;  entered  the  Yale 
Law  School,  graduated  therefrom  in  1876;  was  admitted  to  practice  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Connecticut  in  June,  1876;  practiced  law  in 


Utica,  N.  Y.,  for  two  years,  and  then  moved  to  California ;  was  elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Julius  Kahn,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  at  Kuppen- 
heim,  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  on  the  28th  day  of  February,  1861; 
removed  with  his  parents  to  California  in  1866 ;  was  educated  in  the 
public  schools  of  San  Francisco.  In  January,  1894,  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  California,  and  was  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Eugene  Francis  Loud,  Republican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
Abington,  Mass.,  March  12, 1847 ;  at  the  age  of  thirteen  went  to  sea  and 
to  California;  member  of  California  Legislature  in  1884,  and  was 
elected  to  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth,  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Russell  Judson  Waters,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born 
June  6,  1843,  at  Halifax,  Vt. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1863 ;  removed 
to  Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  in  1894;  was  unanimously  nominated  for  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress,  and  elected. 

James  Carson  Needham,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was 
born  September  17,  1864,  in  Carson  City,  Nev. ;  took  a  collegiate 
course  at  the  University  of  the  Pacific  at  San  Jose,  graduating  in  the 
year  1886 ;  began  practice  of  law  in  November,  1889 ;  was  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Edward  Oliver  Wolcott,  Republican,  of  Denver,  was  born  in 
Longmeadow,  Mass.,  March  26,  1848;  graduated  from  Harvard  Law 
School  in  1871,  and  removed  to  Colorado;  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  took  his  seat  March  4,  1889 ;  was  re-elected  in  1895. 

Henry  Moore  Teller,  Silver  Republican,  of  Central  City,  was  born 
in  the  town  of  Granger,  Allegany  County,  N".  Y.,  May  23,  1830;  edu 
cated  at  Alfred  University;  admitted  to  practice  at  Binghamton, 
N.  Y. ;  removed  to  Colorado  and  resumed  the  practice  of  law;  never 
held  an  office  until  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  from 
Colorado  on  the  admittance  of  that  State;  took  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  December  4,  1876;  was  re-elected  December  11  for  the 


full  term,  and  served  until  April  17,  1882,  when  he  resigned  to  enter 
the  Cabinet  of  President  Arthur  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
served  until  March  3,  1885;  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  in  1885,  1891 
and  1897. 


John  F.  Shafroth,  Silverite,  of  First  District,  was  born  in 
Fayette,  Mo.,  June  9,  1854;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  August,  1876; 
removed  to  Denver,  Colo. ;  in  April,  1887,  was  elected  city  attorney  of 
Denver,  and  was  re-elected  to  the  same  position  in  April,  1889;  was 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress  as  a  Kepublican,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses  as  a  Silver  Kepublican. 

John  C.  Bell,  Populist,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in  Grundy 
County,  Term.,  December  11,  1851;  read  law  in  Winchester,  Tenn. ; 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  that  State  in  1874,  and  the  same  year 
moved  to  Colorado ;  was  twice  elected  mayor  of  Lake  City ;  in  Novem 
ber,  1888,  was  elected  judge  of  the  seventh  judicial  district  of  Colo 
rado  ;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Orville  H.  Platt,  Eepublican,  of  Meriden,  was  born  at  Washing 
ton,  Conn.,  July  19,  1827;  received  an  academic  education;  studied 
law  at  Litchfield ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1849 ;  Secretary  of  State  of 
Connecticut  in  1857;  was  a  member  of  the  State  Senate  in  1861-62; 
member  of  the  State  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  1864  and  1869; 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  took  his  seat  March  18,  1879; 
was  re-elected  in  1885,  1890  and  1897. 

Joseph  Roswell  Hawley,  Republican,  of  Hartford,  was  born  at 
Stewartsville,  Richmond  County,  N.  C.,  October  31,  1826;  graduated 
at  Hamilton  College,  New  York,  in  1847;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1850 
at  Hartford,  Conn. ;  became  editor  of  the  Hartford  Evening  Press  in 
February,  1857;  enlisted  in  the  Union  Army  as  a  captain  April  18, 
1861;  became  brigadier  and  brevet  major-general;  elected  governor 
of  Connecticut  in  April,  1866;  president  of  the  United  States  Cen- 


tennial  Commission;  was  elected  in  November,  1872,  a  Representative 
in  the  Forty-second  Congress;  re-elected  to  the  Forty-third  and 
Forty-sixth  Congresses;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate;  took 
his  seat  March  4,  1881;  was  re-elected  in  1887,  1893  and  1899. 


E.  Stevens  Henry,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in 
Gill,  Mass.,  in  1836,  removing  when  twelve  years  old  with  his  parents 
to  Rockville,  Conn.;  was  educated  in  the  public  schools;  Representa 
tive  in  the  Lower  House  of  the  Connecticut  General  Assembly  of  1883 ; 
State  Senator  from  the  twenty-third  senatorial  district  in  1887-88; 
treasurer  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  from  1889  to  1893;  in  1894 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 

Nehemiah  Day  Sperry,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born 
in  Woodbridge,  New  Haven  County,  Conn,  July  10,  1827;  received 
his  education  in  the  common  schools;  elected  Secretary  of  State  in 
1855;  re-elected  in  1856;  nominated  for  Congress  in  1894;  was  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Addison  Russell,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
in  Worcester,  Mass.,  March  2,  1852;  graduated  from  Yale  College  in 
the  Class  of  1873 ;  member  of  the  House,  General  Assembly  of  Connec 
ticut,  in  1883;  Secretary  of  State  of  Connecticut,  1885-86;  elected  to 
the  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and 
Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Ebenezer  J.  Hill,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in 
Redding,  Conn.,  August  4,  1845 ;  entered  Yale  with  the  Class  of  1865, 
where  he  remained  two  years;  member  of  the  Connecticut  Senate  for 
1886-87;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Richard  Rolland  Kenney,  Democrat,  of  Dover,  was  born  in  Sus 
sex  County,  Del.,  September  9,  1856;  graduated  from  Laurel  Acad- 


emy,  Delaware,  June,  1874;  admitted  to  the  bar  October  19,  1881; 
was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  January  19,  1897. 


Walter  Oakley  Hoffecker,  Republican,  was  born  September  20, 
1854;  entered  Lehigh  University,  at  Bethlehem,  Pa.;  studied  civil 
engineering;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Stephen  Russell  Mallory,  Democrat,  of  Pensacola,  was  born 
November  2,  1848;  entered  Georgetown  College,  District  of 
Columbia,  November,  1865,  and  graduated  in  June,  1869; 
admitted  to  bar  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  Louisiana  at  New  Orleans 
in  1873;  removed  to  Pensacola,  Fla.,  in  1874;  elected  to  the  Lower 
House  of  the  Legislature  in  1876 ;  elected  to  the  Senate  of  Florida  in 
1880,  and  re-elected  in  1884;  elected  to  the  Fifty-second  and  Fifty- 
third  Congresses  from  the  first  district  of  Florida,  and  was  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  Legislature  of  Florida  for  the 
term  beginning  March  4,  1897. 

James  Piper  Taliaferro,  Democrat,  of  Jacksonville,  was  born  at 
Orange  Court  House,  Va.,  September  30,  1847;  educated  in  Vir 
ginia  ;  removed  later  to  Jacksonville,  Fla. ;  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  April  19,  1899,  to  succeed  Hon.  Samuel  Pasco. 


Stephen  M.  Sparkman,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born 
July  29,  1849,  in  Hernando  County,  Fla.;  educated  in  the  common 
schools  of  Florida;  admitted  to  bar  in  October,  1872;  state  attorney 
for  the  sixth  judicial  circuit  for  nine  years,  from  1878  to  1887;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Robert  Wyche  Davis,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born 
in  Lee  County,  Ga.,  March  15,  1849 ;  educated  in  the  common  schools 
of  his  native  State;  read  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar;  removed 
to  Florida  in  1879;  elected  to  the  Legislature  from  Clay  County  of 


the  latter  State  in  1884;  made  general  attorney  for  the  Florida 
Southern  Eailroad  Company  in  1885;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress;  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Augustus  Octavius  Bacon,  Democrat,  of  Macon,  was  born  in  Bryan 
County,  Ga.,  October  20,  1839;  received  education  at  University  of 
Georgia,  in  the  literary  and  classical  department  in  1859,  and  in  the 
law  department  in  1860;  began  practice  in  1866  at  Macon;  in  1871 
was  elected  to  the  Georgia  House  of  Eepresentatives,  of  which  body  he 
served  as  a  member  for  fourteen  years;  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  in  November,  1894,  for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1895. 

Alexander  Stephens  Clay,  Democrat,  of  Marietta,  Cobb  County, 
Ga.,  was  born  September  25,  1853 ;  graduated  from  Hiawassee  College 
in  1875;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  September,  1877;  elected  a  member 
of  the  City  Council  in  1880  and  re-elected  in  1881;  in  1884-85  and 
1886-87  represented  Cobb  County  in  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
State;  re-elected  for  1889-90;  in  1892  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate, 
and  served  as  president  of  that  body  for  two  years;  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  to  succeed  John  B.  Gordon,  in  October,  1896. 


Rufus  E.  Lester,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  Burke 
County,  Ga.,  December  12,  1837;  graduated  at  Mercer  University, 
Georgia,  1857;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Savannah  and  commenced  the 
practice  of  law  in  1859;  State  Senator  from  the  first  senatorial  dis 
trict  of  Georgia,  1870-1879 ;  mayor  of  Savannah  from  January,  1883, 
to  January,  1889 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

James  M.  Griggs,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  at 
Lagrange,  Ga.,  on  March  29,  1861 ;  educated  at  the  Peabody  Normal 
College,  at  Nashville,  Tenn. ;  studied  law;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1883 ; 
removed  to  Dawson  in  1885 ;  elected  solicitor-general  (prosecuting  at 
torney)  of  the  Pataula  judicial  circuit  in  1888 ;  re-elected  in  1892 ;  ap- 


pointed  judge  of  the  same  circuit,  and  twice  re-elected  without  opposi 
tion;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Elijah  Banks  Lewis,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Dooly  County,  Ga.,  March  27,  1854;  educated  in  the  common  schools 
of  Dooly  and  Macon  counties;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  for  the 
years  1894-95;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  to  succeed  Hon. 
Charles  F.  Crisp,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Charles  Adamson,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was 
born  at  Bowdon,  Ga.,  August  13,  1854;  took  the  collegiate  course  at 
Bowdon  College,  graduating  in  1874;  read  law;  admitted  to  the  bar 
October,  1876;  judge  of  the  city  court  of  Carrollton  from  1885  to 
1889;  attorney  for  the  city  of  Carrollton  for  a  number  of  years; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress;  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 

Leonidas  Felix  Livingston,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was 
born  in  Newton  County,  Ga.,  April  3,  1832;  educated  in  the  common 
schools  of  the  county;  was  for  two  terms  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  one  term  a  member  of  the  State  Senate;  was 
elected  to  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Lafayette  Bartlett,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was 
born  at  Monticello,  Jasper  County,  Ga.,  on  January  31,  1853;  edu 
cated  in  the  schools  of  Monticello  and  the  University  of  Georgia ;  stud 
ied  law  at  the  University  of  Virginia  and  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Au 
gust,  1872 ;  appointed  solicitor-general  (prosecuting  attorney)  for  the 
Macon  judicial  court  January  31,  1877 ;  elected  to  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  Georgia  in  1882  and  1883,  and  again  in  1884  and  1885, 
and  to  the  State  Senate  in  1889 ;  elected  judge  of  the  Superior  Court 
of  the  Macon  circuit  January  1,  1893 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and 
Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  W.  Maddox,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  on 
June  3,  1848,  in  Chattooga  County,  Ga.;  received  a  common  school 
education;  admitted  to  the  bar,  September  term,  1877;  elected  to  the 
State  Legislature,  October,  1880,  re-elected  in  1882 ;  elected  to  repre- 


sent  the  forty-second  senatorial  district  in  1884;  elected  judge  of  the 
Superior  Court,  Rome  circuit,  in  November,  1886,  and  re-elected  in 
November,  1890;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Marcellus  Howard,  Democrat,  of  Eighth  District,  Lex 
ington,  was  born  at  Berwick  City,  La.,  of  Georgia  parents,  December 
6,  1857;  graduated  from  the  University  of  Georgia;  began  practice  of 
law  February.  1880;  elected  solicitor-general  of  the  northern  circuit 
of  Georgia,  1884;  re-elected  in  1888  and  in  1892;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Farish  Carter  Tate,  Democrat,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  at 
Jasper,  Pickens  County,  Ga.,  November  20,  1856;  educated  in  the 
North  Georgia  Agricultural  College;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1880; 
member  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Georgia  six  years;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Henry  Fleming,  Democrat,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born 
at  Augusta,  Richmond  County,  Ga.,  on  October  18,  1856 ;  educated  at 
the  State  University  at  Athens,  Ga. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  November, 
1880;  elected  to  the  State  Legislature,  1888,  1890  and  1892;  again 
elected  in  1894;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  by  a  majority  of 
2,914  votes,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Gordon  Brantley,  Democrat,  of  Eleventh  District,  was 
born  at  Blackshear,  Pierce  County,  Ga.,  on  September  18,  1860 ;  edu 
cated  in  common  schools,  with  two  years  at  University  of  Georgia; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  October,  1881;  represented  Pierce  County  in 
Georgia  House  of  Representatives  in  1884-85 ;  represented  third  sena 
torial  district  in  Georgia  Senate  in  1886-87;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


George  Laird  Shoup,  Republican,  of  Boise,  was  born  at  Kittan- 
ning,  Armstrong  County,  Pa.,  June  15,  1836;  educated  in  the  public 
schools  of  Freeport  and  Slate  Lick;  was  appointed  governor  of  Idaho 
Territory  in  March,  1889,  which  position  he  held  until  elected  gov- 


ernor  of  the  State  of  Idaho,  October  1,  1890;  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  December  18,  1890,  and  took  his  seat  December  29, 
1890:  was  re-elected  in  1895. 

Henry  Heitfeld,  Populist,  of  Lewiston,  was  born  in  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  January  12,  1859 ;  received  his  early  education  in  the  schools  of 
that  city;  located  in  Idaho  in  1883;  elected  State  Senator  in  1894  and 
re-elected  in  1896;  elected  United  States  Senator,  January  28,  1897. 


Edgar  Wilson,  Silver  Eepublican,  of  Boise  City,  was  born  in 
Armstrong  County,  Pa.,  February  25,  1861;  graduated  in  the  law 
department  of  Michigan  University  in  the  Class  of  1884;  went  to 
Idaho  the  same  year  and  located  at  Boise  City;  elected  city  attorney 
of  Boise  City  in  1887,  and  district  attorney  in  1888;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Shelby  M.  Cullom,  Eepublican,  of  Springfield,  was  born  in  Wayne 
County,  Ky.,  November  22,  1829;  went  to  Springfield,  111.,  in  the  fall 
of  1853  to  study  law;  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives,  1856,  1860,  1872  and  1874;  elected  a  Eepresentative  from  Illi 
nois  in  the  Thirty-ninth,  Fortieth  and  Forty-first  Congresses;  elected 
governor  of  Illinois  in  1876  and  succeeded  himself  in  1880;  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate;  took  his  seat  December  4,  1883;  was 
re-elected  in  1888  and  again  in  1894. 

William  E.  Mason,  Eepublican,  of  Chicago,  was  born  in  Franklin- 
ville,  Cattaraugus  County,  N".  Y.,  July  7,  1850;  went  to  Chicago  in 
1873,  and  has  practiced  law  there  ever  since;  elected  to  the  General 
Assembly  in  1879,  to  the  State  Senate  in  1881;  was  elected  to  the 
Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first  Congresses;  elected  to  the  United  States  Sen 
ate,  January  20,  1897. 


James  R.  Mann,  Eepublican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  1856 ; 
graduate  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  and  the  Union  College  of  Law 


in  Chicago;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Lorimer,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Manchester,  England,  April  27,  1861;  came  to  this  country  and  set 
tled  in  Chicago  in  1870;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses;  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  P.  Foster,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Dover,  N.  J.,  April  3,  1860;  came  to  Chicago  when  seven  years  of  age; 
graduated  from  Union  College  of  Law  of  Chicago  in  1882;  admitted 
to  the  bar  the  same  year;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Thomas  Cusack,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in  Ire 
land,  October  5,  1858;  attended  private  and  public  schools  in  Chicago 
and  New  York;  member  of  the  Board  of  Education  of  Chicago  from 
1891  until  1898;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edward  T.  Noonan,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
Macomb,  111.,  October  23,  1861;  studied  law;  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1882;  member  of  the  State  Senate  of  Illinois  from  1890  to  1894;  in 
1898  was  elected  as  a  member  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Henry  Sherman  Boutell,  Eepublican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born 
in  Boston,  Mass.,  March  14,  1856;  graduated  from  Harvard  Univer 
sity  in  1876;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1879;  elected  a  member  of  the 
Illinois  General  Assembly  in  1884;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress; 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  Edmund  Ross,  Eepublican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born 
at  Berkshire,  Franklin  County,  Vt.,  July  2,  1863;  graduated  from 
Harvard  College  in  1885 ;  graduated  from  the  Union  College  of  Law 
of  Chicago  in  1889;  admitted  to  the  bar  the  same  year;  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 

Albert  J.  Hopkins,  Republican,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born  in 
Dekalb  County,  111.,  August  15,  1846;  graduated  at  Hillsdale  (Mich.) 
College  in  June,  1870 ;  studied  law  and  commenced  practice  at  Aurora, 
111. ;  state's  attorney  of  Kane  County  from  1872  to  1876 ;  elected  to 
the  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 


Robert  Roberts  Hitt,  Republican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  at 
Urbana,  Ohio,  January  16,  1834;  removed  to  Ogle  County,  111.,  in 
1837;  educated  at  De  Pauw  University;  Assistant  Secretary  of  State 
in  1881;  elected  to  the  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth, 
Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  W.  Prince,  Eepublican,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born 
March  4,  1854,  in  Tazewell  County,  111.;  graduated  from  Knox  Col 
lege,  Galesburg,  111.,  in  1878;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1880;  elected 
city  attorney  of  Galesburg  in  1881;  elected  a  member  of  the  Lower 
House  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Illinois  in  1888 ;  re-elected  in  1890 ; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Walter  Reeves,  Republican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born  Sep 
tember  25,  1848,  near  Brownsville,  Pa. ;  removed  to  Illinois  in  1856 ; 
became  a  teacher  and  a  lawyer ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joseph  G.  Cannon,  Republican,  of  Twelfth  District,  was  born  at 
Guilford,  N.  C.,  May  7,  1836;  is  a  lawyer;  was  state's  attorney  in 
Illinois,  March,  1861,  to  December,  1868;  elected  to  the  Forty-third, 
Forty-fourth,  Forty-fifth,  Forty-sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth, 
Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Vespasian  Warner,  Republican,  of  Thirteenth  District,  was  born 
at  Mount  Pleasant,  Dewitt  County,  111.,  April  23,  1842;  in  1843 
removed  to  Clinton,  111. ;  attended  Lombard  University,  Galesburg, 
111. ;  served  in  Union  Army  and  on  the  plains ;  on  leaving  the  service 
he  entered  the  law  department  of  Harvard  University,  from  which  he 
graduated  in  1868;  returned  to  Clinton  and  commenced  the  practice 
of  law;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joseph  V.  Graff,  Republican,  of  Fourteenth  District,  was  born  at 
Terre  Haute,  Ind.,  July  1,  1854;  graduated  at  the  Terre  Haute  High 
School;  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1879;  elected  to 
the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Benjamin  F.  Marsh,  Republican,  of  Fifteenth  District,  was  born 
in  Wythe  Township,  in  said  county;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1860;  in 
1876  was  elected  to  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  from  the  then  tenth  dis 
trict,  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-sixth  and  Forty-seventh  Con 
gresses;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Elza  Williams,  Democrat,  of  Sixteenth  District,  was 
born  at  Detroit,  May  5,  1857;  educated  in  Illinois  College;  entered 
the  legal  profession;  elected  to  the  office  of  state's  attorney  1886; 
re-elected  in  1888;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Ben  Franklin  Caldwell,  Democrat,  of  Seventeenth  District,  was 
born  near  Carrollton,  Greene  County,  111.,  August  2,  1848;  member 
of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives  1882-86;  member  of  the 
Illinois  State  Senate  1890-94;  was  renominated  by  the  Democrats 
for  Congress  in  1898  and  defeated  Isaac  R.  Mills,  of  Macon  County, 
by  a  plurality  of  2,240. 

Thomas  M.  Jett,  Democrat,  of  Eighteenth  District,  was  born  on  a 
farm  in  Bond  County,  111.,  May  1,  1862;  attended  college  two  years 
at  the  Northern  Indiana  Normal  School,  Valparaiso,  Ind. ;  read  law ; 
admitted  to  practice  in  May,  1887;  elected  state's  attorney  of  Mont 
gomery  County,  111.,  in  1889 ;  served  two  terms,  covering  a  period  of 
about  eight  years;  elected  to  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joseph  B.  Crowley,  Democrat,  of  Nineteenth  District,  was  born 
July  19,  1858,  in  Coshocton,  Ohio;  removed  with  his  parents 
to  Robinson  in  1872,  and  was  educated  in  the  common  schools; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  May,  1883;  elected  county  judge  of  Crawford 
County  in  November,  1886,  and  re-elected  in  1890;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  Robert  Williams,  Democrat,  of  Twentieth  District,  was 
born  in  White  County,  111.,  December  27,  1850;  graduated  from  the 
State  University  of  Indiana  and  the  Union  College  of  Law,  Chicago ; 
master  in  chancery  from  1880  to  1882;  county  judge  from  1882  to 
1886 ;  a  member  of  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second  and  Fifty-third  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


William  A,  Rodenberg,  Republican,  of  Twenty-first  District,  was 
born  near  Chester,  Randolph  County,  111.,  October  30,  1865;  gradu 
ated  from  Central  Wesleyan  College  in  1884;  attended  the  St.  Louis 
Law  School,  and  admitted  to  the  bar;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 

George  W.  Smith,  Republican,  of  Twenty-second  District,  was 
born  in  Putnam  County,  Ohio,  August  18,  1846;  graduated  from  the 
literary  department  of  McKendree  College,  at  Lebanon,  111.,  in  1868; 
read  law  in  Fairfield,  111.;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second, 
Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  Republican,  of  Indianapolis,  was 
born  on  a  farm  near  LTnionville  Centre,  Union  County,  Ohio,  May  11, 
1 852 ;  educated  in  the  common  schools  of  the  neighborhood  and  at  the 
Ohio  Wesleyan  University;  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Ohio  in  1874;  removed  to  Indianapolis  in  the  same  year;  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  January  20,  1897,  to  succeed  Daniel  W. 
Voorhees,  Democrat,  and  took  his  seat  March  4,  1897. 

Albert  Jeremiah  Beveridge,  Republican,  was  born  on  a  farm  in 
Highland  County,  Ohio,  October  6,  1862;  was  elected  to  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  by  the  sixty-first  General  Assembly  of  the  State 
of  Indiana,  January  17,  1899. 


James  A.  Hemenway,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born 
March  8,  1860,  at  Boonville,  Ind. ;  educated  in  the  common  schools; 
commenced  the  practice  of  law  in  1885;  in  1886  and  again  in  1888 
was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  the  second  judicial  circuit  of 
Indiana ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Robert  W.  Miers,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Decatur  County,  Ind.,  January  27,  1848;  graduate  of  both  the  lit 
erary  and  the  law  departments  of  Indiana  University;  elected  prose- 


cuting  attorney  for  the  tenth  judicial  circuit  of  Indiana  in  1875  and 
re-elected  in  1877;  was  elected  to  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  of  the 
Indiana  Legislature  in  1879;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress; 
re-elected  a  member  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  T.  Zenor,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Harrison  County,  Ind.;  educated  at  the  seminary  of  Professor  James 
G.  May:  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1870,  at  Corydon;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Francis  Marion  Griffith,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
in  Switzerland  County,  Ind.,  August  21,  1849;  educated  at  Franklin 
College;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  May,  1877;  served  as  State  Senator 
from  1886  to  1894;  elected  to  Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 

George  W.  Fans,  Eepublican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
Jasper  County,  Ind.,  June  9,  1854;  in  1872  he  entered  Asbury  Univer 
sity,  and  graduated  with  his  class  in  1877;  read  law;  was  admitted  to 
the  bar;  in  1880  removed  to  Terre  Haute;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
Congress  from  the  eighth  district,  and  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress  from  the  present  fifth  district,  the  State  having  been  reappor- 
tioned  in  1895,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  E.  Watson,  Eepublican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in 
Winchester,  Eandolph  County,  Ind.,  November  2,  1864;  graduated 
from  the  Winchester  High  School  in  1881;  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1886;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress  over  the  veteran  William 
S.  Holman,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Jesse  Overstreet,  Eepublican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  in 
Johnson  County,  Ind.,  December  14,  1859;  received  collegiate  educa 
tion,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1886 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  Washington  Cromer,  Eepublican,  of  Eighth  District,  was 
born  May  13,  1856,  in  Madison  County,  Ind.;  educated  in  the  State 
University  at  Bloomington,  Ind. ;  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  the 
forty-sixth  judicial  circuit  of  Indiana  in  1886;  re-elected  in  1888; 
elected  mayor  of  Muncie  in  1894 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  B.  Landis,  Eepublican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  July 
9,  1858,  in  Millville,  Butler  County,  Ohio;  graduated  from  Wabash 


College,  Ind.,  in  1883 ;  served  for  four  years,  from  1883  to  1887,  as 
editor  of  the  Logansport  (Ind.)  Journal;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edgar  D.  Cmmpacker,  Republican,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born 
May  27,  1851,  in  Laporte  County,  Ind. ;  educated  at  the  Valparaiso 
Academy;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876;  prosecuting  attorney  for  the 
thirty-first  judicial  district  of  Indiana  from  1884  to  1888;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  W.  Steele,  Republican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born  in 
Indiana;  educated  at  the  Ohio  Western  University;  member  of  the 
Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-fourth  and 
Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  M.  Robinson,  Democrat,  of  Twelfth  District,  was  born  in 
1861;  attended  country  school  and  later  the  public  schools  in  Fort 
Wayne;  studied  law;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1882;  in  1886  and 
1888  was  unanimously  nominated  for  prosecuting  attorney  and  elected ; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Abraham  Lincoln  Brick,  Republican,  of  Thirteenth  District, 
was  born  in  St.  Joseph  County,  Ind.,  May  27,  1860;  attended  Cor 
nell,  Yale  and  Michigan  universities;  after  being  graduated  from 
the  law  department  of  the  Michigan  University  in  1883,  immediately 
took  up  the  practice  of  the  law  in  South  Bend;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


Jonathan  Prentiss  Dolliver,  Republican,  of  Fort  Dodge,  was  born 
near  Kingwood,  Preston  County,  Va.,  February  6,  1858;  graduated 
in  1875  from  the  West  Virginia  University;  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1878;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first  Congress  as  a  representative  from 
the  tenth  congressional  district  of  Iowa;  member  of  the  House  also 
in  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth,  Fifty-fifth,  and  Fifty- 
sixth  Congresses;  July  22,  1900,  was  appointed  Senator  to  fill  the  un- 
expired  term  of  Hon.  J.  H.  Geai,  deceased,  and  took  his  seat  in  the 
United  States  Senate  December  3,  1900. 


William  Boyd  Allison,  Eepublican,  of  Dubuque,  was  born  at  Perrf 
Ohio,  March  2,  1829,  educated  at  the  Western  Eeserve  College,  Ohio ; 
studied  law  and  practiced  in  Ohio  until  he  removed  to  Iowa  in  1857; 
elected  a  Kepresentative  in  the  Thirty-eighth,  Thirty-ninth,  Fortieth 
and  Forty-first  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
to  succeed  James  Harlan,  Eepublican;  took  his  seat  March  4,  1873, 
and  was  re-elected  in  1878,  1884,  1890  and  1896. 


Thomas  Hedge,  Eepublican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  the  town 
of  Burlington,  Territory  of  Iowa,  June  24,  1844 ;  graduated  from  Yale 
College  in  1867  and  from  Columbia  College  Law  School,  New  York,  in 
1869;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joe  R.  Lane,  Eepublican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  at  Daven 
port,  Iowa,  May  6,  1858;  educated  at  Knox  College,  Galesburg,  111.; 
studied  law  at  the  State  University  of  Iowa;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

David  Bremner  Henderson,  Eepublican,  of  Third  District,  was 
born  at  Old  Deer,  Scotland,  March  14,  1840;  brought  to  Iowa  in 
1849 ;  educated  at  Upper  Iowa  University ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  the 
fall  of  1865;  assistant  United  States  district  attorney  for  the  north 
ern  division  of  the  district  of  Iowa  about  two  years,  resigning  in  1871 ; 
elected  to  the  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty- 
second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re- 
elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Gilbert  N.  Haugen,  Eepublican,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  April 
21,  1859,  in  Eock  County,  Wis. ;  received  a  common-school  education; 
elected  treasurer  of  Worth  County  in  1887 ;  elected  to  the  Iowa  Legis 
lature,  serving  in  the  Twenty-fifth  and  Twenty-sixth  general  assem 
blies;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congrss. 

Robert  G.  Cousins,  Eepublican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
Cedar  County,  Iowa,  in  1859;  graduated  at  Cornell,  Iowa,  in  1881; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1882 ;  in  1886  was  elected  to  the  Iowa  Legisla 
ture;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


John  Fletcher  Lacey,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  at 
New  Martinsville,  Va.,  May  30,  1841;  removed  to  Iowa  in  1855;  re 
ceived  a  common-school  and  academic  education;  served  one  term  in 
city  council;  one  term  as  city  solicitor  of  Oskaloosa;  was  a  member 
of  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses, 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  A.  T.  Hull,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  at 
Sabina,  Clinton  County,  Ohio,  May  1,  1841 ;  removed  with  his  parents 
to  Iowa  in  1849 ;  educated  in  public  schools,  Asbury  (Ind.)  University, 
and  Iowa  Wesleyan  College;  graduated  from  the  Cincinnati  (Ohio) 
Law  School  in  the  spring  of  1862;  elected  Secretary  of  State  in  1878 
and  re-elected  in  1880  and  1882;  elected  lieutenant-governor  in  1885 
and  re-elected  in  1887 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

William  Peters  Hepburn,  Eepublican,  of  Eighth  District,  was 
born  November  4,  1833,  at  Wellsville,  Columbiana  County,  Ohio;  ad 
mitted  to  practice  law  in  1854 ;  served  as  solicitor  of  the  treasury  dur 
ing  the  administration  of  President  Benjamin  Harrison;  elected  to 
the  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Walter  I.  Smith,  Republican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  at 
Council  Bluffs,  July  10,  1862;  received  a  common-school  education; 
was  admitted  to  bar  December,  1882;  elected  judge  of  the  fifteenth 
judicial  district  of  Iowa  in  November,  1890,  and  re-elected  in  1894 
and  in  1898 ;  was  elected,  in  November,  1900,  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 

James  Perry  Conner,  Republican,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born  in 
Delaware  County,  Ind.,  January  27,  1851;  graduated  from  the  law 
department  of  the  State  University  at  Iowa  City,  in  June,  1873;  in 
1880  elected  district  attorney  of  the  thirteenth  judicial  district;  in 
1884  elected  circuit  judge  of  the  thirteenth  judicial  district  of  Iowa; 
in  1886  was  elected  district  judge  of  the  sixteenth  judicial  district  of 
Iowa;  on  September  26,  1900,  was  nominated  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 
gress,  and  elected. 


Lot  Thomas,  Republican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born  on  the 
17th  of  October,  1843,  in  Fayette  County,  Pa. ;  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1870,  entered  the  law  department  of  the  Iowa  State  University  admit 
ted  to  the  bar  while  in  Iowa  City;  1885  went  on  the  bench  of  the  four 
teenth  judicial  district  of  Iowa;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Lucien  Baker,  Republican,  of  Leavenworth,  was  born  in  Ohio  in 
1846,  and  shortly  thereafter  removed  with  his  parents  to  Michigan; 
in  1869  he  removed  to  Kansas  and  settled  in  Leavenworth,  where  he 
has  since  resided,  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law;  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  in  1895. 

William  Alexander  Harris,  Populist,  of  Linwood,  Leavenworth 
County,  was  born  in  Loudoun  County,  Va.,  October  29,  1841 ;  gradu 
ated  at  Columbian  College,  Washington,  D.  C.,  in  1859;  removed  to 
Kansas  in  1865;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third  Congress,  at  large,  as  a 
Populist,  and  endorsed  by  the  Democrats;  was  renoininated  for  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress,  but  was  defeated  at  the  election ;  elected  to  the 
State  Senate  November,  1896,  and  was  elected  in  January,  1897,  to  the 
United  States  Senate  and  took  his  seat  March  4,  1897. 


Willis  J.  Bailey,  Republican,  Representative-at-Large,  was  born 
October  12,  1854,,  in  Carroll  County,  111. ;  educated  in  the  Univer 
sity  of  Illinois;  moved  to  Nemaha  County,  Kans.,  in  1879;  elected  to 
the  Kansas  Legislature  in  1888;  on  November  8,  1898,  was  elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Curtis,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  North 
Topeka,  Shawnee  County,  Kans.,  January  25,,  1860 ;  studied  law,  and 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1881;  elected  county  attorney  of  Shawnee 
County  in  1884  and  re-elected  in  1886;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses  from  the  Fourth  Kansas  Dis 
trict  ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  for  First  District. 

Justin  De  Witt  Bowersock,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was 
born  in  Columbiana  County,  Ohio,  September,  19,  1842;  moved  to 


Lawrence,  Kans.,  in  1877;  twice  elected  mayor  of  Lawrence;  served  in 
the  Kansas  House  of  Representatives  in  1877;  State  Senate  in  1895; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edwin  Reed  Ridgely,  Populist,  of  Third  District,  was  born  May 
9,  1844,  in  Wabash  County,  111. ;  moved  to  Girard  Kans., ;  nominated 
by  the  People's  and  Democratic  parties  and  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  Monroe  Miller,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
at  Three  Springs,  Huntingdon  County,  Pa. ;  educated  at  Dickinson 
Seminary  as  a  lawyer;  elected  county  attorney  of  Morris  County, 
Kans.,  in  1880;  re-elected  in  1884  and  1886;  elected  a  member  of  the 
Kansas  Legislature  in  1894;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  A.  Calderhead,  Republican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
Perry  County,  Ohio,  September  26,  1844;  educated  at  Franklin  Col 
lege,  New  Athens,  Ohio;  in  1872  settled  on  a  homestead  near  Newton, 
Harvey  County,  Kans. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1875 ;  elected  county 
attorney  in  the  fall  of  1888;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress; 
renominated  in  1898,  and  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Augustus  Reeder,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was 
born  August  28,  1849,  in  Cumberland  County,  Pa. ;  engaged  in  the 
banking  business  in  the  city  of  Logan,  Kans. ;  in  1898  was  elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Cheiter  L  Long,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  in 
Perry  County,  Pa.,  October  12,  1860;  removed  to  Paola,  Kans.; 
received  an  academic  education ;  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  March  4,  1885;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1889;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


William  Lindsay,  Democrat,  of  Frankfort,  was  born  in  Rock- 
bridge  County,  Va.,  September  4,  1835;  settled  in  Clinton,  Hickman 
County,  Ky.,  in  November,  1854;  commenced  the  practice  of  law  in 
1858 ;  elected  State  Senator  for  the  Hickman  District  in  August,  1867 ; 
elected  judge  of  the  Kentucky  Court  of  Appeals  in  August,  1870; 
elected  State  Senator  for  the  Frankfort  District  in  August,  1889; 


elected  United  States  Senator  on  February  14,  1893;  re-elected  in  Jan 
uary,  1894,  for  the  full  term  commencing  March  4,  1895. 

William  J.  Deboe,  Eepublican,  of  Marion,  was  born  in  Crittenden 
County,  Ky.,  in  1849;  graduated  from  the  Medical  University  of 
Louisville;  admitted  to  the  bar;  in  1893  was  elected  to  the  State 
Senate;  in  1896  was  a  delegate  from  the  State,  at  large,  to  the  St. 
Louis  convention;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1897. 


Charles  Kennedy  Wheeler,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born 
in  Christian  County,  Ky.,  April  18,  1863;  graduated  from  the  Leb 
anon  Law  School,  of  Lebanon,  Tenn.,  in  the  summer  of  1880 ;  located 
at  Paducah,  Ky.,  in  August,  1880;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress, 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Henry  D.  Allen,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in  Hen 
derson  County,  Ky.,  June  24,  1854  educated  at  Morganfield  Col 
legiate  Institute;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  July,  1878;  elected  county 
attorney,  and  served  in  that  capacity  for  nine  years;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  S.  Rhea,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in  Eussell- 
ville,  Logan  County,  Ky.,  March  9,  1855;  educated  at  Bethel  College, 
Bussellville,  Ky.,  and  Washington  and  Lee  University,  Lexington,  Va. ; 
licensed  to  practice  law  in  the  fall  of  1873 ;  elected  prosecuting  attor 
ney  for  Logan  County  in  1878  and  1882;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

David  Highbaugh  Smith,  Democrat  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
December  19,  1854,  in  Hart  County,  Ky. ;  educated  at  the  colleges  at 
Horse  Cave,  Leitchfield  and  Hartford,  all  in  Kentucky,  has  been  prac 
ticing  law  since  March,  1876;  elected  county  attorney  for  Larue 
County  at  the  August  election,  1878;  in  1881  elected  to  represent 
Larue  County  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives ;  in  the  State  Senate  for 
the  term  of  four  years;  re-elected  at  the  August,  1889,  election  for 
four  years;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Oscar  Turner,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  at  Wood 
lands,  Ballard  County,  Ky.,  October  19,  1867;  attended  the  Louis 
ville  Rugby  School  for  three  or  four  years ;  studied  law  at  the  Univer- 
sity  of  Louisville  and  the  University  of  Virginia ;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Albert  Seaton  Berry,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in 
Campbell  County,  Ky. ;  educated  at  Miami  University,  Oxford,  Ohio ; 
attended  Cincinnati  Law  School ;  served  two  terms  in  the  State  Senate 
and  five  terms  as  mayor  of  Newport ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

June  W.  Gayle,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  at  New 
Liberty,  Owen  County,  Ky.,  February  22,  1865 ;  received  his  early  edu 
cation  at  Concord  College,  New  Liberty,  Ky.,  finishing  his  course  at 
Georgetown  College,  Georgetown,  Ky. ;  in  1892  was  elected  high 
sheriff  of  Owen.  County;  re-elected  in  1894  and  in  1899 ;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress  at  the  special  election,  December  18,  1899. 

George  Gilmore  Gilbert,  Democrat,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born 
in  Spencer  County,  Ky. ;  educated  at  Lyndland  Institute,  in  Kentucky ; 
attended  University  of  Louisville  and  graduated  from  the  law  depart 
ment  in  1873;  elected  county  attorney  of  Spencer  County  in  1876; 
elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1885;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 

Samuel  Johnson  Pugh,  Republican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born 
in  Greenup  County,  Ky.,  January  28,  1850 ;  educated  at  Chandler's 
Select  School,  Rand's  Academy  and  Centre  College,  Danville,  Ky. ;  has 
been  practicing  law  since  1872;  elected  county  judge,  1886-1890; 
State  Senator,  1893-94;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Thomas  Young-  Fitzpatrick,  Democrat,  of  Tenth  District,  was 
born  in  Floyd  County,  Ky.,  September  20,  1850;  educated  in  the  com 
mon  schools;  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1877;  has 
filled  the  positions  of  circuit  and  county  court  clerk,  county  judge, 
county  attorney  and  Representative  in  the  State  Legislature;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Vincent  Boreing,  Bepublican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born 
November  24,  1839,  in  Washington  County,  Tenn. ;  educated  at  Laurel 
Seminary,  London,  Ky.,  and  Tusculum  College,  Greenville,  Tenn.; 
elected  county  judge  in  1886;  department  commander  of  the  Depart 
ment  of  Kentucky,  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic,  in  1889;  elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Donelson  Caffery,  Democrat,  of  Franklin,  St.  Mary  Parish,  was 
born  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  La.,  September  10,  1835 ;  educated  at 
St.  Mary's  College,  Maryland;  studied  law  in  Louisiana  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar ;  elected  to  Senate  in  1892 ;  elected  by  the  Legisla 
ture  in  1894  to  fill  out  the  term  of  Eandall  Lee  Gibson;  and  March  3, 
1895.  to  succeed  himself  for  the  long  term. 

Samuel  Douglas  McEnery,  Democrat,  of  New  Orleans,  was  born 
at  Monroe,  La.,  May,  28,  1837';  educated  at  Spring  Hill  College,  the 
United  States  Naval  Academy  and  the  University  of  Virginia ;  gradu 
ated  from  State  and  National  Law  School,  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. ;  nom 
inated  by  the  Democratic  party  for  governor,  and  elected  in  1884; 
nominated  by  Democratic  caucus  for  Senator  at  the  session  of  the  Leg 
islature  in  1896,  and  elected;  took  his  seat  March  4,  1897. 


Adolph  Meyer,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born  October  19, 
1842;  student  at  the  University  of  Virginia  until  1862;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses, 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Robert  C.  Davey,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in  New 
Orleans  October  22,  1853 ;  entered  St.  Vincent's  College,  Cape  Girar- 
deau,  Mo.,  in  1869,  and  graduated  in  1871 ;  elected  a  member  of  the 
State  Senate  December,  1879,  and  re-elected  April,  1884,  and  again 
elected  in  April,  1892;  elected  judge  of  the  first  recorder's  court 
November,  1880;  re-elected  November,  1882;  re-elected  April,  1884, 
and  served  until  May,  1888;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third  Congress; 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


Robert  F.  Broussard,  Democrat,  of  Third  District, was  born  August 
17,  1864,  near  New  Iberia,  parish  of  Iberia,  La. ;  attended  Georgetown 
University,  West  Washington,  D.  C.,  where  he  remained  until  1882; 
became  the  nominee  of  the  Anti-Lottery  wing  of  the  Democratic  party 
for  the  district  attorneyship ;  elected  at  the  State  election  of  1892; 
1894  renominated  to  the  same  position  by  the  Democratic  party,  and 
re-elected  at  the  election  of  that  year;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Phanor  Breazeale,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in 
Natchitoches  Parish,  La.,  December  29,  1858;  attended  law  lectures 
at  Tulane  University;  received  his  diploma  as  a  lawyer  in  1881 ;  edited 
a  newspaper  in  Natchitoches  for  two  years;  elected  district  attorney 
of  the  tenth  judicial  district  in  1892,  and  was  re-elected  in  1896; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joseph  Eugene  Ransdell,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
in  Alexandria,  La.,  on  October  7,  1858,  of  John  II.  Eansdell  and 
Amanda  Terrell ;  graduated  at  LTnion  College,  Schenectady,  N".  Y.,  in 
June,  1882;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  June,  1883;  elected  district  attor 
ney  of  the  eighth  judicial  district  of  Louisiana  in  April,  1884  elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  in  1897. 

Samuel  Matthews  Robertson,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was 
born  in  the  town  of  Plaquemine,  La.,  January  1,  1852 ;  graduated  from 
the  Louisiana  State  University  in  1874;  completed  a  course  of  law 
study,  and  was  admitted  to  practice  in  1877;  elected  a  member  of  the 
State  Legislature  in  1879  for  a  term  of  four  years;  in  1880  elected  a 
member  of  the  faculty  of  the  Louisiana  State  University  and  Agricul 
tural  and  Mechanical  College;  filled  the  chair  of  natural  history  in 
that  institution  and  the  position  of  commandant  of  cadets  until  he 
was  elected  to  the  Fiftieth  Congress;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty- 
second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
unanimously  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


William  Pierce  Frye,  Eepublican,  was  born  at  Lewiston,  Me., 
September  2,  1831.  His  father  was  Colonel  John  M.  Frye  one  of  the 


early  settlers  and  most  respected  citizens  of  the  town.  His  grandfather 
was  General  Joseph  Frye,  a  general  in  the  American  army  during  the 
Eevolutionary  War.  For  his  military  services  he  received  a  grant  of 
the  town  of  Fryeburg  Me.  William  P.  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College, 
Me.,  in  1860,  and  began  practicing  law  in  1863. 

In  Public  Life, — He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature  in 
1861,  1862  and  1867.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  elected  attorney-gen 
eral  of  the  State,  and  served  for  three  years. 

In  Congress. — In  1871  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  and  in  1872, 
1876  and  1880  he  was  a  member  of  the  National  Republican  Executive 
Committee.  In  the  same  years  he  was  chosen  as  a  delegate  to  the 
National  Repulican  Conventions.  In  1881  he  was  elected  chairman  of 
the  Republican  State  Committee  to  succeed  James  G.  Elaine.  In  1880 
he  was  elected  a  trustee  of  Bowdoin  College,  from  which  he  received  the 
degree  of  LL.  D.,  in  1889. 

In  the  Senate. — From  1871  he  was  elected  continuously  to  Con 
gress  until  1881,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate.  He 
was  re-elected  in  1883,  1888  and  1895.  Was  elected  president  pro 
tempore  of  the  Senate  in  1896,  and  served  as  a  member  of  the  Paris 
peace  treaty  in  1898. 

Acting  Vice-President. — Upon  the  death  of  Vice-president 
Hobart,  in  1899,  Mr.  Frye  assumed  the  duties  of  his  office,  as  presiding 
officer  of  the  Senate.  In  the  House  Mr.  Frye  was  always  an  active 
member  of  leading  committees. 

Committee  Service. — In  the  Senate  he  has  for  years  Deen  chair 
man  of  the  committees  on  Commerce  and  Rules,  and  member  of  that 
on  Foreign  Relations.  He  has  always  taken  a  keen  interest  in  debates 
and  reports,  and  has  never  been  out  of  demand  as  a  campaign  orator, 
having  participated  in  every  national  campaign  for  forty  years  and 
spoken  in  nearly  every  Northern  State. 

Eugene  Hale,  Republican,  of  Ellsworth,  was  born  at  Turner, 
Oxford  County,  Me.,  June  9,  1836;  received  an  academic  education; 
studied  law,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1857 ;  member  of  Legislature 
of  Maine  in  1867,  1868  and  1880;  elected  to  the  Forty-first,  Forty- 
second  and  Forty-third  Congresses ;  re-elected  to  the  Forty-fourth  and 
Forty-fifth  Congresses ;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  to  succeed 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  Republican,  and  took  his  seat  March  4,  1881 ;  was 
re-elected  in  1887,  1893  and  in  1899. 



Amos  L.  Allen,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  Water- 
borough,  York  County,  Me.,  March  17,  1837;  entered  Whitestown 
Seminary,  Whitestown,  N.  Y.,  in  1853,  and  the  Sophomore  Class  of 
Bowdoin  College  in  1857,  graduating  in  1860;  studied  law  at  Alfred, 
and  attended  the  Columbian  Law  School  in  Washington,  D.  C., ;  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  of  York  County  in  1866 ;  member  of  the  Maine 
Legislature  in  1886-87;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  Novem 
ber  6,  1899,  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Hon. 
T.  B.  Reed. 

Charles  E.  Littlefield,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born 
June  21,  1851,  in  Lebanon,  York  County,  Me. ;  received  a  common- 
school  education  and  studied  law;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876; 
was  a  member  of  the  Maine  Legislature  in  1885,  and  Speaker  of  the 
House  in  1887;  attorney-general  of  the  State  from  1889  to  1893; 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  June  19,  1899. 

Edwin  C.  Burleigh,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born  at 
Linneus,  Aroostook  County,  Me.,  November  27,  1843;  received  a 
common-school  and  academic  education;  state  treasurer  1885  to  1888; 
governor  of  Maine  1889  to  1892,  inclusive;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Addison  Boutelle,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was 
born  at  Damariscotta,  Lincoln  County,  Me.,  February  9,  1839;  edu 
cated  in  the  public  schools  at  Brunswick  and  at  Yarmouth  Academy; 
elected  Representative-at-Large  to  the  Forty-eighth  Congress;  elected 
as  Representative  from  the  Fourth  District  to  the  Forty-ninth,  Fif 
tieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress;  died  1.901. 


George  L.  Wellington,  Republican,  of  Cumberland,  was  born  of 
German  parentage  at  Cumberland,  Allegany  County,  Md.,  January  28, 
1852 ;  attended  a  German  school  for  a  brief  period,  otherwise  self- 
educated  ;  was  appointed  by  President  Harrison  assistant  treasurer  of 
the  United  States  at  Baltimore  in  July,  1890;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 


fourth  Congress ;  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  and  took  his 
seat  March  4,  1897. 

Louis  Emory  McComas,  Republican,  of  Williamsport,  was  born  in 
Washington  County,  Md. ;  educated  at  St.  James  College,  Maryland, 
and  at  Dickinson  College,  Pennsylvania ;  studied  law,  and  was  admit 
ted  to  the  bar  at  Hagerstown,  Md.,  in  1868 ;  elected  to  the  Forty-eighth, 
Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first  Congresses;  appointed  by  Presi 
dent  Harrison  an  associate  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  which  office  he  held  until  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate 
to  succeed  Arthur  P.  Gorman,  Democrat,  and  took  his  seat  March  4, 


Josiah  Leeds  Kerr,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  the 
town  of  Vienna,  Md.,  January  10,  1861 ;  received  his  education  at  the 
public  schools  of  Vienna  and  at  Vienna  Academy;  nominated  for 
the  unexpired  term  of  John  Walter  Smith  in  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress 
and  elected. 

William  B.  Baker,  Kepublican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  near 
Aberdeen,  Md.,  July  22,  1840 ;  educated  at  public  and  private  schools ; 
elected  to  the  House  of  Delegates  as  a  Republican  in  1881  and  to  the 
State  Senate  in  1893;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Frank  C.  Wachter,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Baltimore,  September  16,  1861  educated  at  private  schools  nomi 
nated  in  1898  as  Representative  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  to  which 
he  was  elected. 

James  W.  Denny,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in  the 
valley  of  Virginia,  and  is  fifty-eight  years  old;  was  three  vears  at  the 
University  of  Virginia;  member  of  the  House  of  Delegates  of  Mary 
land  in  1888;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Sydney  Emanuel  Mudd,  Republican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
February  12,  1858,  in  Charles  County,  Md. ;  educated  at  Georgetown 
(D.  C.)  College  and  St.  John's  College,  Annapolis,  Md. ;  attended  the 
law  department  of  the  University  of  Virginia ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar 


in  1880;  was  elected  to  the  State  House  of  Delegates  in  1879  and 
re-elected  in  1881 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first  and  defeated  for  the  Fifty- 
second  Congress ;  elected  to  the  State  House  of  Delegates  in  1895 ; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

George  Alexander  Pearre,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was 
born  in  Cumberland  July  16,  1860;  educated  at  Princeton  College 
and  the  University  of  West  Virginia ;  admitted  to  the  bar  upon  exami 
nation  in  the  Superior  Court  in  Baltimore  City;  elected  to  the  State 
Senate  of  Maryland  and  served  in  the  sessions  of  1890  and  1892 ;  1895 
was  nominated  prosecuting  attorney  by  the  Republican  party  and 
elected;  elected  to  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


George  Frisbie  Hoar,  Republican,  of  Worcester,  was  born  at  Con 
cord,  Mass.,  August  29,  1826;  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1846; 
studied  law  and  graduated  at  the  Dane  Law  School,  Harvard  Univer 
sity;  a  member  of  the  State  House  of  Representatives  in  1852,  and  of 
the  State  Senate  in  1857;  elected  Representative  to  the  Forty-first, 
Forty-second,  Forty-third  and  Forty-fourth  Congresses;  elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate,  to  succeed  George  S.  Boutwell ;  took  his  seat 
March  5,  1877,  and  was  re-elected  in  1883,  1889  and  1895. 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Republican,  of  Nahant,  was  born  in  Boston, 
Mass.,  May  12,  1850;  graduated"  from  Harvard  College  1871;  studied 
law  at  Harvard  Law  School  and  graduated  in  1875,  receiving  the 
degree  of  LL.  B. ;  was  admitted  to  the  Suffolk  bar  in  1876 ;  author  of 
many  standard  works:  served  two  terms  as  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature;  elected  to  the 
Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second  and  Fifty-third  Congresses;  elected 
to  the  Senate  January  17,  1893;  re-elected  in  1899. 


George  Pelton  Lawrence,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born 
in  Adams,  Mass.,  May  19,  1859;  graduated  at  Drury  Academy,  1876, 
and  at  Amherst  College  1880;  studied  law  at  Columbia  Law  School; 


was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1883;  appointed  judge  of  the  district  court 
of  northern  Berkshire  in  1885;  in  1894  elected  to  the  Massachusetts 
Senate;  was  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Senate  in  1895,  1896  and 
1897;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Frederick  Huntingdon  Gillett,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was 
born  at  Westfield,  Mass.,  October  16,  1851;  graduated  at  Amherst 
College  in  1874,  and  at  Harvard  Law  School  in  1877;  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  Springfield  in  1877 ;  assistant  attorney-general  of  Massa 
chusetts  from  1879  to  1882;  was  elected  to  the  Massachusetts  House 
of  Representatives  in  1890  and  1891;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third",  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

John  R,  Thayer,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in  Doug 
las,  Mass.,  March  9,  1845 ;  entered  Yale  College  in  1865,  and  graduated 
in  the  Class  of  1869;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1871;  was  elected  to  the 
Massachusetts  Senate  for  two  terms,  in  1890  and  1891;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  Warren  Weymouth,  Eepublican,  of  Fourth  District,  was 
born  August  25,  1850,  at  West  Amesbury;  educated  in  the  public 
schools,  graduating  from  the  high  school  of  that  place ;  one  year  in  the 
State  Legislature  of  1896;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Shadrach  Knox,  Eepublican,  of  Fifth  District,  was 
born  in  Killingly,  Conn.,  September  10,  1843 ;  graduated  at  Amherst 
College  in  Class  of  1865;  admitted  to  Essex  bar  in  November,  1866; 
Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  in  1874-75;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

William  Henry  Moody,  Republican  of  Sixth  District,  was  born 
in  Newbury,  Mass.,  December  23,  1853;  was  graduated  at  Phillips 
Academy,  Andover,  Mass.,  in  1872,  and  from  Harvard  University  in 
1876 ;  is  a  lawyer  by  profession ;  district  attorney  for  the  eastern  district 
of  Massachusetts  from  1890  to  1895;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Ernest  W.  Roberts,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born 
in  East  Madison,  Me.,  November  22,  1858 ;  graduated  at  Boston  Uni 
versity  Law  School,  and1  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1881;  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  of  1894,  1895  and 
1896;  elected  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Senate  of  1897  and  1898; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Samuel  Walker  McCall,  Republican,  of  Eighth  District,  was 
born  in  East  Providence,  Pa.,  February  28,  1851 ;  graduated  at  Dart 
mouth  College  in  1874;  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  since  1876  has  prac 
ticed  law  in  Boston ;  was  elected'  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  House 
of  Representatives  of  1888,  1889  and  1892;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

John  Francis  Fitzgerald,  Democrat,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born 
in  Boston  February  11,  1865;  he  received  his  education  in  the  Eliot 
Grammar  and  the  Boston  Latin  schools  and  Boston  College;  elected 
a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  State  Senate  in  1893  and  1894;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Henry  Francis  Naphen,  Democrat,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born 
in  Ireland  August  14,  1847;  came  to  Massachusetts  when  a  child;  edu 
cated  in  the  public  schools  and  under  private  tutors;  admitted  to  the 
Suffolk  bar  in  1880;  State  Senator  for  the  years  1885  and  1886  from 
the  fifth  Suffolk  district;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Franklin  Sprague,  Republican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was 
born  in  Boston,  Mass.,  June  10,  1857;  graduated  from  Harvard  Uni 
versity  in  1879;  subsequently  studied  law  at  the  Harvard  Law  School 
and  Boston  University;  in  1891  and  1892  was  in  the  Massachusetts 
House  of  Representatives;  in  1895  and  1896  was  a  member  of  the 
Massachusetts  Senate ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  C.  Lovering,  Republican,  of  Twelfth  District,  was  born 
about  sixty  years  ago  in  Rhode  Island;  was  educated  in  Cambridge. 
Mass.;  was  State  Senator  for  two  }rears,  1874-75;  nominated  by 
.acclamation  in  the  congressional  convention  of  the  twelfth  district 


September   22,   1896,   and   elected  to   the   Fifty-fifth   Congress,   and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Stedman  Greene,  Republican,  of  Thirteenth  District, 
was  born  in  Tremont,  Tazewell  County,  111.,  April  28,  1841 ;  removed 
to  Fall  River  in  1844;  educated  in  the  public  schools  of  that  cit}:; 
appointed  postmaster  by  President  McKinley,  and  entered  upon  his 
duties  April  1,  1898;  resigned  this  position  and  was  elected  to  Con 
gress  May  31,  1898,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of  the  late  John  Simp- 
kins  for  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 


James  McMillan,  Republican,  of  Detroit,  was  born  in  Hamilton, 
Ontario,  May  12,  1838;  removed  to  Detroit  in  1855;  in  1879  succeeded 
Zachariah  Chandler  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Central  Com 
mittee,  and  was  chairman  in  1886,  1890,  1892  and  1894;  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  to  succeed!  Thomas  Witherell  Palmer,  and  took 
his  seat  March  4,  1889.  In  1895  he  received  every  vote  in  the  joint 
legislative  convention  for  re-election. 

Julius  C.  Burrows,  Republican,  of  Kalamazoo,  was  born  at  North 
east,  Erie  County,  Pa.,  January  9,  1837;  received  a  common-school 
and  academic  education;  by  profession  a  lawyer;  elected  to  the  Forty- 
third,  Forty-sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first 
Congresses;  twice  elected  speaker  pro  tempore  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  during  the  Fifty-first  Congress;  elected  to  the  Fifty-second 
and  Fifty-third  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Con 
gress;  resigned  his  seat  in  the  House  January  23,  1895,  to  assume  the 
office  of  United  States  Senator  from  Michigan,  to  which  he  had  been 
elected  by  the  Legislature  to  fill  out  the  unexpired  term  of  Francis 
B.  Stockbridge,  deceased',  and  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  the  same  day; 
was  re-elected  in  1899  for  the  full  term  of  six  years,  receiving  every 
vote  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  Legislature. 


John  B.  Corliss,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  at  Rich- 
ford  Vt.  •  educated  at  the  Vermont  Methodist  University;  studied 


law  at  the  Columbian  Law  Silioul,  "Washington,  D.  C.,  and  graduated 
from  that  institution  in  1875;  in  September  of  the  same  year  he 
settled  in  Detroit  and  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law;  was  elected  city 
attorney  of  Detroit  in  1881  and  re-elected  in  1883;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses.,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Henry  Cassorte  Smith,  Eepublican,  of  Second  District,  was  born 
in  Canandaigua,  N.  Y.,  June  2,  1859;  entered  Adrian  College;  gradu 
ated  in  June,  1878;  read  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  September 
25,  1880;  appointed  city  attorney  October  2,  1880,  and  assistant  prose 
cuting  attorney  January  1,  1881;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Washington  Gardner,  Eepublican,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
in  Morrow  Count)1,  Ohio;  graduated  from  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  Univer 
sity  1870;  studied  in  the  School  of  Theology,  Boston  University, 
1870-71;  graduated  from  the  Albany  Law  School;  professor  in  and 
public  lecturer  for  Albion  College,  1889 ;  appointed  by  Governor  John 
T.  Rich,  Secretary  of  State,  in  March,  1894,  and  was  subsequently 
twice  elected  to  succeed  himself;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edward  La  Rue  Hamilton,  Eepublican,  of  Fourth  District,  was 
born  in  Xiles  Township,  Berrien  County,  Mich.,  December  9,  1857; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1884;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Alden  Smith,  Eepublican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
at  Dowagiac,  Mich.,  May  12,  1859;  received  a  common-school  educa 
tion;  studied  law,  and  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1883;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Samuel  W.  Smith,  Eepublican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in  the 
township  of  Independence,  Oakland  County,  Mich.,  August  23,  1852; 
educated  at  Clarkston  and  Detroit ;  graduated  in  the  law  department  of 
the  University  of  Michigan;  in  1880  was  elected  prosecuting  attorney 
of  Oakland  County,  and  re-elected  in  1882 ;  in  1884  elected  State  Sena 
tor;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and'  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 


Edgar  Weeks,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  at  Mount 
Clemens,  Mich.,  August  3,  1839;  learned  printer's  art;  studied  law, 
and  admitted  to  bar  January,  1861;  served"  on  Union  side  during  Civil 
War,  and  retired  with  rank  of  captain ;  resumed  practice  of  law ;  twice 
elected  as  district  attorney ;  elected  to  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joseph  W.  Fordney,  Republican,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born 
in  Blackford  County,  Ind.,  November  5,  1853;  received  a  common- 
school  education;  came  to  Saginaw  in  June,  1869;  was  vice-president 
of  the  Saginaw  Board  of  Trade;  elected  alderman  in  1895,  and  re-elec 
ted  in  1897;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Roswell  P.  Bishop,  Republican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  at 
Sidney,  Delaware  County,  N.  Y.,  January  6,  1843 ;  admitted  to  the  bar 
in  May,  1875,  at  Ann  Arbor;  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  Mason 
County,  1876,  1878  and  1884;  elected  to  the  Michigan  Legislature 
1882  and  1892;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses, 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Rousseau  0.  Crump,  Republican,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born  in 
Pittsford,  Monroe  County,  N.  Y.,  May  20,  1843 ;  and  received  his  edu 
cation  in  the  Pittsford  and  Rochester  schools ;  established  his  first  home 
in  Plain-well,  Mich.;  in  1892  was  nominated  and  elected  mayor  of 
West  Bay  City,  and  was  re-elected  in  1894;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

William  S.  Mesick,  Republican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born 
August  26,  1856,  at  Newark,  Wayne  County,  N.  Y. ;  educated  in  the 
common  schools,  Kalamazoo  (Mich.)  Business  College,  and  the  Uni 
versity  of  Michigan;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1881;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Carlos  Douglas  Shelden,  Republican,  of  Twelfth  District,  was 
born  in  Walworth,  Walworth  County,  Wis.,  June  10,  1840;  seven 
years  later  he  moved  with  his  parents  to  Houghton  County,  Lake 
Superior  district,  Michigan;  educated  in  the  Union  School,  Ypsilanti, 
Mich.;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1894;  elected!  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 



Knute  Nelson,  Republican,  of  Alexandria,  was  born  in  Norway 
February  2,  1843;  came  to  the  United  States  in  July,  1849;  removed 
to  Minnesota  in  July,  1871;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  the  spring  of  1867; 
member  of  the  Assembly  in  the  Wisconsin  Legislature  in  1868  and 
1869;  was  county  attorney  of  Douglas  County,  Minn.,  in  1872,  1873 
and  1874;  was  State  Senator  in  1875,  1876,  1877  and  1878;  member  of 
the  Forty-eighth,  Fort}r-ninth  and1  Fiftieth  Congresses  for  the  fifth  dis 
trict  of  Minnesota ;  elected  governor  of  Minnesota  in  the  fall  of  1892, 
and  re-elected  in  the  fall  of  1894;  elected  United  States  Senator  for 
Minnesota  January  23,  1895,  for  the  term  commencing  March  4,  1895. 

Charles  A.  Towne,  Democrat,  of  Duluth,  was  born  Xovember 
21,  1858,  in  Oakland  County,  Mich.;  educated  in  common  schools  and 
the  University  of  Michigan;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1886;  removed  to 
Duluth  in  1890;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress  as  a  Republican; 
left  the  Republican  party  upon  the  adoption  of  the  gold  standard  pro 
gramme  by  the  St.  Louis  convention,  in  June,  1896;  was  appointed 
by  Governor  Lind  to  the  United  States  Senate  December  5,  1900. 


James  A.  Tawney,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in 
Mount  Pleasant  Township,  near  Gettysburg,  Adams  County,  Pa., 
January  3,  1855;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  of  Minnesota  in  1890; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  Thompson  McCleary,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was 
born  at  Ingersoll,  Ontario,  February  5.  1853;  educated  at  the  high 
school  there,  and  at  McGill  University,  Montreal;  in  1891  was  chosen 
president  of  the  Minnesota  Educational  Association;  was  elected  to 
the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joel  Prescott  Heatwole,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
in  Indiana,  August  22,  1856;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congresses. 


Frederick  Clement  Stevens,  Republican,  of  Fourth  District,  was 
born  in  Boston,  Mass.,  January  1,  1861;  graduated  from  Bowdoin 
College,  Brunswick,  Me.,  in  1881;  from  Law  School  of  the  State  Uni 
versity  of  Iowa  in  1884;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1884,  and  com 
menced  practice  in  St.  Paul;  was  elected  to  the  State  Legislature  of 
Minnesota  in  session  of  1888-89  and  1890-91 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Loren  Fletcher,  Republican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  at  Mount 
Vernon,  Kennebec  County,  Me. ;  educated  in  public  schools  and  Maine 
Wesleyan  Seminary,  Kents  Hill,  Me.;  in  1856  removed  to  Minneapolis, 
Minn.;  elected  to  the  State  Legislature  in  1872,  and  re-elected  seven 
times;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Page  Morris,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  June  30, 
1853,  at  Lynchburg,  Va. ;  educated  at  a  private  school  and  at  William 
and  Mary  College  and  the  Virginia  Military  Institute;  in  1886 
removed  from  Lynchburg  to  Duluth;  in  February,  1889,  elected 
municipal  judge;  in  March,  1894,  elected  city  attorney;  in  August, 
1895,  appointed  district  judge  of  the  eleventh  judicial  district  of 
Minnesota;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Frank  Marion  Eddy,  Republican,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born 
in  Pleasant  Grove,  Minn.,  April  1,  1856;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Will  Van  Amberg  Sullivan,  Democrat,  of  Oxford,  was  born 
December  18,  1857,  near  Winona,  Miss. ;  received  his  education  at  the 
University  of  Mississippi  and  at  the  Vanderbilt  University,  Nashville, 
Tenn. ;  began  the  practice  of  law  in  the  fall  of  1875;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress;  was  appointed  and  sworn  in  as  United  States 
Senator  from  the  State  of  Mississippi  on  May  30,  1898,  as  successor  of 
Senator  E.  C.  Walthall,  deceased ;  elected  by  the  Legislature,  January, 
1900,  to  fill  out  the  term. 



Hernando  De  Soto  Money,  Democrat,  of  Carrollton,  was  born 
August  26,  1839,  in  Holmes  County,  Miss. ;  was  educated  at  the  Uni 
versity  of  Mississippi,  at  Oxford,  Miss.;  is  a  lawyer  and  planter; 
elected  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  the  Forty-fourth,  Forty- 
fifth,  Forty-sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Fifty-third  and  Fifty- 
fourth  Congresses;  in  January,  1896,  was  elected  to  the  Senate  for 
the  term  beginning  March  4,  1899;  was  appointed  to  the  Senate, 
October  8,  1897,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Hon.  J.  Z. 
George  on  August  14,  1897;  elected  by  the  Legislature  to  fill  out  the 
unexpired  term  ending  March  3,  1899,  and  re-elected  in  1899. 


John  M.  Allen,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born  in  Tisho- 
mingo  County,  Miss.,  July  8,  1847;  graduated  in  law  in  the  year  1870 
at  the  University  of  Mississippi;  in  1875  was  elected  district  attorney 
for  the  first  judicial  district  of  Mississippi;  elected  to  the  Forty-ninth, 
Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  unanimously  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 

Thomas  Spight,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  and 
reared  on  a  farm  in  Tippah  County,  Miss.;  entered  the  La  Grange 
(Tenn.)  Synodical  College;  admitted  to  the  bar  and  has  practiced  his 
profession  since  at  Ripley;  in  Legislature  from  1874  to  1880;  elected 
district  attorney  of  the  third  judicial  district;  elected  for  the  unex 
pired  term  of  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  July  5,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Thomas  Clendinen  Catchings,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was 
born  in  Hinds  County,  Miss.,  January  11,  1847;  entered  Oakland 
College,  Mississippi,  where  he  passed  into  the  Junior  Class ;  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  May,  1866;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  of  Mississippi 
in  1875;  elected  attorney-general  of  Mississippi  in  November,  1877; 
renominated  in  August,  1881,  and  elected;  elected  to  the  Forty-ninth, 
Fiftieth,  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Andrew  Fuller  Fox,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  April 
26,  1849,  in  Pickens  County,  Ala.;  studied  law  at  Grenada,  Miss.,  in 


1876  and  1877;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1877;  elected  State  Senator  in 
1891;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

John  Sharp  Williams,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  July 
30,  1854,  at  Memphis,  Tenn. ;  received  education  at  Kentucky  Mili 
tary  Institute,  University  of  the  South,  University  of  Virginia,  and 
University  of  Heidelberg,  in  Baden,  Germany;  subsequently  studied 
law;  in  December,  1878,  removed  to  Yazoo  City,  Miss.,  where  he 
engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third, 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Frank  Alexander  McLain,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born 
January  29,  1853,  and  reared  on  a  farm  in  Amite  County,  Miss.; 
graduated  in  the  A.  B.  course  at  the  University  of  Mississippi  in  June, 
1874;  commenced  the  practice  of  law  in  Liberty,  Miss.,  1880;  elected  to 
the  State  Legislature  in  1881 ;  elected  district  attorney  in  1883 ;  unani 
mously  nominated  by  the  executive  committee;  elected  to  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Patrick  Henry,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  in  Madi 
son  County,  Miss.,  February  12,  1843;  entered  Mississippi  College, 
at  Clinton;  afterwards  Madison  College,  at  Sharon;  commenced  the 
practice  of  law  at  Brandon;  member  of  the  Legislature  in  1878  and 
1890;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


George  Graham  Vest,  Democrat,  of  Sweet  Springs,  was  born  at 
Frankfort,  Ky.,  December  6,  1830 ;  graduated  at  Centre  College,  Ken 
tucky,  in  1848,  and  in  the  law  department  of  Transylvania  University, 
at  Lexington,  Ky.,  in  1853 ;  removed  the  same  year  to  Missouri ;  mem 
ber  of  the  Missouri  House  of  Representatives  in  1860-61 ;  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate;  took  his  seat  March  18,  1879;  was  re-elected  in 
1885,  1890  and  1897. 

Francis  Marion  Cockrell,  Democrat,  of  Warrensburg,  was  born  in 
Johnson  County,  Mo.,  October  1,  1834;  graduated  from  Chapel  Hill 


College,  Lafayette  County,  Mo.,  in  July,  1853;  studied  law  and  has 
pursued  that  profession;  elected  to  the  Senate,  took  his  seat  March  4, 
1875,  and  was  re-elected  four  times. 


James  Tighlman  Lloyd,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born  at 
Canton,  Lewis  County,  Mo.,  August  28,  1857;  graduated  from  Chris 
tian  University  at  Canton,  Mo.,  in  1878;  admitted  to  the  bar;  prose 
cuting  attorney  of  his  county  from  1889  to  1893;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fifth  Congress  June  1,  1897;  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  W.  Rucker,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  Feb 
ruary  1,  1855,  near  Covington,  Va. ;  moved  to  Chariton  County,  Mo. ; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1876;  in  1886  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of 
Chariton  County;  in  1892  was  elected  circuit  judge  for  a  term  of  six 
years;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  Dougherty,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in  Platte 
County,  Mo.,  February  25,  1857;  educated  in  the  public  schools  and 
William  Jewell  College;  studied  law;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1880; 
elected  city  attorney  of  Liberty,  Mo.,  in  1881;  elected  prosecuting 
attorney  of  Clay  County,  Mo.,  in  1888;  nominated  and  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  F.  Cochran,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in 
Kirksville,  Adair  County,  Mo.,  September  27,  1848;  resided  in  Atchi- 
son,  Kan.,  from  1860  till  1885 ;  was  educated  in  the  common  schools;  is 
a  practical  printer  and  newspaper  man  and  a  lawyer ;  served  four  years 
as  prosecuting  attorney  of  Atchison  County,  Kan.,  and  four  years  as 
a  member  of  the  Missouri  Senate;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  receiving  18,294 
votes,  to  16,261  for  Arthur  W.  Brewster,  Eepublican. 

William  Strother  Cowherd,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
September  1,  1860,  in  Jackson  County,  Mo.;  educated  at  University 
of  Missouri;  appointed  assistant  prosecuting  attorney  of  Jackson 
County  in  1885;  elected  mayor  of  Kansas  City  in  1892;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


David  A.  De  Armond,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in 
Blair  County,  Pa.,  March  18,  1844;  educated  in  the  common  schools 
and  at  Williamsport  Dickinson  Seminary;  State  Senator,  circuit  .judge, 
and  Missouri  Supreme  Court  Commissioner;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sec 
ond,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elec 
ted  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  Cooney,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  in  Ireland 
in  1848,  and  came  to  the  United  States  with  his  family  in  1852 ;  edu 
cated  at  the  State  University  of  Missouri;  engaged  in  the  practice  of 
law;  in  1882,  and  again  in  1884,  was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of 
his  county;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Dorsey  W.  Shackleford,  Democrat,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born 
August  27,  1853,  in  Saline  County,  Mo. ;  educated  in  the  public  schools 
of  the  State,  and  was  a  teacher  in  1877,  1878  and  1879  during  which 
period  he  carried  on  the  study  of  law;  served  as  prosecuting  attorney 
of  Cooper  County  two  terms,  from  1882  to  1886  and  from  1890  to 
1892;  elected  judge  of  the  fourteenth  judicial  circuit  of  Missouri; 
resigned  his  judicial  position  to  take  his  place  in  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 
gress,  to  which  he  had  been  elected  August  29,  1899. 

Champ  Clark,  Democrat,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  March  7, 
1850,  in  Anderson  County,  Ky. ;  educated  in  Kentucky  University, 
Bethany  College,  and  Cincinnati  Law  School;  city  attorney  of  Louis 
iana  and  Bowling  Green;  served  in  the  Fifty-third  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  was  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Richard  Bartholdt,  Eepublican,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born  in 
Germany,  November  2,  1853;  received  a  classical  education;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Frederick  Joy,  Eepublican,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born 
in  Morgan  County,  111.,  December  11,  1849 ;  in  1870  entered  the  aca 
demic  department  of  Yale  College,  from  which  he  graduated  June  25, 
1874;  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law  in  St.  Louis  in  September,  187G ; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses, 
and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Charles  Edward  Pearce,  Republican,  of  Twelfth  District,  was  born 
in  Whitesboro,  Oneida  County,  N.  Y. ;  educated  at  Fairfield  Seminary 
and  Union  College;  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  began  the  practice  of 
law  in  1867;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  in  1898  was 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edward  Robb,  Democrat,  of  Thirteenth  District,  was  born  at 
Brazeau,  in  Perry  County,  Mo.,  March  19,  1857;  graduated  from  the 
law  department  of  the  Missouri  State  University  in  March,  1879; 
elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  Perry  County  in  1880,  and  re-elected 
in  1882;  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature  in  1884,  and  re-elected  in 
1886;  was  appointed  assistant  attorney-general  of  the  State  in  Jan 
uary,  1889;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Willard  Duncan  Vandiver,  Democrat,  of  Fourteenth  District,  was 
born  in  Hardy  County,  Ya.,  March  30,  1854;  educated  at  Central  Col 
lege,  Fayette,  Mo. ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Maecenas  E.  Benton,  Democrat,  of  Fifteenth  District,  was  born  in 
Obion  County,  Tenn.,  January  29,  1849 ;  received  his  literary  educa 
tion  in  two  West  Tennessee  academies  and  in  St.  Louis  University; 
graduated  from  the  law  department  of  Cumberland  University  in 
June,  1870,  and  immediately  removed  to  Missouri;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Thomas  Henry  Carter,  Republican,  of  Helena,  was  born  in  Scioto 
County,  Ohio,  October  30,  1854;  received  a  common  school  education 
in  Illinois;  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar;  in  1882  removed 
from  Burlington,  Iowa,  to  Helena,  Mont.;  upon  the  admission  of  the 
State  was  elected  its  first  Representative  in  Congress;  in  January, 
1895,  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  Legislature  of 
Montana  for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1895. 


Albert  J.  Campbell,  Democrat,  of  Butte,  was  born  at  Pontiac, 
Mich.,  December  12,  1857;  educated  at  the  Agricultural  College,  Lan- 


sing,  Mich. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1881 ;  removed  to  Montana  Novem 
ber  16,  1889;  in  1897  was  a  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Park 
County;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


John  Mellen  Thurston,  Republican,  of  Omaha,  was  born  at  Mont- 
pelier,  Vt.,  August  21,  1847;  educated  in  the  public  schools  and  at 
Wayland  University,  Beaver  Dam,  Wis. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  May  21, 
1869,  and  in  October  of  the  same  year  located  in  Omaha;  elected  a 
member  of  the  city  council  in  1872,  city  attorney  of  Omaha  in  1874, 
and  a  member  of  the  Nebraska  Legislature  in  1875 ;  elected  to  United 
States  Senate  January  15,  1895,  for  the  term  commencing  March  4, 

William  Vincent  Allen,  Populist,  of  Madison,  was  born  in  Mid 
way,  Madison  County,  Ohio,  January  28,  1847;  removed  to  Iowa  in 
1857;  attended  the  Upper  Iowa  University,  at  Fayette,  for  a  time; 
admitted  to  the  bar  May  31,  1869 ;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
February  7,  1893;  elected  judge  November  7,  1899,  for  the  full  term 
to  begin  on  the  first  Thursday  in  January,  1900 ;  appointed  United 
States  Senator  December  13,  1899,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the 
death  of  Hon.  M.  L.  Hayward. 


Elmer  Jacob  Burkett,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born  in 
Mills  County,  Iowa,  December  1,  1867;  attended  Tabor  College,  at 
Tabor,  Iowa,  from  which  institution  he  graduated  in  June,  1890; 
entered  the  State  University  of  Nebraska  for  a  law  course ;  admitted  to 
the  bar  at  Lincoln  in  June,  1893 ;  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Legis 
lature  in  1896 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

David  Henry  Mercer,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Benton  County,  Iowa,  July  9,  1857;  entered  Nebraska  State  Univer 
sity  in  1877  and  graduated  in  1880;  moved  to  Omaha  in  1885 ;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  S.  Robinson,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  at 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  May  4,  1856 ;  received  his  education  in  the  public 
schools  of  that  city ;  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  West 


Virginia  in  1880;  in  1884  settled  at  Madison,  Neb. ;  elected  county 
attorney  of  Madison  County  in  1886,  and  re-elected  in  1890;  in  1893 
elected  judge  of  the  ninth  judicial  district  of  Nebraska,  and  re-elected 
in  1895;  elected  to  Fifty-sixth  Congress  in  1898. 

William  Ledyard  Stark,  Populist,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
in  Mystic,  New  London  County,  Conn.,  July  29,  1853;  graduated 
from  the  Mystic  Valley  Institute,  at  Mystic,  Conn.,  in  1872 ;  attended 
the  Union  College  of  Law,  Chicago,  111. ;  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Illinois  in  January,  1878;  removed  to  Aurora,  Neb., 
in  February,  1878;  deputy  district  attorney  for  two  years;  appointed 
once  and  elected  five  times  judge  of  the  county  court  of  Hamilton 
County,  Neb. ;  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Roderick  Dhu  Sutherland,  Populist,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
April  27,  1862,  at  Scotch  Grove,  Jones  County,  Iowa ;  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  Nuckolls  County,  Neb.,  in  1888;  elected  county  attorney  in 
1890,  and  re-elected  in  1892  and  1894;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress,  as  a  Populist;  was  the  unanimous  nominee  of  the  Populist, 
Democratic  and  Silver  Republican  parties  for  the  Fifty-sixth  Con 
gress,  and  was  re-elected. 

William  Neville,  Populist,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in  Wtah- 
ington  County,  111.,  December  29,  1843;  educated  at  McKendree 
College,  Lebanon,  111. ;  elected  to  the  Illinois  Legislature  as  a  Democrat 
in  the  fall  of  1872;  moved  to  Nebraska  in  May,  1874;  elected  to  the 
Nebraska  Legislature  in  1876;  moved  to  North  Platte  in  April,  1877; 
nominated  by  the  Populists,  Democrats  and  Silver  Republicans,  and 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


John  Percival  Jones,  of  the  Silver  party,  of  Gold  Hill,  was  born 
in  Herefordshire,  England,  in  1830;  went  to  Nevada  in  1867;  elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  as  a  Republican,  to  succeed  J.  W.  Nye, 
Republican;  took  his  seat  March  4,  1873,  and  was  r.e-elocted  in  1879, 
1885,  1890  and  1897. 


William  Morris  Stewart  was  bora  in  Lyons,  Wayne  County, 
N.  Y.,  August  9,  1827 ;  entered  Yale  College,  remaining  there  till  the 
winter  of  1849-50 ;  in  1860  he  removed  to  Virginia  City,  Nev. ;  member 
of  the  Territorial  Council  in  1861 ;  in  1863  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  Constitutional  Convention;  was  elected  United  States  Senator  in 
1864  and  re-eleeted  in  1869;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  as  a 
Republican,  in  1887,  to  succeed  James  G.  Fair,  Democrat,  and  took  his 
seat  March  4, 1887 ;  was  re-elected  in  1893  and  189Q. 


Francis  Griffith  Newlands,  Eepresentative-at-Large  of  the  Silver 
party,  of  Reno,  was  born  in  Natchez,  Miss.,  August  28,  1848 ;  entered 
the  Class  of  1867  at  Yale  College  and  remained  until  the  middle  of  his 
junior  year;  later  on  attended  the  Columbian  College  Law  School  at 
Washington,  but  prior  to  graduation  was  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia  and  went  to  San  Francisco ; 
in  1888  he  became  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Nevada;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and,  having 
received  his  nomination  from  both  the  Silver  party  and  the  Democratic 
party,  was  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


William  Eaton  Chandler,  Republican,  of  Concord,  was  born  in 
Concord,  N.  H.,  December  28,  1835 ;  graduated  at  Harvard  Law 
School  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1855 ;  a  member  of  the  New 
Hampshire  House  of  Representatives  in  1862,  1863  and  1864;  on 
March  9,  1865,  became  Solicitor  and  Judge-Advocate-General  of  the 
Navy  Department;  was  appointed  First  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  June  17,  1865;  appointed  by  President  Arthur  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  April  12,  1882,  and  served  till  March  7,  1885 ;  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  June  14,  1887;  re-elected  June  18,  1889,  and 
again  January  15,  1895. 

Jacob  H.  Gallinger,  Republican,  of  Concord,  was  born  in  Corn 
wall,  Ontario,  March  28,  1837;  studied  medicine  and  was  graduated  in 
1858;  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  New  Hamp- 


shire  in  1872-73  and  1891 ;  member  of  the  State  Senate  in  1878,  1879 
and  1880;  was  elected  to  the  Forty-ninth  and  Fiftieth  Congresses, 
and  declined  renomination  to  the  Fifty-first  Congress;  was  elected 
United  States  Senator  to  succeed  Henry  W.  Blair,  and  took  his  seat 
March  4,  1891,  and  was  unanimously  re-elected  in  1897. 


Cyras  Adams  Sulloway,  Eepublican,  of  First  District,  was  born  at 
Grafton,  N".  H.,  June  8,  1839 ;  received  a  common-school  and  academic 
education;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1863;  member  of  the  New  Hamp 
shire  House  of  Kepresentatives  in  1872-73  and  from  1887  to  1893, 
inclusive;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Frank  G.  Clarke,  Eepublican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Wilton,  N.  H.,  September  10,  1850;  educated  at  Kimball  Union 
Academy,  Meriden,  1ST.  H.,  and  at  Dartmouth  College;  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1876 ;  member  of  the  State  House  of  Representatives  of 
1885;  of  the  State  Senate  in  1889;  re-elected  to  the  former  in  1891; 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


William  J.  Sewell,  Republican,  of  Camden,  was  born  in  Ireland 
in  1835,  and  came  to  this  country  at  an  early  age;  elected  State  Sen 
ator  from  Camden  County  in  1872;  re-elected  in  1875  and  again  in 
1878;  while  yet  a  member  of  the  Legislature  he  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  in  1881 ;  was  again  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  in  1895. 

John  Kean,  Republican,  of  Ursino,  was  born  at  Ursino,  near 
Elizabeth,  K  J.,  December  4,  1852:  entered  Yale  College  in  the  Class 
of  1876 ;  graduated  at  Columbia  College  Law  School  1875 ;  was 
admitted  to  the  New  Jersey  bar  1877;  elected  to  the  Forty-eighth  and 
Fiftieth  Congresses ;  was  nominated  by  acclamation  by  the  Republican 
caucus,  and  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  January  25,  1899. 



Henry  C.  Loudenslager,  Republican,  of  First  District,  was  born 
in  Mauricetown,  Cumberland  County,  N.  J.,  May  22,  1852;  educated 
in  the  common  schools  of  his  county;  elected  county  clerk  in  1882  and 
re-elected  in  1887 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  J.  Gardner,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Atlantic  County  in  1845;  member  of  the  New  Jersey  State  Senate 
fifteen  years,  from  1878  to  1893;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Benjamin  F.  Ho  well,  Republican,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Cumberland  County,  1ST.  J.,  January,  1844;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Joshua  S.  Salmon,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  near 
Mount  Olive,  in  that  county,  February  2, 1846 ;  attended  the  seminaries 
at  Charlotteville,  N.  Y.,  and  Schooleys  Mountain,  N.  J. ;  also  took 
a  course  at  the  Albany  Law  School,  and  was  graduated  therefrom  in 
1873;  admitted  as  an  attorney  in  New  Jersey  in  1875;  elected  to  the 
State  Legislature  in  1877;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

James  Fleming  Stewart,  Republican,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
at  Paterson,  N.  J.,  June  15,  1851 ;  attended  public  and  private  schools 
in  Paterson  and  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York,  and  graduated 
at  the  law  school  of  the  latter  institution  in  1870 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Richard  Wayne  Parker,  Republican,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born 
August  6,  1848 ;  graduated  from  Princeton  College  in  1867  and  from 
the  law  school  of  Columbia  College  in  1869 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
of  New  Jersey  in  June,  1870;  was  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Assembly  of  New  Jersey  in  1885  and  1886 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Allan  Langdon  McDermott,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was 
born  in  South  Boston,  Mass.,  March  30,  1854;  is  a  lawyer  by  profes- 


sion;  member  of  the  State  Assembly,  1880-81;  member  of  the  State 
Senate,  1899-1900;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Newell  Fowler,  Republican,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born 
at  Lena,  111.,  November  2,  1852 ;  graduated  from  Yale  University  in 
1876  and  from  the  Chicago  Law  School  in  1878;  was  elected  to  the 
Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


Thomas  Collier  Platt,  Republican,  of  Owego,  was  born  in  Owego, 
N.  Y.,  July  15,  1833 ;  was  prepared  for  college  at  the  Owego  Academy; 
was  a  member  of  the  Class  of  1853  of  Yale  College ;  was  elected  to  the 
Forty-third  and  Forty-fourth  Congresses;  elected  United  States  Sena 
tor  January  18,  1S81 ;  elected  United  States  Senator  in  1896,  and  took 
his  seat  March  4,  1897. 

Chauncey  Mitchell  Depew,  Republican,  of  Peekskill,  was  born  in 
Peekskill,  X.  Y.,  April  23,  1834;  graduated  from  Yale  College  in  1856, 
and  in  1887  received  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  from  his  Alma  Mater;  read 
law  with  Honorable  William  Nelson,  of  Peekskill,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1858,  beginning  the  practice  of  his  profession  the  next  year. 

In  Public  Life. — In  1861  was  elected  to  the  Assembly,  and  re- 
elected  in  1862;  in  1863  led  the  Republican  campaign  in  New  York 
as  candidate  for  Secretary  of  State,  and  was  elected  by  30,000  majority ; 
refused  a  renomination ;  was  appointed  Minister  to  Japan,  and  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  but  declined  to  accept  the  office. 

Railway  Attorney. — In  1866  was  appointed  attorney  for  the 
New  York  and  Harlem  Railroad  Company,  and  has  since  continu 
ously  been  identified  with  that  and  the  New  York  Central  and  Hudson 
River  Railroad  Company,  the  successor  of  the  former  corporation,  and 
with  the  various  railroads  comprising  and  allied  to  the  Vanderbilt 
system  as  general  counsel. 

Railroad  President. — Became  president  of  the  New  Yojrk  Central 
and  Hudson  River  Railroad  in  1885 ;  resigned  in  1899  to  become  chair 
man  of  the  boards  of  directors  of  the  New  York  Central,  the  Lake 
Shore,  the  Michigan  Central  and  the  New  York,  Chicago  and  St. 
Louis  Railroad  companies. 


In  Politics. — In  1875  was  appointed  and  served  as  boundary  com 
missioner,  fixing  the  state  line  with  adjoining  States;  in  1872  was  can 
didate  for  lieutenant-governor  on  the  Liberal  Republican,  or  Greeley, 
ticket,  but  acted  with  the  Republican  party  the  next  year,  and  has 
canvassed  the  State  and  country  for  the  party  every  year  since  1872 ; 
in  1874  was  elected  regent  of  the  State  University,  and  appointed  one 
of  the  commissioners  to  build  the  State  Capitol;  in  1885,  the  United 
States  Senatorship  was  tendered  him,  but  his  business  and  professional 
engagements  at  that  time  prevented  acceptance;  was  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidential  nomination  at  the  Republican  National  Convention  at 
Chicago  in  1888,  and  received  ninety-one  votes;  was  delegate-at-large 
to  the  conventions  in  1892  and  1896,  presenting  the  name  of  President 
Harrison  for  renomination  to  the  former  and  that  of  Governor  Morton 
to  the  latter. 

In  United  States  Senate.— Was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
to  succeed  Edward  Murphy,  Jr.,  Democrat.  His  term  of  service 
expires  March  3,  1905. 


Townsend  Scudder,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born  at 
Northport,  Suffolk  County,  N.  Y.,  July  26,  1865;  graduated  from 
Columbia  Law  School,  in  the  Class  of  1888;  admitted  to  the  bar  of 
New  York  in  1889 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  J.  Fitzgerald,  Democrat,  of  Second  District,  was  born  in 
Brooklyn  March  10,  1872 ;  entered  Manhattan  College,  New  York  City,- 
and  graduated  therefrom ;  studied  law  at  the  New  York  Law  School ; 
and  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edmund  Hope  Driggs,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born  in 
Brooklyn,  May  2,  1865  ;  educated  at  Adelphi  College,  Brooklyn;  elected 
to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Bertram  Tracy  Clayton,  Democrat,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born 
in  Clayton,  Ala.,  October  19,  1862;  educated  at  the  University  of  Ala 
bama  and  at  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  West  Point,  N.  Y. ; 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Frank  E.  Wilson,  M.  D.,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born  in 
1857,  at  Koxbury,  Delaware  County,  X.  Y. ;  graduated  from  the 
Jeiferson  Medical  College,  Philadelphia,  in  1882;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Mitchell  May,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  July  11, 
1871;  educated  in  the  public  schools  and  in  the  Brooklyn  Polytechnic 
Institute,  later  entering  the  law  school  of  Columbia  College,  graduat 
ing  in  1892 ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1893 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Nicholas  Muller,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born  in  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Luxembourg,  November  15,  1830;  attended  the 
Luxembourg  Athena3um;  member  of  the  State  Assembly  in  1875  and 
1876 ;  member  of  the  Forty-fifth,  Forty-sixth,  Forty-eighth  and  Forty- 
ninth  Congresses,  and  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Daniel  J.  Kiordan,  Democrat,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born  in 
Hester  street,  in  the  Eighth  Congressional  District;  entered  Man 
hattan  College  and  graduated  therefrom  in  1890 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

Thomas  J.  Bradley,  Democrat,  of  Ninth  District,  was  born  Janu 
ary  2,  1870,  in  the  City  of  New  York;  graduated  at  the  College  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  1887 ;  graduated  as  a  Bachelor  of  Laws  in  1889 ; 
elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Amos  J.  Cummings,  Democrat,  of  Tenth  District,  was  born  in 
Conkling,  Broome  County,  N.  Y.,  May  15,  1841;  received  a  common 
school  education ;  elected  to  the  Fiftieth  Congress ;  declined  a  renomi- 
nation;  elected  to  the  Fifty-first,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

William  Sulzer,  Democrat,  of  Eleventh  District,  was  born  in  Eliza 
beth,  N.  J.,  March  18,  18G3;  educated  in  the  public  schools;  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1884 ;  member  of  the  New  York  Legislature  in  1890,  1891, 
1892,  1893  and  1894;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


George  B.  McClellan,  Democrat,  of  Twelfth  District,  was  born 
November  23,  1865,  in  Dresden,  Saxony;  graduated  from  Princeton 
College  in  1886;  is  a  lawyer  by  profession;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth 
and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Jefferson  M.  Levy,  Democrat,  of  Thirteenth  District,  was  born  in 
New  York ;  graduated  from  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York ; 
admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  State  of  New  York ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

William  Astor  Chanler,  Democrat,  of  Fourteenth  District,  was 
born  June  11,  1867,  in  Newport,  R.  I. ;  educated  at  St.  John's  School, 
Sing  Sing,  Phillips  Academy,  Exeter,  N.  H.,  and  Harvard  University ; 
elected  to  the  Assembly  in  the  New  York  State  Legislature  in  1897 
from  the  Fifth  District,  and  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Jacob  Euppert,  Jr.,  Democrat,  of  Fifteenth  District,  was  born 
August  5,  1867,  in  the  City  of  New  York;  educated  at  the  Columbia 
Grammar  School;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  Quincy  Underbill,  Democrat,  of  Sixteenth  District,  was  born 
in  New  Roehelle,  February  19,  1848;  educated  in  private  and  public 
schools  and  at  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Arthur  Sidney  Tompkins,  Republican,  of  Seventeenth  District, 
was  born  August  26,  1865,  in  Schoharie  County,  N.  Y. ;  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1886 ;  served  in  the  Assembly  of  1890 ;  elected  county  judge  of 
Rockland  County  in  1893 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  H.  Ketcham,  Republican,  of  Eighteenth  District,  was  born 
at  Dover,  N.  Y.,  December  21,  1832;  received  an  academic  education; 
member  of  the  State  Senate  of  New  York  in  1860  and  1861 ;  elected  to 
the  Thirty-ninth,  Fortieth,  Forty-first,  Forty-second,  Forty-fifth, 
Forty-sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth,  Fifty- 
first,  Fifty-second  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses  and  re-elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Aaron  V.  S.  Cochrane,  Republican,  of  Ninteenth  District,  was 
born  March  14,  1858,  at  Coxsackie,  N.  Y.;  entered  Yale  College  in 
1875,  and  was  graduated  in  1879 ;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1881 ;  elected 
district  attorney  of  Columbia  County  in  1889 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth 
Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 


Martin  H.  Glynn,  Democrat,  of  Twentieth  District,  was  born  in 
the  town  of  Kind'erhook,  September  27,  1871;  educated  in  the  public 
schools  and  graduated  from  St.  John's  College,  Fordham,  at  the  head 
of  the  Class  of  1894;  studied  law,  and  is  a  member  of  the  Albany 
County  bar;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

John  Knox  Stewart,  Eepublican,  of  Twenty-first  District,  was  born 
in  the  town  of  Perth,  Fulton  County,  N.  Y.,  October  20,  1853;  educated 
in  the  public  schools  and  at  Amsterdam  Academy;  in  1889  was  elected* 
member  of  the  Assembly  from  Montgomery  County,  and  was  elected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Lucius  Nathan  Littauer,  Republican,  of  Twenty-second  District, 
was  born  January  20,  1859,  in  Gloversville ;  educated  at  Harvard  Uni 
versity,  and  was  graduated  in  1878;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Con 
gress;  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Louis  W.  Emerson,  Republican,  of  Twenty-third  District,  was 
born  at  Warrensburg,  July  25,  1857;  educated  at  Warrensburg 
Academy;  State  Senator  from  the  Nineteenth  District  for  two  terms, 
commencing  1891;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Albert  Duane  Shaw,  Republican,  of  Twenty-fourth  District,  was 
born  in  the  town  of  Lyme,  Jefferson  County,  N.  Y.,  December  27, 
1841;  educated  at  Belleville  Union  Academy  and  Canton  University; 
elected  member  of  the  State  Assembly  in  1866;  unanimously  nomi 
nated  by  the  Republicans  of  the  Twenty-fourth  District  to  fill  the 
vacancy  in  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  caused  by  the  death  of  the  Hon. 
C.  A.  Chickering,  and  elected. 

James  Schoolcraft  Sherman,  Republican,  of  Twenty-fifth  District, 
was  born  in  Utica,  N.  Y.,  October  24,  1855;  received  an  academic  and 
collegiate  education,  graduating  from  Hamilton  College  in  the  Class 
of  1878 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1880 ;  elected  to  the  Fiftieth,  Fifty- 
first,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re- 
elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  W.  Ray,  Republican,  of  Twenty-sixth  District,  was  born 
in  Otselic,  Chenango  County,  N.  Y.,  February  3,  1844;  educated  in  the 
common  schools  and  at  Norwich  Academy;  studied  law,  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  November,  1867;  elected  to  the  Forty-eighth  Congress; 


elected  to  the  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth 
Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Michael  E.  Briscoll,  Republican,  of  Twenty-seventh  District,  was 
born  in  Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  February  9,  1851;  educated*  in  the  district 
schools,  Munro  Collegiate  Institute,  at  Elbridge,  Onondaga  County, 
and  Williams  College;  is  a  lawyer,  and  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

Sereno  E.  Payne,  Republican,  of  Twenty-eighth  District,  was  born 
at  Hamilton,  N.  Y.,  June  26,  1843 ;  graduated  at  University  of  Roch 
ester,  1864;  admitted  to  bar  1866,  and  entered  on  practice  at  Auburn; 
district  attorney  of  Cayuga  County,  1873-79;  elected  to  Forty-eighth 
and  subsequent  Congresses  (except  Fiftieth). 

Charles  W.  Gillet,  Republican,  of  Twenty-ninth  District,  was  born 
at  Addison,  N.  Y.,  November  26,  1840;  graduated  at  Union  College, 
Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  Class  of  1861;  elected  to  the  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

James  Wolcott  Wadsworth,  Republican,  of  Thirtieth  District,  was 
born  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  October  12,  1846;  was  preparing  at  New 
Haven,  Conn.,  to  enter  Yale  College,  but  left  in  the  fall  of  1864  and 
entered  the  army;  was  member  of  the  Assembly  in  1878  and  1879, 
and  comptroller  of  the  State  of  New  York  in  1880  and  1881;  elected! 
to  the  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Fifty-second,  Fifty-third,  Fifty- 
fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

James  M.  E.  O'Grady,  Republican,  of  Thirty-first  District,  was 
born  at  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  March  31,  1863;  educated  in  the  Rochester 
schools;  graduated  from  the  University  of  Rochester,  1885;  admitted 
as  a  lawyer  in  the  fall  of  1885 ;  member  of  the  New  York  State  Assem 
bly  from  the  Second  Monroe  District  in  1893,  1894,  1895,  1896,  1897 
and  1898;  elected  to  the  Ffty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Henry  Ryan,  Democrat,  of  Thirty-second  District,  was 
born  in  Hopkinton,  Mass.,  May  10,  1860;  came  to  Buffalo  in  1866; 
educated  in  the  public  schools  and  high  school;  elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 


De  Alva  Stan  wood  Alexander,  Republican,  of  Thirty-third  Dis 
trict,  was  born  July  17,  1846,  in  Richmond,  Me.;  took  his  bachelor's 
degree  from  Bowdoin  College  in  1870 ;  on  leaving  Washington,  removed 
to  Buffalo;  in  1889  was  appointed  United  States  Attorney  for  the 
northern  district  of  New  York ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Edward  B.  Vreeland,  Republican,  of  Thirty-fourth  District,  was 
born  at  Cuba,  Allegany  County,  N.  Y.,  in  1857;  received  an  aca 
demic  education;  admitted  to  the  practice  of  law  in  1881;  elected  to 
the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  November  7,  1899. 


Marion  Butler,  Populist,  of  Elliot,  was  born  in  Sampson  County, 
N.  C.,  May  20,  1863;  graduated  at  the  University  of  North  Carolina 
in  1885;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1890  as  an  Alliance-Democrat; 
elected  chairman  of  the  National  Executve  Committee  of  the  People's 
party  in  1896;  re-entered  the  University  Law  School  in  May,  1899, 
and  was  licensed  to  practice  law  b}^  the  State  Supreme  Court  on  Sep 
tember  26  of  the  same  year;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to 
succeed  Matt  W.  Ransom,  Democrat,  in  1895. 

Jeter  Connelly  Pritchard,  Republican,  of  Marshall,  was  born  in 
Jonesboro,  Term.,  July  12,  1857;  received  a  common-school  education 
at  Martins  Creek  Academy;  removed  to  Bakersville,  Mitchell  County, 
N.  C.,  in  1873;  elected  to  the  Legislature  in  1884,  1886  and  1890; 
licensed  to  practice  law  in  1887;  in  April,  1894,  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate  to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of  the  late  Senator  Z.  B. 
Vance;  was  re-elected  in  1897. 


John  Humphrey  Small,  Democrat,  of  First  District,  was  born 
August  29,  1858,  in  Washington,  N.  C. ;  educated  in  the  schools  of 
Washington,  and  at  Trinity  College,  North  Carolina ;  licensed  to  prac 
tice  law  in  January,  1881 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

George  Henry  White,  Republican,  of  Second  District,  was  born  at 
Rosindale,  Bladen  County,  N.  C.,  December  18,  1852;  entered  Howard 
University,  Washington,  D.  C. :  graduated  from  the  eclectic  depart- 


ment  of  that  institution  in  the  Class  of  1877;  read  law  while  taking 
academic  course;  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1880  and 
to  the  State  Senate  in  1884;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Charles  Randolph  Thomas,  Democrat,  of  Third  District,  was  born 
at  Beaufort,  N.  C.,  August  21,  1861 ;  educated  at  the  New  Bern  Acad 
emy,  and  the  University  of  North  Carolina,  graduating  in  1881; 
studied  law;  admitted  to  the  bar  in  October,  1882;  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  North  Carolina  Legislature  in  1887; 
elected  in  1896  Democratic  Presidential  Elector  for  the  third  congres 
sional  district  of  North  Carolina,  and  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth 

John  Wilbur  Atwater,  Populist,  of  Fourth  District,  was  born  in 
Chatham  County,  N.  C.,  December  27,  1810;  received  a  common- 
schoul  and  academic  education;  elected  State  Senator  in  1890  as  an 
Alliance-Democrat,  and  again  in  1892  and  1896  as  a  Populist;  C'lected 
to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

William  Walton  Kitchin,  Democrat,  of  Fifth  District,  was  born 
near  Scotland  Neck,  N.  C.,  October  9,  1866;  educated  at  Vine  Hill 
Academy  and  Wake  Forest  College,  where  he  graduated  in  1884; 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1887;  nominee  of  his  party  for  the  State  Senate 
in  1892;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress,  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress. 

John  Dillard  Bellamy,  Democrat,  of  Sixth  District,  was  born  in 
Wilmington,  N.  C.,  March  24,  1854;  educated  at  the  Cape  Fear  Mili 
tary  Academy,  and  at  the  University  of  Virginia,  graduating  in  several 
of  the  schools  in  1874,  and  with  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Law  in  1875 ; 
State  Senator  from  the  twelfth  senatorial  district;  elected  to  the 
Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Theodore  F.  Kluttz,  Democrat,  of  Seventh  District,  was  born 
in  Salisbury,  Rowan  County,  N.  C.,  October  4,  1848 ;  received  his  edu 
cation  in  schools  of  his  native  county;  is  a  lawyer  in  full  practice; 
was  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Romulus  Z.  Linney,  Republican,  of  Eighth  District,  was  born 
in  Rutherford  County,  N.  C.,  December  26,  1841;  educated  in  the 
common  schools  of  the  county,  at  York's  Collegiate  Institute,  and  at 


Dr.  Millen's  school  at  Taylorsville ;  admitted  to  the  bar  by  the  Supreme 
Court  in  1868;  elected  to  the  State  Senate  in  1870,  1873.  and  again  in 
1882;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  and  Fifty-fifth  Congresses,  and 
re-elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

Richmond  Pearson,  Eepublican,  of  Ninth  District,  was  bom  at 
Richmond  Hill,  N.  C.,  January  26,  1852;  graduated  at  Princeton 
College  in  the  Class  of  1872; -admitted  to  the  bar  of  North  Carolina 
in  1874;  a  member  of  the  North  Carolina  Legislature  in  1885  and. 
again  in  1887;  elected  to  the  Fifty-fourth  Congress  as  an  Indepen 
dent  Protectionist  and  re-elected  to  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  as  a  Eepub 
lican;  was  the  Eepublican  candidate  for  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress; 
seated*  by  the  House  May  10,  1900. 


Henry  C.  Hansbrough,  Eepublican,  of  Devils  Lake,  was  born  in 
Eandolph  County,  111.,  January  30,  1848;  received  a  common-school 
education;  twice  elected  mayor  of  his  city;  nominated  for  Congress 
by  the  first  Eepublican  State  convention  in  North  Dakota,  and  was 
elected,  receiving  14,071  majority,  and  was  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate  January  23,  1891;  re-elected  in  1897. 

Porter  James  McCumber,  Eepublican,  of  Wahpeton,  was  born  in 
Illinois  February  3,  1858;  removed  to  Eochester,  Minn.,  the  same 
year;  took  the  law  course  in  the  University  of  Michigan,  graduating 
in  1880;  removed  to  Wahpeton,  N.  Dak.,  in  1881;  member  of  the 
Territorial  Legislature  in  1895  and  1897;  state  attorney  until  he 
became  a  candidate  for  Senator;  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate 
January  20,  1899. 


Burleigh  Folsom  Spalding,  Eepublican,  of  Fargo,  was  born  in 
Craftsbury,  Orleans  County,  Vt.,  December  3,  1853;  educated  at  the 
Lyndon  Literary  Institute,  Lyndon,  Vt.,  and  Norwich  University,  the 
military  college  of  the  State  of  Vermont,  where  he  graduated  in  1877; 
read  law  in  Montpelier,  Vt.,  and,  after  admission  to  the  bar  in  March, 
1880,  moved  to  Fargo;  member  of  the  North  Dakota  Constitutional 
Convention  in  1899 ;  elected  to  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 



Joseph  Benson  Foraker,  Republican,  of  Cincinnati,  was  born  July 
5,  1846,  in  Highland'  County,  Ohio;  graduated  from  Cornell  Univer 
sity,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  July  1,  1869 ;  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  entered 
upon  the  practice  of  the  law  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  October  14,  1869 ; 
elected  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati  in  April,  1879; 
elected  governor  in  1885,  and  re-elected  in  1887;  electee!  United  States 
Senator  January  15,  1896,  to  succeed  Calvin  S.  Brice,  and  took  his  seat 
March  4,  1897. 

Marcus  Alonzo  Hanna,  Republican,  of  Cleveland,  was  born  in  New 
Lisbon,  Columbiana  County,  Ohio,  September  24,  1837.  He  removed 
with  his  father's  family  to  Cleveland  in  1852;  was  educated  in  the 
common  schools  of  that  city  and  the  Western  Reserve  College,  Hudson, 
Ohio;  was  engaged  as  an  employe  in  the  wholesale  grocer}''  house  of 
Hanna,  Garretson  &  Co.,  his  father  being  senior  member  of  the  firm; 
his  father  died  in  1862  and  he  represented  that  interest  in  the  firm 
until  1867,  when  the  business  was  closed  up. 

In  Lumber  and  Coal  Business. — Then  became  a  member  of  the